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INTRODUCTION . . . - . . 

SIGLA. s s e b œ 

1. INDEX OF PERSONS . . . . .. .. . 459 

2. INDEX OF AUTHORS CITED . . . . . 46i 

3. GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX e e a . . . 462 

MAP OF SICILY . ei. . e . .  . Atend 


Tne last twenty books (XXI-XL) of the Library of 
History begin with the battle of Ipsus, fought in 
301 B.C., and in their original complete form carried 
the account down to the author’s own day, closing 
with the events of 61/0 B.c.!* Though Diodorus is now 
held in scant esteem as a historian—in marked con- 
trast to his high repute in the XVIth century—, and 
though his work is admittedly derivative in character 
and hence of uneven worth, depending on the relia- 
bility of his sources, still the loss sustained by the 
disappearance of these books is scarcely to be 
measured in terms of their intrinsic merit. Had they 
survived intact, they would have given us, as nothing 
now does, a single, continuous, and detailed narrative 
of events in the whole Mediterranean world during 
two and a half crucial centuries, and a historical per- 
spective that we now sadly lack. As it is, no more 
than a fraction of the original survives, mostly in 
brief excerpts or, occasionally, in longer but freely 
condensed paraphrase. Even these sorry fragments, 
however, preserve the record of many incidents other- 

1 The last narrative fragment (Book 40. 5a) preserved 
concerns the Catilinarian Conspiracy, 63 s.c. For a discus- 
sion of the conflicting evidence on the terminal date of the 
work, and the possibility that Diodorus originally intended 
to carry it on to 46/5 B.c., see Oldfather’s Introduction to 
Vol. I, pp. xiv-xv, xviii-xix. 



wise unknown or give us a glimpse of historical 
traditions different from those that were destined to 

By far the greater part of the fragments come 
from the historical anthologies compiled in the Xth 
century for Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus, though 
of the fifty-three original collections only four are 
preserved : the Excerpta de Legationibus (IIepì mper- 
Bev), de Virtutibus et Vitis (Ilepì àperhs kaì kakias), 
de Insidiüs (Ilep imıBovàðv karà Pariàkov yeyovviðv), 
and de Sententiis (Ilepì yvwpôv, or, better, Iep yvu- 
pikôv drosto paTov), each including some passages 
from Diodorus. Next in importance come the frag- 
ments from Books XXI-XXVI known as the Eclogae 
Hoeschelianae, and the relatively long extracts from 
XXXI-XL preserved in the Bibliotheca (or Myriobib- 
lion) of Photius. Finally, there are the miscellaneous 
fragments drawn from the Church Fathers or from 
writers of the Byzantine period, of which those found 
in Georgius Syncellus are the most significant, those 
from Tzetzes the most exotic. 

These sources preserve or reflect the text of 
Diodorus with varying degrees of fidelity. The most 
reliable are the Constantinian collections, as can 
readily be seen by comparing their excerpts from the 
surviving books with the originals. The procedure 
followed by the excerptors was quite simple. From 
the complete text they selected the passages appro- 

1 This collection is divided into two parts : Ilept mpeoßeðv 
‘Pwpaiwv mpòs éfvixoús, which contains only one passage 
(31. 15. 2) from Diodorus, and Ilep mpeofesv evõv mpos 

2 Boissevain, in his apparatus criticus to the De Sententiis, 
conveniently records all the excerptor’s departures from the 
standard text. 



priate to their several rubrics, and these they copied 
out substantially as they stood, omitting whatever 
seemed irrelevant to their purpose (with or without 
careful bridging of the gap), and resorting occasion- 
ally to mere paraphrase of the original. As they had 
little interest in history as such, but only in the 
lessons of history, they would prefix to each selection 
no more than a summary indication of the situation, 
often with scant attention to grammatical niceties.!? 
For the reconstruction of the lost books it is of capital 
importance that in each of these collections the ex- 
cerpts invariably appear in proper sequence, accord- 
ing to the original, though unfortunately without 
indication of the original division into books. 

The Hoeschel fragments are quite different in 
character, and are almost certainly independent of 
the Constantinian collections. Here the division by 
books is indicated, and the selection of material was 
made along different lines, the primary interest of 
the editor being in the march of events rather than 
the isolated exemplum.? Above all there was a keen 
interest in Sicilian affairs,’ evidenced in particular by 
several lengthy passages of considerable historical 
importance, which in form, however, are clearly 
summaries of the original account rather than ver- 
batim extracts. Unfortunately, the carelessness or 
ineptitude of the compiler was such that his bar- 

1 Striking examples of careless introductions are found iù 
23. 11, 27. 4. 8, and 27.11. See below, p. xviii. 

2 Here too, however, there are many sententiae, and some 
curious correspondences with the De Sententiis (cp. 21. 21. 
9-10 and 23. 15. 10-12) may suggest that the Hoeschel ex- 
cerptor was familiar with that collection. 

3 The pronounced emphasis on Sicily points to that island 
as the probable place of origin for the compilation. 



barous style often obscures or even distorts the nar- 
rative. Where, as in 22, 1. 2-3, we can set his account 
of events side by side with a Constantinian passage, 
it is possible to see how far the distortion has gone, 
but very often no such control exists. 

Many of the Photian fragments are likewise con- 
densations of the original text, as can be seen by 
comparing the long narrative of the First Servile 
Revolt (34/5. 2. 1-24) with the scattering of parallel 
passages (ibid. 24b-48) from the Constantinian col- 
lections. Here again the historian must reckon with 
the possibility of distortion or over-simplification, 
but there is always at least the compensation that in 
such summaries we have a complete and connected 
story, not merely a series of isolated scenes torn 
from their context. The material selected by Pho- 
tius is rich in interest, notably his accounts of the 
Jews in Books XXXIV/XXXV and XL, and he is 
again helpful in determining the division of the later 
books, despite some confusion in the recorded attri- 
bution by books, either on his part or that of later 


The history of the several groups of fragments 
under consideration, though not without interest 
and significance, may here be recounted briefly. 
The first to be discovered were some-of the excerpts 
made by Photius, which appeared, partly in Greek 
and partly in Latin, in the first complete edition of 
Diodorus, that of H. Stephanus (Geneva, 1559). L. 
Rhodoman, whose reprint of Stephanus’ text with a 
Latin translation (Hanau, 1604) was to remain for 
nearly a hundred and fifty years the standard edition 


of Diodorus, included these fragments as given by 
Stephanus, but also, despite some repetition, added 
an appendix containing the Photian excerpts in their 

Meanwhile, in 1582, Fulvius Ursinus (Orsino) had 
published at Antwerp part of the Constantinian De 
Legationibus, Diodorus included.? It is hard not to 
believe that Rhodoman knew of this edition, especi- 
ally since he gave some assistance to Hoeschel when 
the latter published the rest of the collection, under 
the title Eclogae Legationum, at Augsburg in 1603. 
But whatever the reason for his oversight, Rhodoman 
failed to include these fragments in his edition, and 
it remained for Wesseling to unite them with the 
full text of Diodorus. 

As an appendix to his Eclogae Legationum Hoeschel 
also published the fragments of Diodorus that are 
now known by his name. A year later, in substanti- 
ally the same form, but now accompanied by a Latin 
translation, a brief commentary, and a list of correc- 
tions, they were reprinted by Rhodoman in his 1604 
edition of Diodorus. Hoeschel, in his Preface, makes 

1 The full text of the Bibliotheca had been published by 
David Hoeschel at Augsburg in 1601. Rhodoman mentions 
this edition at one point in his Preface and (inconveniently) 
keys his notes to its pages rather than his own. Though I 
have not seen the Augsburg edition I assume, therefore, that 
Rhodoman used it for his text. It is curious, however, that 
in the Preface he thanks, not his friend Hoeschel, but Abra- 
ham Drentwedius of Augsburg for making the Photian 
excerpts available to him—whether by gift of a manuscript 
or of the printed volume he does not say. 

2 Some of the emendations ascribed to Ursinus are cer- 
tainly by Ant. Augustinus, archbishop of Tarragona, who had 
had a MS. in his own possession copied and sent to Ursinus 
with his annotations (see de Boor’s edition of the Eec. de 
Legationibus, Preface, pp. xiii-xiv). 



only this statement concerning the fragments : “ His 
corollarium addidimus Eclogas librorum Diodori 
Siculi amissorum, quas e Codice Ludovici Alemanni 
Florentini doctiss. R. Thomson Anglus mecum amice 
communicavit.” In the same year, however, he 
wrote to a friend, commending Rhodoman “ qui 
suam mihi åyxívorav kal eùrroyíav probavit in 
libro rperfeðv rép quod constabit, cum notas 
edidero[;} nunc enim textus, quem vocant, impressus 
est modo.” 1 Since the promised Notes never ap- 
peared, the exact relationship of the two editors 
remains an unresolved problem, though Rhodoman 
consistently speaks as if he alone were responsible 
for all the emendations to the text, those that appear 
in the margin of both editions no less than the ones 
found only in his notes. As a purely arbitrary solu- 
tion to the problem I have attributed to both men 
the marginal emendations, to Hoeschel alone the 
changes indicated in the text proper, and of course 
to Rhodoman alone those that appear only in his 
commentaries. After 1604 no more is heard either 
of the original manuscript or of Thomson’s copy of 
it. Thus the two editions, of 1603 and 1604, haye 
for us the value of manuscripts, and the text of 
Hoeschel is cited in the critical notes as H, that of 
Rhodoman, wherever it shows a significant variant, 
as ed. Rhod. 

In 1634 H. Valesius (Valois) published, from a 
manuscript (P) purchased in Cyprus for Nicolaus 
Peirescius in 1627, the text of the collection De Virtu- 
tibus et Vitiis. In the interim the manuscript was for 
a while in the hands of Claudius Salmasius (Saul- 

1 Quoted by Wesseling in his Praefatio (but with a comma 
after edidero). 



maise), who copied parts of it and made many emen- 
dations to the text. This copy was discovered by 
Büttner-Wobst in the Bibliothèque Nationale (Codex 
Parisinus 2550), and since time and neglect have 
caused the Peirese manuscript to deteriorate, the 
copy is not only of some importance for the actual 
text, but also attests Salmasius’ prior claim to many 
emendations made independently by Valesius and 
others later. 

The next important contribution came more than 
a century later, when Petrus Wesseling produced his 
great edition in two folio volumes (Amsterdam, 1746). 
This edition, which is still fundamental to all students 
of Diodorus, not least for its copious and illuminating 
annotations, brought together all of Diodorus that 
was then known, and Wesseling himself collected 
and added a number of isolated fragments found in 
later authors. 

The collection De Sententiis was discovered by Car- 
dinal Angelo Mai in a Vatican palimpsest (V), and 
published by him in 1827, in Scriptorum veterum nova 
collectio e Vaticanis codicibus edita, vol. II. Unfortu- 
nately the chemicals that he used on the manuscript 
to bring out the original text have wrought serious 
damage. Nonetheless Boissevain, by diligent inspec- 
tion of the manuscript over a period of five months, 
was able to recover numerous true readings where 
Mai and others had failed. Thanks to his. efforts; 
therefore, the present edition offers an improved 
text of these fragments that differs in many instances 
from the standard text of Dindorf’s Teubner edition. 

The last major discovery, that of the Ezcerpta de 
Insidiis, followed hard upon Mai’s publication of V. 
The Escorial manuscript (S), which is our sole source 



here for Diodorus and for most of the other authors 
represented in the collection, was copied in 1830 by 
C. Aug. L. Feder. For some reason, however, it was 
not until 1848 that he first published, at Darmstadt, 
a part of the text, including the extracts from 
Diodorus.! Jn the same year, at Paris, the Escorial 
fragments of Polybius, Diodorus, and Dionysius were 
brought out by Carolus Mueller in vol. II of the 
Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum, apparently from 
a copy he himself had made of the manuscript. 
Neither edition, however, was conspicuous for its 
` accuracy, and it was again not until 1905, with de 
Boor’s edition of the entire collection, that a sound 
text for this portion-of Diodorus became available. 
The rest of the story is one not of discovery but of 
consolidation. In this sphere the chief contributor 
was Ludwig Dindorf, who between 1826 and 1868 
brought out four separate editions of Diodorus, and 
whose services, especially as regards Books XXI-XL, 
entitle him to be ranked beside Wesseling himself. 
Of these editions the second, third, and fourth are 
still of great value.? The second (Dindorf*), pub- 
lished by Hartmann at Leipzig, 1828-1831, is indeed 
indispensable for the fragments, since it is the only 
complete edition with critical apparatus; unfortu- 
nately it is rare and difficult to come by. Although 
the collections of fragments were here still printed 
as separate units, as in the Wesseling edition, a table 
was now provided (vol. ii. 2, pp. 213-245) to show 
their arrangement in chronological order. Dindorf 
1 I have seen and used only the reprint of 1849, which 
lacks the Latin translation of the 1848 edition. 
2 Pace F. Vogel who, speaking to be sure primarily of 

Books VI-X (in vol. ii of his Teubner edition. p. vii), mini- 
mizes Dindorf’s work on the fragments. 



also made many additions to the section of miscel- 
laneous fragments and did much to improve and 
elucidate the text of V, just published by Mai. 

The third edition (Paris: Didot, 1842-1844), 
though based on a new recension of the Greek text 
by Dindorf, was actually the work of Mueller,! who 
for the first time arranged the fragments chrono- 
logically and by books, and provided the Latin trans- 
lation (for the most part ultimately the work of 

Finally, Dindorf re-edited the text for the Teubner 
series (Leipzig, 1866-1868), keeping Mueller’s chrono- 
logical arrangement ? of Books XXI-XL, but adding 
the Escorial fragments, and incorporating many 
emendations of his own and of other recent scholars, 
notably Herwerden. Since the Vogel-Fischer edition 
was never carried beyond Book XX, Dindorf! has 
remained the standard text for Books XXI-XL, and 
it is therefore all the more regrettable that Dindorf 
did not here provide a critical apparatus.? 

Since Dindorf’s day the chief contribution to the 
study of the fragments is the splendid critical edition 

1 For convenience’ sake this edition is cited simply as 
Dindorf’, without mention of Mueller. And, in fact, though 
the chronological disposition of the fragments, the major 
contribution of this edition, was Mueller’s work, the ground- 
work for this had been laid by Dindorf, in the table men- 
tioned above. 

ż The numbering of the fragments is for the most part 
the same, since the new fragments were generally fitted into 
place as supplementary chapters (e.g. chap. 5a between chap. 
5 and chap. 6), but enough changes were made tọ make it 
unsafe to cite by the Didot numbers. 

3 Bekker’s Teubner edition of Diodorus (1853-1854), 
though the first to include the Escorial fragments (here 

printed as a separate appendix), gives no critical notes for 
Books XXI-XL, and has little value, 



of the Constantinian corpus, published at Berlin by 
Weidmann (1903-1910), under the general title 
Excerpta historica iussu Imp. Constantini Porphyrogeniti 
confecta. The volumes relevant to Diodorus are the 
following : 

I Excerpta de Legationibus, ed. C. de Boor, 1903. 
II Excerpta de Virtutibus et Vitiis, pars I, ed. 
T. Büttner-Wobst, 1906. 
III Excerpta de Insidiis, ed., C. de Boor, 1905. 
IV Excerpta de Sententiis, ed. U. P. Boissevain, 

Though the avowed aim in this series was to recover 
the text of the Byzantine excerptors, rather than 
that of the original authors, the editors have placed 
in their debt all students of classical as well as Byzan- 
tine Greek. And for the fragments of Diodorus their 
care in recording the readings of the manuscripts 
has made possible a much improved text, above all 
in the De Sententiis and the De Legationibus. 

Tue Present EDITION 

It is now a century and a quarter since the last 
critical edition of the fragments of Books XXI-XL 
was published, and neither that edition (Dindorf?) 
nor the Excerpta Historica are readily available. Had 
the Vogel-Fischer edition of Diodorus gone on to 
include these books, taking account of the improved 
text of the Constantinian collections, it might have 
been practicable to accept it as a standard text, 
which could be reproduced with a minimum of change. 
As it is, no single edition can now be regarded as 
“ standard,’ and though the editor has leaned 


heavily on Dindorf*, it seems essential to justify the 
text now presented by providing a much fuller critical 
apparatus than is customary in this series. 

In general, it has been my intention to record all 
significant variations from the manuscript readings. 
But obvious or routine corrections—of accents, marks 
of breathing, augments—and minor changes in ortho- 
graphy + have as a rule been made tacitly. So also 
with some more substantial changes where there 
seemed no possibility of doubt as to their correctness. 
On the other hand, a number of inconsistenoies in 
orthography ? have been allowed to stand, though 
Dindorf in his final edition tended nearly always to 
standardize the spelling. 

Since the evidence for the text of most of the 
fragments is in each case only a single manuscript, 
the amount of emendation and correction required 
is inevitably large. Nevertheless, the text presented 
here is essentially conservative. Occasional Byzan- 
tine forms, such as karamtwĝelons (26. 8) and êlôeiv 
(31. 8. 5), have been allowed to remain, and likewise 
some Byzantine constructions. Especially in the non- 
Constantinian passages, where the text is more often 
a paraphrase than a faithful transcript, attempts to 
make the Greek conform to Diodorean usage are 
both misguided and futile. The Hoeschel excerptor, 
for example, freely uses the genitive absolute where 
a circumstantial participle, agreeing with its noun, 
would be in order, as at 23. 19: toù è aroàúravros 

1 e.g. Meoońvy for Merry (passim) or Kevropirmivaw for 
Kevropinmivwv (22. 13. 1). 

2 e.g. Baňarrokparoúvraw side by side with Îaàdoons (23. 
2. 1), Kapapívas and Kapapirs (23. 18. 1), mõv and vev, 
and variant forms of the name Syracuse, including even 
Zupakóoios and Zupakovoios together in 21. 16. 5, 



. . . dméoTeev ó àpxwv. This may at times (as 
perhaps here) be the result of hasty and careless 
condensation, and occasionally at such places (e.g. 
22. 10. 1) I have ventured to indicate a lacuna. But 
on the whole it is both safer and simpler to accept the 
construction as it stands, recognizing it as character- 
istic of the excerptor’s own inelegant style. Emenda- 
tion seems equally out of place where, in the Constan- 
tinian passages, the Byzantine editor has imperfectly 
adapted his introduction to the text proper. So at 
22. 6. 2 the editorial “Or. Húppos ó Barıàeùs is fol- 
lowed by eireîv, which probably stood in the original 
text and if so was needlessly emended by Dindorf to 
emev. Again, at 23. 2, the words “Ori Poivixes Kal 
‘Pouaîot vavpaxýoravres, though effectively explicit 
as to the situation, accord ill with the following 
participle and verb, which refer to the Carthaginians 
aloņe. As a final example we may cite 27. 11: "Or: 
ot Kapynðóvior orToĝeias éureroúrys oi kayértar TÔV 
roMTõv krÀà. Here again Dindorf emends, reading 
toîs Kapxņŝovíors, although it seems evident that the 
words ot Kapxnõóviot were added by the excerptor, 
concerned only to make clear to his readers who these 
otherwise unidentified kayéxrai were. 

In preparing this edition I have relied entirely 
upon the printed record, and have not re-examined 
the manuscripts. Since the Constantinian collections 
have been well and critically edited,* and the manu- 
script of the Hoeschel fragments is now lost, it is 
perhaps only in the case of Photius, last edited by 

1 Rarely, as twice in 27. 7, the critical edition differs from 
the Vulgate without the fact being noted or explained. 
In such cases, and wherever else it is uncertain if a given 

reading was intended by the editor, the reading in question 
is designated as “ ed. Büttner-Wobst,” “ ed. Wesseling,” ete. 



I. Bekker (Berlin, 1824-1825), that a fresh study of the 
manuscripts might have produced significant results. 
For Suidas I have used the Adler edition (Leipzig, 
1928-1938). Other minor sources are cited by the 
last available editions, which in each case are identi- 
fied in the notes on their first appearance. 

Dindorf+ has long been the standard edition by 
which the fragments of Books XXI-XL are cited. 
For this reason it seemed desirable at all costs to 
preserve the long-familiar numbering of the frag- 
ments, by book, chapter, and paragraph, as found 
there. Fortunately the work of Mueller and Dindorf 
in arranging the fragments has on the whole stood 
the test of time, though in the light of our present 
historical knowledge some changes were obviously 
called for. Yet to renumber completely, in accor- 
dance with some new arrangement of the fragments, 
seemed certain to lead to unnecessary confusion, as 
has notoriously been the case with the fragmentary 
books of Polybius. Under the circumstances, there- 
fore, it seemed best to make only such changes in 
order as were, in the editor’s judgement, imperative,! 
but to keep the Dindorf+ numbering intact. Obvi- 
ously such a compromise solution entails some incon- 
venience, but it is hoped that this has been minimized 
by full cross-references given before and after the 
relocated passages.? 

1 But such a passage as 22. 5, for instance, was not 
transposed, since its exact date is not certain; it could, 
however, and perhaps should, stand somewhat later in the 
book, either after chap. 7 or after chap. 9. 

2 In addition, some passages printed separately by 
Dindorf have been combined, whenever fragments from 
different sources could be reconciled or fitted together (e.g. 
26. 11, where three separate fragments overlap; 32. 9d and 



An effort has been made to date the fragments as 
accurately as possible, and where a precise year 
could not be assigned to a passage, an indication of 
the possible limits is usually given, either in the 
margin or in the notes. Diodorus, here as earlier in 
his work, followed the annalistic pattern, and since 
the Constantinian excerpts appear to reflect the 
original order with complete fidelity,! it is generally 
possible to obtain at least approximate dates even 
for events not otherwise recorded or for which the 
other evidence is not decisive.? To a lesser degree 
this principle of arrangement and dating applies also 
to the Hoeschel and Photius fragments, though some 
of the long narratives in each, being compilations 
rather than actual excerpts, may obscure the original 
order by bringing together related events from the 
accounts of several years. 

`A comparison of my marginal dates and the dates 
given in the Argumenta Librorum of Dindorf! will 
show many changes. Some of the new dates may be 
regarded as securely established, others will no doubt 
have to be modified as further evidence is forthcoming. 
For the Roman chronology I have relied chiefly upon 
T. R. S. Broughton’s invaluable Magistrates of the 
Roman Republic (New York, 1951-1952), while for 
the Greek world the single most helpful work was 
10. 1) The most extensive re-arrangement of this sort 
occurs at 23. 15 (=23. 14. 3-4 and 15 Dind.)}, where much 
unnecessary duplication has been eliminated. 

1 See the notes on 29. 10 and 29. 9, where Mueller and 
Dindorf disregarded the evidence of the manuscript. ; 

2 So 24. 10, on the capture of Hecatompylus, and 24. 12, 
on the cruelty of Regulus’ widow, can be dated to the period 
247-241 B.C., since the passages (24. 5 and 25. 2. 1) that 

recede and follow them in the Exe. de Virtutibus can be 
ated, and accordingly set the limits. 



B. Niese’s Geschichte der griechischen und makedoni- 
schen Staaten (Gotha, 1893-1903), which, thougli now 
outdated in part, is still the only broad study that 
takes account of and attempts to place all recorded 
events of the period. 

My footnotes, though necessarily more ample than 
in the earlier volumes of Diodorus in this series, have 
been kept as brief as possible. The primary purpose 
throughout has been to provide the reader, chiefly 
by the identification of names and the citation of 
parallel passages in other authors, with the means of 
setting each fragment against its historical back- 
ground. Nor are the citations from other historians 
intended to be complete, and in general preference 
has been given to authors earlier than Diodorus, 
especially Polybius, who was one of his chief sources 
for Books XXII-XXXII. 

Obviously, the notes could not attempt to provide 
a full commentary, though such a work would be 
desirable. The annotations of the Wesseling edition, 
which incorporate the more important notes of pre- 
ceding editors, still constitute the only substantial 
commentary available. Dindorf? reprints these, with 
his own notes to the Vatican fragments (V) and 
some slight additions, while for the De Insidiis there 
are only the brief notes of Feder and of Mueller. 
Book XXXVII, so far as it deals with the Marsie War, 
was edited with a commentary by Krebs (Weilburg, 

ew other works of some importance may also 
be mentioned. Of translations the most useful is the 
German version of J. F. Wurm (Stuttgart, 1827- 
1840), whose interpretations and occasional emenda- 
tions of the text have been unduly neglected. H. van 



Herwerden’s Spicilegium Vaticanum (Leyden, 1860) 
deals primarily with the text of V, which he had 
himself re-examined, but also provides a running 
commentary, almost entirely textual, on many of the 
other fragments as well. Though intolerant of the 
work of others and not infrequently perverse in his 
own interpretations, Herwerden yet contributed 
much to the study of the fragments. Slighter con- 
tributions, again mostly textual, were made by 
Reiske, Hertlein, Madvig, Kallenberg, and Cobet, 
and there have been a number of studies devoted to 
the question of the sources used by Diodorus. Except, 
however, for the incidental and scattered remarks of 
some historians, relatively little sustained attention 
has been paid since Wesseling’s day to the actual 
content of these later books.? 


The manuscript basis for what little has been pre- 
served of Books XXI-XL is extremely slight. The 
four Constantinian collections—and only four out of 
fifty-three survived at all, it may be remembered— 
seem each to have survived to the revival of learning 
in only a single exemplar. Two late and imperfect 
copies exist of the De Insidits, both from a single arche- 
type, only one of which, however, contains the frag- 
ments from Diodorus. Of the De Legationibus there 
are a number of manuscripts, but all again are late 
copies (none earlier than the late XVIth century) of 
a single earlier manuscript now lost. This original 
had been bequeathed to the Escorial library by Juan 

1 I haye discussed a number of passages, including (from 

the present volume) 24. 1. 2,25. 8, 25. 19, 29. 13, and 29. 27, 
in 4.J.P. 11 (1956), 274-281, 408-414. 



de Paez and perished there by fire in 1671. None of 
the copies has individual authority, and since it has 
not been found necessary to cite them except by 
their consensus (represented by the siglum O), it may 
suffice to refer for a detailed description of each to 
de Boor’s Introduction, pp. ix-xvi. 

The Hoeschel fragments, as stated earlier, come 
from a manuscript now lost, which is represented for 
us only by the printed texts of Hoeschel and Rhodo- 
man. These have been carefully collated for the 
present edition. 

The Photius fragments present a more serious 
problem. It is now known that all extant manu- 
scripts of the Bibliotheca derive from two extant 
manuscripts, the tenth-century Codex Marcianus 
Ven. 450 (A), and the eleventh-century Codex 
Marcianus Ven. 451 (M). Bekker fortunately relied 
chiefly on A, which represents by far the better 
tradition. Of the three other manuscripts used by 
him, B is in fact only a copy of A and its variants are 
therefore to be classed either as errors or as the 
scribes’ own conjectures. Bekkers C and D (the 
latter actually a mere copy of C) are poor and late 
representations of the M tradition, but M itself has 
never, so far as I know, been utilized for the text of 
Diodorus. Ideally, the present text should have been 
based on personal inspection of both A and M, but 
the editor’s regret that this was not done is at least 
tempered by the pronouncements of A. Severyns? on 
the decided inferiority of the M tradition. 

Where it has been necessary to cite the manu- 

1 Recherches sur la Chrestomathie de Proclus. Première 
partie : Le codex 239 de Photius, vol. i (Liège, 1938), pp. 
374, 379. 



scripts for the minor fragments, the standard sigla 
for each author are used. 

It remains to express my deep gratitude to the 
many colleagues who have generously given me 
assistance and advice. Above all, my thanks are due 
to my good friends and former teachers L. A. Post 
and A. D. Nock, the one, for services far beyond the 
call of editorial duty, the other, for his detailed and 
critical examination of my entire manuscript. Nearly 
every page owes something to each, and the occa- 
sional emendations of the Greek text credited to 
them represent only a small part of their real con- 
tribution. Professor T. R. S. Broughton allowed me 
to consult him repeatedly on problems of chronology 
and Roman history, and also read through the entire 
work, partly in proof and partly in manuscript. 
Through the courtesy of Professor Albert Wifstrand, 
who copied out for me his marginalia on these books, 
it has been possible to improve a number of passages 
in the text with his unpublished emendations. At 
my request Dom Anselmo M. Albareda, O.S.B., Pre- 
fect of the Vatican Library, kindly examined pages 
353-354 of Codex Vaticanus Graecus LXXIII (V); 
unfortunately not a word could now be deciphered 
there, even with the help of ultra-violet rays. Others 
to whom I am indebted for help include Professors 
Maurice T. Avery, Benedict Einarson, Willy Pere- 
mans, H. C. Youtie, and Mr. V. G. Peterson. The 
Research Council of Florida State University gener- 
ously provided a grant for assistance in reading proof 
on'this volume. To all these and the many others 
who are not named I offer my warmest thanks. 

Francis R. WALTON 
April 1957 

w > 



Codex Venetus Marcianus 450, saec. X. 
Codex Parisiensis Regius 1266. 


Lost ʻoriginal, represented by the printed texts 
of Hoeschel (1603) and Rhodoman (1604). 


Consensus of the best copies (or descendants) of 
the lost Codex Scorialensis I O 4. Excerpta de 

Codex Turonensis C 980 (“ Peirescianus ”), saec, 
XI. Excerpta de Virtutibus et Vitiis. 

Codex Scorialensis 2 I 11, saec. XVI. Excerpta 
de Insidiis. 

Codex rescriptus Vaticanus Graecus LXXIII, 
saec. X/XI. Excerpta de Sententiis. 









1. 4a. Iâcav èv kakiav hevkréov oT? Toîs voôv 
4 t hi 4 À + y e hJ 8 ` 
čyovot, pdMora è rùv mÀcovegiav' aŭrņ yàp Šıà 
TÌv èk To ovupépovros ¿riða mpokañovpévy Toà- 
Àoùs mpòs dòikiav peyiorwv kakv alria yiverat 
roîs àvôðpónois. ò kal pnTpóros ooa tôv 
3 7 ? # A LÀ. a dÀÀà b3 a 
ååinuárwv, où. póvov Toîs bTas AÀÀà kal Toîs 
peyiorois TÕv Baoiiéwv moàààs kal peyádas dr- 
epyátera* ovugopás. 

(Const. Exc. 4, pp. 343-344; Exc. Hoesch. p. 489 W.) 

Chap. 1. 4b : see below, after Chap. 1. 3. 

1 "Ore `Avriyovos ó Baoideds éé Diorrov yevóuevos 
Suvvdorns Kal màcîorov ioygóoas tôv kaf abròv 
Baoiàéwv oùk ùpkéoðy rais mapà rtis TúXNS 
Swpeais, AAN èmpadópevos tàs TÕv wv Bacı- 
àcias eis aúròv dðikws nmepiorioat Tv iav 
> f. 2 A Ld 4 A A, ? A8 
ånéßaev dpxův dpa kal toô Giv èorephbn. 

(Const. Exc. 2 (1), p. 252.) 




1. 4a. All vice should be shunned by men of intel- 801 s.c. 

ligence, but especially greed, for this vice, because of 
the expectation of profit, prompts many to injustice 
and becomes the cause of very great evils to mankind. 
Hence, since ít is a very metropolis 1 of unjust acts, it 
brings many great misfortunes not only on private 
citizens but even on the greatest kings.? 

King Antigonus, who rose from private station to 
high power and became the mightiest king of his day, 
was not content with the gifts of Fortune, but under- 
took to bring unjustly into his own hands the king- 
doms of all the others ; thus he lost his own dominion 
and was deprived of life as well. 

1 For this favourite metaphor see note in Vol. I, p. 8, and 
cp. Book 25. 1. 

2 This fragment, Dindorf’s 1. 4a (known to him only from 
H), has been placed here, since it precedes 1. 2 in V and 

seems to be prefatory to the whole account of Antigonus I’s 
death in the battle of Ipsus. 

1 èpyáčeræ V (but cp. Book 25. 1). In H modìàs .. . ovp- 

. $opås precedes où uóvov, above. 



2 "Or Ilroàepaîos! kal Xéàcvkos kat Avoipayos 
l4 32792739 l kl LA $ kg 
cvvéðpapov ém ’Avriyovov tòv Bacıàéa’ où% oŬtTws 
únò rs mpòs AÀAÀýàovs eùvoias mpokànhévres, ðs 
únò roô kaf’ éavroùs ġóßov ovvavaykaoĝbévres 
Öppnoav éToipws mpòs Tv TÕv wv kowonrpayiav. 
e e + e3? Ld ` E 
Ori oi éàépavres ot ° Avriyóvov Kat Avoiudyov 
katà rùv páxņ? Hywvigovro ws äv ris púoews 
3 + + 3 a 4 E4 bi y ig 
epapiàov eðwkvias aùroîs rhv dàkìv kal Biav. 
(Const. Eze. 4, p. 844.) 
3 [Merà òè rara mposeàbóvrwv aùr rôv Xaà- 
alwv Kal mpoàeyóvrwv ws, el rov Pédevkov èk 
tv xeapðv aphoe, ovppýoera tv T ’Aciav 
nâocav úroyeipiov yevéoðar kal aùròv ’Avriyovov 
êv Tf mpòs èkeîvov maparáčeı kataortpéßew TÒv 
Biov . . . où perpiws èkwýin .. . kararàayeis 
Tò ačlwua TÕv avõpðv. . . . Õokoðor ğè kal Aet- 
2 A kg A 3 Fa 
ávðpæw npoerewv öte mapeàbav cis Baßvàðva rte- 
ÀcuTýoet. .óuoiws è T mepi `Adeéávðpov 
mpoppýoet ovvéßņ kal rhv mepi Leňeúkov Tede- 
alvar karà tràs rÕôv dvðpðv tTrovrwv damoġdoets' 
mepi s TÀ katà pépos èpoðpev, rav èri Toùs 
oikeiovs ypóvovs èmßBañwpeba.] 
(Diodorus, 19. 55. 7-9.) 
Chap. 1. 4a : see above, before Chap. 1. 1. 
4b ʻO ’Avriyovos ó ßPacıàeùs `Acias rtéooapot 
Pacideow ópovońoacı modeuýoas, Tiroàepaiw 
m + > $ yY A 2 
TÔ Adyov Aiyurriww õvre Paoi, Bedeúkw 
Bafvàwviwv,* Avoudyw Opgkôv, Kaodrõpw TÔ 
’Avrirárpov Makcõðovias, kal páyyv ovváas, Toà- 
A l4 hj 3 t bj + m 
doîs Béàeor rpwleis avnpély kal árrerar Baciu 

1 d after IIroàepaîos deleted by Mai. 

BOOK XXI. 1. 2—4b 

Ptolemy, Seleucus, and Lysimachus united against 
King Antigonus ; not so much prompted by good- 
will towards one another as compelled by the fears 
each had for himself, they moved readily to make 
common cause in the supreme struggle. 

In the battle, the elephants of Antigonus and 
Lysimachus fought as if nature had matched them 
equally in courage and strength. 

[After this * certain Chaldaeans approached Anti- 
gonus and prophesied that if he should let Seleucus 
out of his grasp, it would come to pass that all Asia 
would be made subject to Seleucus, and that Anti- 
gonus himself would die in battle against him. . .. 
This stirred 'him deeply . . . for he was impressed 
by the reputation that the men enjoyed. . . . They 
are in fact reputed to have prophesied to Alexander 
that if he entered Babylon, he would die. And just 
as in the case of Alexander, it came about that the 
prophecy concerning Seleucus was fulfilled according 
to the pronouncements of these men. Of this pro- 
phecy we shall speak in detail when we come to the 
proper period.] 

Antigonus, king of Asia, made war against a 
coalition of four kings, Ptolemy, son of Lagus, king 
of Egypt, Seleucus, king of Babylonia, Lysimachus, 
king of Thrace, and Cassander, son of Antipater, king 
of Macedonia. When he engaged them in battle, he 
was pierced by many missiles, and his body was 
carried from the field and was buried with royal 

1 For the context see Vol. IX, p. 383. The date is 316 B.c. 

2 karà tġv páxņv precedes °Avriyóvov in V ; transposed by 
Dindorf. i 

3 oi after moàeuhoas deleted by Hoeschel. 

4 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : Bafvàwvi H. 

VOL. XI B 5 


Tiu. © Sè vios aùro Anuýrpios oùv TÅ unTpl 
aùroô Erparoviky ciearpıpoúon mept Kidıkiav oùv 
Toîs yphuaoci mow ënmÀevoev eis Bañauiva Tis 
Kúrpov ià Tò raréyeoĝßðar rò AnunrTpiov. 
(Exc. Hoesch. p. 489 W.) 
5 "Ori Léievukos uera thv Siaipeoiw ris ° Avriyóvov 
Bacideias dvañaßov rùv Súvapıv mapeyévero els 
Dowikyv kal êreyeipnoe kard tàs yevopévas ovv- 
Oras rův Koiànv Zvupiav idiororeîohar. mpokare- 
Aņdóros ðè tàs èv aùr módes Ilroàepaiov Kal 
katnyopoðvros ôtı hios œv Léňevkos mpooeðégaro 
Tùv úro Ilroàepatov osav ywpav eis Thv iÔiav 
kæraraylvat pepiða, mpòs è roúrois ört To 
moàéuov ToD mpòs `AvTiyovov KEKOWWWVNKÓTOS 
oùôèv aùr® peréðwkav oi Baordeîs ris Õopikrýrov 
xópas, mpòs Traŭras Tàs taßoàas dvreîre Léievros 
pápevos ikuov elvat Toùs TÅ mapardet kparý- 
gavras .kupiovs úmrmdpyew TÖV ĞopıkTÁÝTWV, Tepl 
Sè ris Koiàns Eupias Sià Thv hiàlav ènt toô map- 
óvros unòèv movnrpaypovýoew,* Ùorepov è fov- 
Acúoeola nôs ypnoréov oriv rõv piàwv rToîs 
Povàopévors mÀcovertetv. (Const. Exc. 4, p. 344.) 
6 [Où uiv moàúv ye xpóvov avvéßn pevar TÀ TOÀV, 
Zedeúkov kaleàóvros arv kal petayayóvros em 
Tv rriobetoav èv ùr aùroĝ, am ekeivov Õè ràn- 
beîoav Zedeúrerav. AÀÀà mepi èv Toúrwv årpißôs 
ékaoTta ÒnÀboouev ér. Toùs oikelovs ypóvovs mapa- 
yevnbévres.] (Diod. 20. 47. 6.) 

1 So Dindorf: moàvrpaypovĵoai V. 
2 So Dindorf: Bovňeúcacða: V. 

BOOK XXI. 1. 4b-6 

honours. His son Demetrius,! however, joining his 
mother Stratonicê, who had remained in Cilicia with 
all their valuables, sailed to Salamis in Cyprus, since 
it was in his possession. 

As for Seleucus, after the partition of the kingdom 
of Antigonus, he took his army and went to Phoenicia, 
where, in accordance with the terms of the agree- 
ment,? he endeavoured to appropriate Coelê Syria. 
But Ptolemy had already occupied the cities of that 
region, and was denouncing Seleucus because, al- 
though he and Ptolemy were friends, Seleucus had 
accepted the assignment to his own share of a district 
that was already subject to Ptolemy ; -in addition, 
he accused the kings of giving him no part of the 
conquered territory, even though he had been a 
partner in the war against Antigonus. To these 
charges Seleucus replied that it was only just that 
those who were victorious on the battlefield ? should 
dispose of the spoils; but in the matter of Coelê 
Syria, for friendship’s sake he would not for the 
present interfere, but would consider later how best 
to deal with friends who chose to encroach. 

[It so happened, however, that the city * did not 
long abide, for Seleucus tore it down and transferred 
its population to the city that he had founded and 
called Seleuceia after himself. But as for these 
matters, we shall set them forth exactly and in de- 
tail when we come to the proper period.] 

1 Demetrius I (Poliorcetes). Plutarch (Demetrius, 30) 
gives a different account of his movements. 

2 On the disputed terms of this agreement see Polybius, 
5.67. ° Ptolemy had not, in fact, taken part in the battle. 

4 Antigoneia on the Orontes. Seleuceia, infra, is probably 
an error of the historian for Antiocheia: see the note ad loc. 
in Vol. X. 


c, 800 B.C. 


Et Trw nepionovðacrov ravras (se. tràs èk Tis 
“Edos évraðla oraàcicas droikias) eiðévar, 
iotróőpnra nmepiépyws Erpáßwve TÔ yewypápw, 
Dàéyovri te kal Aroðwpw T èk Likelas ... 

(Evagrius, Ecclesiastical History, 1. 20. 275.5) 

2. “Ori Képrvpa nmooprovpévn màot kat meti? 
únò Kasdávðpov Bacıiàéws Mareðóvwv, kat éroipn 
ooa dàwbñva, úno ` Ayabokàéovs Paciàéws Lire- 
àias êppúoðn, rv vnôv rôv Mareðovkâv ånacôv 
éumpnobeocðv.? (Exc. Hoesch. pp. 489-490 W.) 

2 “Yreppoàùv yàp ékdrepoi hidotiuias où karé- 
Arov, ot èv Makesoves gnevðovres coa TAS 
vaðs, ot i Sè ZireNÕðro Bovàóuevor uÀ póvov Kapy- 
Soviwv kal TÕV kKaTÀ TÙV 'Iradíav Pappápwv Tepi- 
yevéoðat Šokeîv, dààà kal mepi rv “Edda 
bewpnhivar kpeirrovs övres*t Makeðóvav trôv rv 
’Aciav kal rhv Eùprmnv nerormpévwv opiktTov. 

3 "Or 'Ayaloràñs ci èv arofipdoas riv úvajuv 
emikerpévois Toîs moepiois erélero, karékopev äv 
paðiws roùs Makreðdvas: dyvohoas Sè riv yeyevn- 
Lévy npocayyeàiav kal rv ëkmànéw trõv avbpæ- 
mwv hpkéoðn thv ðóvapuv ánoßıßáoas kal TPóTaov 
oroas Sradaßeîv Andi TÒV àóyov civar ÖTL ToÀÀd 
keva? To moàépov. dyvora yap kal ånárn Toà- 
Adris oùk àdTrw’ karepydgerai Tis èv Toîs ômTÀois 

(Const. Exc. 4, pp. 344-345 ; modd kevà .. . èv- 
epycias, Exc. Hoesch. p. 490 W.) 

3. “Ori mapayevņleis êmi rò karaàeihphèv? otpa- 
Tóneðov Ayaloràñs perà Trùv èk Kepkúpas úno- 

1 Ed. Bidez and Parmentier, London, 1898. 

BOOK XXI. 1. 6—3. 1 

If anyone is eager to know about the colonies sent 
out to this region t from Greece, there are painstaking 
accounts of the matter by Strabo the geographer, 
Phlegon, and Diodorus of Sicily. 

2. When Corcyra was being besieged on land and 
sea by Cassander, king of Macedonia, and was on the 
point of capture, it was delivered by Agathocles, king 
of Sicily, who set fire to the entire Macedonian fleet. 

The utmost spirit of rivalry was not lacking on 
either side, for the Macedonians were bent on saving 
their ships, while the Siceliotes wished not only to 
be regarded as victors over the Carthaginians and the 
barbarians of Italy, but also to show themselves in 
the Greek arena as more than a match for the Mace- 
donians, whose spears had subjugated both Asia and 

Had Agathocles, after landing his army, attacked 
the enemy, who were near at hand, he would easily 
have crushed the Macedonians ; but since he was 
ignorant of the message that had been received and 
of the consternation of the men, he was satisfied, 
after landing his forces, to set up a trophy, and thus 
to prove the truth of the proverb, “ Many are the 
futilities of warfare.” For misapprehension and 
deceit often accomplish as much as armed action. 

3. When, on his return from Corcyra, Agathocles 
rejoined the army that he had left behind, and 

1 The reference is to Antioch of Syria. Cp. Strabo, 

2 So Wesseling: meti H. For màot kal metl Hoeschel, 
Rhodoman suggest mÀoiors ral meķoîs. 

3 So Rhodoman: ¿urpnobyoðv H. 

4 So Dindorf: ..ras V. 5 Kavà V. € éarrov H. 

7 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman: rv. . . évép pyeias HV. 

8 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman: xaraàņygôèr H 

299/8 B-C. 


arpopýv, kal mvlópevos! rovs Te Aíyvas Kral roùs 
Tuppnvoùs Tapaywððs anyTykévar Toùs probos Tòv 
viòv aùroð `Ayálapyov katà Tv &movoiav aùroð,” 
mavras anéohačev, oùk éàdarrovs övras? rv ĝo- 
yiiwv. rv ðè Bperriwv doTpiws Õıà rara mpòs 
aùròv ĝiarelévrwv, êreyelpnoe mooprkioat mów 
òvopačopévnv ”HÂas. rv è Papßpapwv àpo- 
advTæv peyáànv Šúvav kal VUKTÒS ANPOTÕOKÜTWS 
enileuévwv aùT®, dnéßade OTpaTDTAS TETpAKLO- 
xıdiovs, kal oûrws ènravĵàbev cis Dupakócas. 
(Exc. Hoesch. p. 490 W ; "Ori . . . &ioyiàiwv (in 
part), Const. Exe. 2 (1), pp. 252-253 = Chap. 3. 2 Dind.) 
4. "Orie ‘Ayaboràñs ràs vavrkàs Ŝvvápes 
dlpoicas Siéràcvoev eis `Iraàiav. cravooŬvpevos 
êm Kpórwvos arpareúew, Qéàwv aùriyw mod- 
opro, npòs Mevéðnpov ròv Kporaviárýv Túpav- 
vov, éavroð piov õvra, émeppev ayyeàrapópor? uù 
Bopußeîchaı aùròv pevððs, Advacoav tùv Ovya- 
répa Àéywv mépmew mpòs tùy ”Hrepov èm tòv 
yáuov, arów kekoounuévyv Baciùik®, kal oŭrws 
dmarýoas eÛpev åverTolpovs. elta ToMNopkýoas aro 

faàdoons cis Odàacoav mepiéßae Teixn, kal Sia, 

7 $ a i 1 2 
merpoßóov kal iopvxs Tòv péyiorov olkov 

1 To this point P has only "Or: ° Ayaforàñs nuhóuevos. 

2 mulópevos . . . åmovaiav aòroô] The text of H is corrupt : 
móðw pèv roùs repyvas xal roùs (omitted in P) rvppexoùs (omit- 
ting Tapaywððs) dmyvryrévai aùroùs pabwroùs Tòv viðv aùroð 
(omitted in P) ’Apxáyaßov ( Ayáðapxov P) xai Tùy drovoiav aùrñs. 

3 H omits õvraş. 

4 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : moMopreýoas H. 

5 Qéowv . . . moMoprĵoa transposed by Post from a posi- 
tion after pevõôs, below. 

8 čmemjev àyyeňaġópov] So Hoeschei, Rhodoman : méppas 
aèràiaġopov H, fißpàcagópov Herwerden, Dindorf.4 


BOOK XXI. 3. 1—4. 1 

learned that in his absence the Ligurians and Etrus- 
cans had mutinously demanded their pay from his 
son Agatharchus,! he put them all to death, to the 
number of at least two thousand. This action 
alienated the Bruttians, whereupon Agathocles 
attempted to capture the city which is called Ethae.? 
When the barbarians, however, assembled a large 
force and made an unexpected attack by night upon 
him, he lost four thousand men, and in consequence 
returned to Syracuse. 

4. Agathocles brought together his naval forces 
and sailed across to Italy. Planning to move on 
Croton, since he wished to besiege the city, he sent a 
messenger to Menedemus, the tyrant of Croton, his 
friend, bidding him not to be alarmed falsely and 
saying that he was escorting his daughter Lanassa 
with royal honours to Epirus for her marriage °; and 
by this ruse he caught the Crotoniates off their guard. 
He then invested and encircled it with walls 
from sea to sea, and by means of a stone-thrower and 
by tunnelling brought down in ruins the largest of 

1 The less reliable Hoeschel text calls him Archagathus. 
Two sons, Archagathus and Heracleides, had been killed in 
Africa in 307 s.c. (Book 20. 69). Agatharchus may then be 
a third son of Agathocles by his first marriage (cp. Berve, 
“ Die Herrschaft des Agathokles,” S.B. München, Phil.-Hist. 
K1. 1952, 5, p. 76,n. 71); or, on Hoeschel’s reading, the man 
may be the Archagathus, son of Archagathus, of chap. 16. 
3, and so (reading viwvorv) the grandson of Agathocles. 

2 The site is unknown. E. Pais, Studi ital. fil. class. 1 
(1893), 125, has proposed the reading Nýĝas, based on the 
name of the river Neaethus (Strabo, 262). 

3 To Pyrrhus, king of Epirus. Agathocles gave Corcyra 
for his daughter’s dowry (Plutarch, Pyrrhus, 9). 

7 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : aùràs H, aùroùs Dindorf. 
8 Reiske suggests múpyov. 


c. 298 B c. 

c. 295 B.C. 


kaTtappáćas, œs {ðov ot Kporwviârat, póßw Tà 
múňas dvoíĝavres édéavro Tòv ’Ayaloràéa kal Tò 
OTpáTEVjO. eiomeoóvTes Ďè elow TÄS MÉÀCWS, TÀS 
pèv oikias Srýpratov, Toùs è ãvõðpas Koatéopağav. 
mpòs è Toùs ðuőpovs Bapßdpovs kat 'Iánvyas kal 
Hevreriovs avppayiav ênorýoaro," kal vaĵs Ày- 
oTpikàs xopnyâv aŭroîs, TA ÉP Tõv Àc? ¿áp- 

ave. kat ppovupàv anoàeimwv eis Kpórwva es 
Ba ëmÀevoev. 

- "Ori Aivos? ’Abnvaios ovyypaßeùs TAS 
kowàs Tpáges cuvráčas ëypope PPa eikoow éé 
Fdwv ðe ó Màarawùst ras áno Toúrov ĵiaĝeéd- 
pevos Tpáčes čypape Bipa Tpiárovra. 

6. “Ori eni ToÎ Toàépov Tõv Tuppmvâv kal 
Tadarôðv kal  SapvirÂv kal TÕV érépwv ovupáywv 
dvņnpéðņoav úrò ‘Pwpaiwy, Paßiov ÚmaTeŬovTOS, 
éka pvupidõðes, ðs pyoı AobpisĂ 

(Exe. Hoesch. p. 490 W.) 

Tpáße: roroðrtóv re Aoðpis, Ardðwpos kal iwy, 
Tt Zapvnrôv, Tvppnvôv kal érépwv ebvôv ro- 
Àcuovvrwv ‘Powuaios ó Aékos ÜnaTos “Põpuns 
avoTpaTyyòs æv Tovprovárov oŬTwS aréðwrev 
éavròv eis opayiv kai avņnpéðnoav trõv èvavriwv 
ékatòv yıùdðes aùfnuepóv. 

(Tzetzes, on the Alexandra of Lycophron, v. 1378.8) 

1 énrorvýoaro implied by Rhodoman’s translation: eror 
ýoavro H. 2 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman ; vev H. 

3 So Wesseling : AlaMos H. 

4 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : Iareòs H. 

5 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : pupia &è œs pacit Aovpois H. 
6 Ed. Scheer, Berlin, 1908. 

1 Or possibly, “ the largest tower ” : see critical note. 
2 On Diyllus of Athens, whose Histories covered the years 


BOOK XXI. 4. 1—6. 2 

the buildings.* When the Crotoniates saw this they 
were frightened, and opening the gate, received 
Agathocles and his army, who rushed into the city, 
plundered the houses, and slew the male inhabitants. 
With the neighbouring barbarians, both the Iapygians 
and the Peucetians, Agathocles made an alliance and 
supplied them with pirate ships, receiving in return 
a share of their booty. Then, leaving a garrison in 
Croton, he sailed back to Syracuse. 

5. Diyllus, the Athenian historian, compiled a 
universal history in twenty-six books and Psaon of 
Plataea wrote a continuation of this work in thirty 

6. In the war with the Etruscans, Gauls, Samnites, 
and the other allies, the Romans slew one hundred 
thousand men in the consulship of Fabius,’ according 
to Duris. 

Something similar + is told by Duris, Diodorus, and 
Dio: that when the Samnites, Etruscans, and the 
other nations were at war with the Romans, Decius, 
the Roman consul, colleague of Torquatus,’ in like 
manner devoted himself to death, and on that day 
one hundred thousand of the enemy were slain. 

357-297 B.C., see Sherman’s note on Book 16. 14 and 
Jacoby, FGH, no. 73. Little more is known of Psaon (FGH, 
no. 78) than is related here. 

3 At the battle of Sentinum, 295 n.c. Livy (10. 29. 17) 
sets the figure of enemy dead at 25,000. The consuls were 
Q. Fabius Maximus Rullianus and P. Decius Mus. For 
Duris of Samos see Jacoby, FGH, no. 76. 

4 Similar, that is, to the exploit of Codrus, who invited 
death in battle to save his country (cp. Lycurgus, Against 
Leocrates, 84-87). 

5 The consul of 295 s.c. has here been confused with his 
father, who as consul in 340 had devoted himself in battle 
against the Latins at Veseris, 


295 B.C. 


T. “Ori `Avrimarpos ià phóvov rův ilav un- 
tépa àveîhe. 

"Ore `Aàéfavòðpos dôeàdòs 'Avrırdrpov Tpooka- 
Àcodpevos Anuýrpiov Baoiàéa eis Bońberav, Soo- 
goveîrai Úr’ aŭro. óuolws kal `Avrimartpov tòv 
unTpadoiav, dðeàdòv Tro 'Adeédvõpov, kal aùròv 
Edodopóvnoev, où Povàópevos oúveðpov čyew t 

8. "Ori ’ Ayaboràñs avvabpoisas òuváueis els 
 Iraàíav ðerépacev ëywv meoùs Tpiopupiovs, in- 
neîs rpioyiÀiovs. rv è vavrichv Súvajuv Erià- 
mwv napañoús, \eņnàareîv enérate rův Bperriwv 
xópav: oros moplôðv ràs? nmapabadasciovs krý- 
oes,? xepÂv mepnreoov ras nmÀelovs TÔV vyôv 
anéßade. ò ðè 'Ayaboràs moMopkýoas tv 
‘Irrwvarðv* mów .. * kal ià uyyavôv merpo- 
Bóàwv ris móňcws èkupievoav kal raúrņv eîàov. 
TrÔv è Bperriwv karanàayévrwv, mpéoßeis àmé- 
ateiàav únèp ðıadúoews. Kal Àaßpov map aùrôv 
éÉakocíous öpýpovs kal ġpovpav anoùm®òv els 
Bupakócas énmaviàbev. oi è Bpérriot roîs ôprois 
uÀ êupeivavres, dÀàd mavònuel orparevoavres èrm 
Toùs darnoàeiphévras oTparwTas, TOÚTOUS karté- 
kopay: roùs è óuýpovs dvacwúoavres dmeàúbnoav 
tis ° Ayalokàéovs ĝvvaoreias. 

(Exc. Hoesch. pp. 490-491 W.) 
1 So Dindorf: avro H. 
2 ropläv tàs} So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : noplĝoðvras H. 

3 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : «rices H. 
4 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : “Irrovakâv H. 


BOOK XXI. 7. 1—8. 1 

7. Because of envy, Antipater ! murdered his own 

Alexander, the brother of Antipater, was assas- 
sinated by King Demetrius, whom he had summoned 
to aid him. He? likewise assassinated Antipater the 
matricide, the brother of Alexander, not wishing to 
have a partner in rule. 

8. Agathocles assembled an army and crossed over 
into Italy with thirty thousand infantry and three 
thousand cavalry. The navy he entrusted to Stilpo 
with orders to ravage the territory of the Bruttians ; 
but while Stilpo was plundering the estates along the 
shore, he encountered a storm and lost most of his 
ships. Agathocles laid siege to Hipponium . . . and 
by means of stone-throwers they overpowered the 
city and captured it. This terrified the Bruttians, 
who sent an embassy to treat for terms. Agathocles, 
having obtained six hundred hostages from them and 
having left an occupying force, returned to Syra- 
cuse. The Bruttians, however, instead of abiding by 
their oath, marched out in full force against the 
soldiers who had been left behind, crushed them, 
recovered the hostages, and so freed themselves from 
the domination of Agathocles. 

1 Antipater I, son of Cassander and Thessalonicê. After 
the death of Cassander and his eldest son Philip IV in 298 
B.C., Fhessaionicê had arranged a division of the kingdom 
between her younger sons, Antipater and Alexander (cp. 
Plutarch, Demetrius, 36; Pyrrhus, 6-7). 

2 The subject appears to be Demetrius, but Antipater was 
in fact assassinated, in 287 B.c., by Lysimachus, his father- 
in-law (cp. Justin, 16. 2). 

5 Lacuna indicated by Walton. Editors since Wesseling, 
following the suggestion of Hoeschel and Rhodoman, print 
ékvpíevoe and elde. 


294 B.C. 

€. 294 B.C. 


9 "Ori Anuhrpios ó Paoreùs \aßov úroyepiovs 
åmavrtas ToÙs kar’ aùroô Pàaodnueîv ciwhóras èv 
TaÎîs êkkàņolais Kal mávra kar aùtoô npårrew 
pàaneyônuõvws àpñrev åbğovs, èmpheytádpevos 
ÔTL OovyyvÓuN Tuwpias aipeTwTépa. 

(Const. Exc. 4, p. 345; last three words, Eze. 
Hoesch. p. 491 W3) 

10. "Ore oi mÀeîoroi Tv áyóvrwv orparóreða, 
kaĵ oðs äv kaupoùòs èv åůtvyýpaow úrápywoi 
peydàois, dkoovĝoðot rais trõv mov óppaîs 
hoßoŭuevor Tas évavriwoeis aùrôv. 

(Const. Exe. 4, p. 345; Exc. Hoesch. p. 491 W.) 

11. “Ori of Opĝres Tòv Toð Baoiàéws viðv Aya- 
Ookàéa Àaßóvres aiyudàwrov aréoredav perà 
õdpwv, dpa pèv mpòs Tà mapáðofa TS TÚXNS 
éavroîs mapackevdčovres katraġvyds, dpa Šè ià 

-Tis piàavðpwrias Taúrns ¿àritovres dnoàńpeoba 
Tv ådmpnuévyv aùrðv yæpav rò Avorudyov. 
oùkéTi yap Amitov aŭúroùs Súvacðaı kparĝoar r@ 
moàéuw, ovunehpovykórwv ånávrwv oyeðòv trv 
uvarwrtáraw paciàéwv Kal ovupayovvrwv dÀ- 
Ahàois. (Const. Eze. 2 A), p. 253.) 

12. "Ore únò oroðelas muebopévys ris roô 
Avoiuáyov orpariâs, Kat rÕv piàwv aùr ovp- 
Povàevóvrwv owbew? mws morè úvaraı kal uny- 
Ôcpiav ëyew ània owrnpias èv TÔ otparorésw, 
Toúrtois anekpiðn u) Sicarov eivai karaùıróvra Thv 
Súvapuıv kal roùs hiàovs iig? owrnpiav aloypàv 
mopibeobar. (Const. Exc. 4, p. 345.) 

, 1 So Dindorf: orpareias V. 
2 Dindorf suggests owteobar or éavróv owtew, 
3 So Dindorf: ¿blav V, 


BOOK XXI. 9. 1—12. 1 

9. King Demetrius, after arresting all who habitu- 
ally defamed him in the public assemblies and con- 
tentiously opposed him in all things, let them go 
unharmed, remarking that pardon is better than 

10. Most leaders of armies, when confronted with 
serious reverses, follow the urgings of the mob rather 
than risk its opposition. 

11. The Thracians captured Agathocles,? the king’s 
son, but sent him home with gifts, partly to pre- 
pare for themselves a refuge against the surprises of 
Fortune, partly in the hope of recovering through 
this act of humanity that part of their territory which 
Lysimachus had seized. For they no longer hoped 
to be able to prevail in the war, since almost all the 
most powerful kings were now in agreement, and 
were in military alliance one with another. 

12. When the army of Lysimachus was hard 
pressed for food,’ and his friends kept advising him 
to save himself as best he could and not to hope for 
safety in the encampment, he replied to them that 
it was not honourable to provide a disgraceful safety 
for himself by abandoning his army and his friends. 

1 The proverbial saying, “ Forgiveness is better than 
punishment” (or “‘ revenge ”), is ascribed by Diogenes 
Laertius, 1. 76, to Pittacus, on the occasion of pardoning his 
enemy, the poet Alcaeus. Diodorus cites it repeatedly, e.g. 
infra, chap. 14. 3 and Book 31. 3. 

2 Agathocles, son of Lysimachus. The exact occasion is 

3 In 292 s.c. Lysimachus crossed the Danube and attacked 
the Getae. 


292 B.C. 


2 "Or: ó Apouiyairns ó TÔ Opgkôv pacideùs karà 
navra Tòv Avoiuayov ròv paoia Sefrwodpevos 
Kal hiàýoas, čti è marépa Tnpooayopeúoas, dmi- 
yaye petà TÕv TéÉkvwv eis mów TÀV ôvopatouévyv 

3 "Or perà Tiv dÀwow Tis Avoiudyov Švvdpews 
avvpapóvrwv TÕv Oparõv kai Bowvrwv dye eis 
TÒ pégov qòv HAwróra Baoidéa Tmpòs Tv kóaoiv— 
etv yàp Tv ¿Éovoiav čyew rò rôv kvðúvwv LETEC- 
xnkòs mAÑIos Povàcúoaohai mAs ypnoréov oriv 
Toîs hAwkõow—ő uèv ApopiyaiTns mepi tis Tipw- 
pias To? Paoiàéws avrermwv ebisaée Toùs OTPATLD- 
Tas Tt ovupépet ooa ròv ğvëpa. àvaipebévros 
pėv yàp aùroô Pacideîs ãÀdovs karaàńpeobai TÀV 
Avoayov Õuvaoreiav, poßepwrépovs,! äv ryn, 
To Tpoünápavros: Sradvàaybévros è ydpiv fer? 
ôgeidouévny Toîs Opgéi mapà roô owbévros, ral 
Tà ppoúpia TÀ mpõrTepov Ýrápćavra Qpakðv àro- 

4 Ańpeoðar ywpis rvôúvwv. ovykataĝeuévov Šè roô 
mAýbovs, ó Apopyairns dvaġņrtýoas èk Tôv aiypa- 
ÀdTwv Toùs plovs T00 Avouayov kal toùs mepi 
Thv Bepareiav ciwhóras SraTpißew, amýyaye mpòs 
TOV MAwkóra Baciàéa, perà Õè raôra ovvreàéoas 
Bvoiav mapéiaßev èm rùv éorlaoiv tóv re Avci- 
paxov perà Tõv aŭto pwy kal tôv Opgkôv 
ToÙs ErTnÂeordárovs. Ôirràs è rùsias? kara- 
okevagas Tois uèv mept ròv Avoiuayov čotpwoe 
Tùy ddoĝoav Baoiiciv orpwuvýv, éavr® 8è kal 

5roîs iois eùreàĵ) ornpdða. duolws Sè Sirrôv 
éroruaobévrwv Šeinmvwv, èkeivois pèv navroĝarâv 

1 $oßepwrépovs Dindorf : $oßepwrépav očoav P., 
Wesseling suggests ñgew. 


BOOK XXI. 12. 2-5 

Dromichaetes, the king of the Thracians, having 
given King Lysimachus every mark of welcome, 
having kissed him, and even called him “ Father,” 
then brought him and his children to a city called 

After the capture of the army of Lysimachus, the 
Thracians assembling in haste shouted that the cap- 
tured king should be brought into their midst for 
punishment. It was but right, they cried, that the 
multitude who had shared the hazard of battle should 
debate and decide what was to be done with the 
prisoners. Dromichaetes spoke against punishing 
the king and pointed out to the soldiers the advan- 
tages of preserving his life. Were he to be executed, 
he said, other kings, possibly more to be feared than 
their predecessor, would assume the authority of 
Lysimachus. If, on the other hand, his life were 
spared, he would owe a debt of gratitude to the 
Thracians, and with no hazard to themselves they 
would recover the forts that had formerly been 

hracian. When the multitude had given its approval 
to this policy, Dromichaetes searched out from among 
the prisoners the friends of Lysimachus and those 
who were accustomed to be in constant attendance 
upon him, and led them to the captive monarch. 
Then, having offered sacrifice, he invited Lysimachus 
and his friends to the banquet, together with the 
most suitable Thracians. He prepared two sets of 
couches, using for the company of Lysimachus the 
royal drapery that formed part of the spoils, but for 
himself and his friends cheap beds of straw. In like 
manner, he had two diferent meals prepared, and 
set before his foreign guests a prodigal array of all 

3 So Salmasius, Valesius : xyàņoias P. 



Todurédevav Ppwpárwv napébnrev émi rpanétns 
apyvpâs, Toîs ôè Opgŝi Àdyava kal kpéa' petpiws 
cokevaopéva, émi? oaviðos eùrteÀoŬs émikeruévns 
arois Tis Tparébns. TÒ Sè reevraov ToS pèv 
evéxet TOV oivov apyupots Kat ypvooîs mornpiots, 
Toîs è ueb’ éavroô keparivois kal tvàivois, rab- 
ánep ñv ¿hos tois ['érais. mpoßaivovros è toô 
móTov TÀNpócas rò péyiorov trv kepárwv kal 
Tpooayopevoas natépa tòv Nvoipayov ÑpórTNoe 
nótepov aùr ðoret? ĝeîmvov PacıÀkaTepov, rò 
Maxeðovixòv Ñ rò Opgriov. roð Sè Avciudyov rò 
Maxeðovixòv einóvros (Zýre: eis rò Iep Tvrwuô). 
(Const. Exc. 2 (1), pp. 253-254.) 
6 "Ori toô Apopuyairov ròv Avoipayov èni Servov 
kekàņkóros kai mpoßaivovros Toô mórov, TÀANpúTas 
TÒ puéyioTov TÖV kepárwv kal nmpocayopeúoas 
marépa ròv Avoipayov Ñpórnoe nórepov aùrô 
ore? eîrvov eîvai Baoikwrepov, TÒ Maxreðovikóv 
Ñ rò Opgkiov. roð Sè Avoiuáyov rò Mareðovikòv 
einóvros, Ti ov, čġņ, vóupa Towra kal Blov 
Àaurpòv ånoùmov, èri è emipaveorépav Baoidelav, 
enebúpeis eis dvôpónovs mapayevéołas Bapßápovs 
kal Cõvras Iypróðn Biov raì xøpav voyeipepov 
kal onaviovoav pépwv kapnôv, eßidow Sè mapà 
púow ayayeîv ğúvapuv eis TóTovs ToroŬúrovs èv ofs 
Éevie) Öúvajus raibpios où úvaraı dıaoúleoba; 
einóvros è mdv mpos Tara To Avoiudyov Širi 
TÀ pèv Tepi taútyv Tv oTpateiav Ņyvónoev, els è 
Tò Àomòv mepdoerat hios &v ovppayei ral 
xdápiros aroðóoe: pù) Aeiphiva tv eô meromré- 
Tav, anoðečduevos avrov ioppóvws ó Apo- 
piyairns nmapéňaße tõv ywpiwv tà mapaipebévra 

BOOK XXI. 12. 5-6 

kinds of viands, served on a silver table, while before 
the Thracians was placed a modestly prepared dish 
of herbs and meat, their meal being set out upon a 
cheap board. Finally, for his guests he poured out 
wine in gold and silver cups, but for his fellow- 
countrymen, as was the custom of the Getae, in cups 
of horn or wood. After they had been drinking 
some time, he filled the largest of the drinking-horns, 
and addressing Lysimachus as “ Father,” asked him 
which banquet seemed more fit for kings, the Mace- 
donian or the Thracian. Lysimachus replied : “ The 
Macedonian.” 1 “ Why then,” he asked, “ forsaking 
such ways, a splendid manner of life, and a more 
glorious kingdom as well, did you desire to come 
among men who are barbarous and lead a bestial 
existence, and to a wintry land deficient in cultivated 
grains and fruit? Why did you force a way against 
nature to bring an army into such a place as this, 
where no foreign force can survive in the open ? ” 
In reply Lysimachus said that in regard to this 
campaign he had acted blindly ; but for the future 
he would endeavour to aid him as a friend, and not to 
fall short in returning kindness for kindness. Dromi- 
chaetes received these words graciously, obtained the 

12 At this point the narrative breaks off in the collection 
De Virtutibus et Vitiis with a reference to the collection De 
Sententiis. There, with some repetition, the sequel is given, 
introduced by the words: “ When Dromichaetes had invited 
Lysimachus to a banquet.” 

1 So Valesius : xpéas P. 
2 Wifstrand suggests éx for ért. 
3 P has rò after õoxeî. 



e_ i % y , ` ` 3 2al , 
Úno rÕv mepi Avoipayov kat mepibeis aùr® åd- 
nua etanéoreirev. (Const. Exc. 4, pp. 345-346.) 
13. Oros ó Beppoðiyeoros, Arddwpos ws ypádper, 
p P 3 1 4 fi 
otua To® Aùdodéovros Ilarsvaw Baciàéws 
pios reàðv moróraroşs, Toùs Onoavpovs 
Ñ) Avormáxyw ý rwie Ts Opárys paoidéwv: 
apyañčov é uoi oti Qeòv ðs mávr dyopevew 
3 l + pá K y 
aßiBàn mepvukóri por oiðare olorep Àéyw' 
roùs Ünoavpoùs éuývvoe T® Opárys oTteġN- 
ti ~ y 
To Bapyevriov motrauo kárwbev kekpvu- 
A Kas ki h La A kd rA 
Gy A E a ? + 4 kd >? LA 
eîra ròv poôv ênapeis, Toùs Ò aiyuaàwTovs 
ohdrrwv. (Tzetzes, Hist. 6. 470-480.°) 
14. “Ori AnuhTpros ó Baoiàeús, Trò Šeúrepov àro- 
orarnodvrwv Onfaiwv, moMopkia tà tein kab- 
eÀ, Tùv mów kata kpáros eîàe, éka uóvovs 
ávðpas aveàùv Toùs Tv drmooraciav karepyato- 
uévovs. (Exc. Hoesch. p. 491 wW) 
“Ori ò Baoideùs Anuýrtpios* Tapañaßov kal tràs 
dàdas móàes, npoonvéxðn Toîs Borwroîs peya- 
Aopóxws. TAÑV yàp avòpõv éka kal TETTÁpwv 
TÕV aiTLwTáTwV Ts damocrdoews améÀàvoe tTÔVv 
eyrkànpárav d änmavrtas. (Const. Exe. 2 (1), p. 254.) 
3 "Ori mi Tov rò bvuouayeiv eis Téàos yapı- 


1 So Mai: aùròrv V. 
2 Ed. Kiessling, Leipzig, 1826. 

BOOK XXI. 12. 6—14. 3 

return of the districts that Lysimachus had seized, 
placed a diadem on his head, and sent him on his way. 

13. This Xermodigestus, as Diodorus writes, rank- 
ing as the most trusted friend, I think, of Audoleon, 
king of the Paeonians, reveals the treasures to Lysi- 
machus, or to some other king of Thrace (tis difficult 
for me, without books as I am, to relate all, likt a 
godt; you to whom I speak know). He revealəd 
to the crowned head of Thrace the treasures hidden 
beneath the river Sargentius, which he himself, aided 
only by captives, had buried, turning aside the river 
bed, and burying the treasure beneath, then letting 
in the stream, and slaying the captives.? 

14. King Demetrius laid siege to Thebes when it 
revolted a second time, demolished the walls with 
siege engines, and took the city by storm, but put to 
death only the ten men who were responsible for the 

King Demetrius, having gained possession of the 
other cities also, dealt generously with the Boeotians ; 
for he dismissed the charges against all except the 
fourteen men who were chiefly responsible for the 

In many cases one should decline to fight to the 

1 Cp. Homer, Fiad, 12. 176. 

2 Much the same tale is told of Traian’s enemy Decebalus, 
king of the Dacians (Dio Cassius, 68. 14. 4-5; cp. Tzetzes, 
Hist. 2. 61), and of Alaric (Jordanes, Get. 158, chap. 30). 
Since the Dacian river bears the suspiciously similar name 
of Sargetia or Sargentia, it is possible that Tzetzes has 
wrongly introduced the story here.—An Athenian decree of 
288 B.C. (JG, 2.2? 654) honours Audoleon for his benefactions 
to the city. 

2 So Rhodoman : droorarýoavros ©@nßðrv H. 
4 So Valesius: Apoptyairns P. 

291 B.C 


opévous T® Ovu mapairnréov: ovupépet yàp 
eviore ĝiadúeobar kai ypnuárwv awveîobat Tyv d- 
ohdàciav kai kabóàov mpokpivew TS Tipwpias Tùv 
ovyyvounv. (Const. Exc. 4, p. 346.) 
15. “Ore `Ayaboràfjs anréoreriev ° Ayabokàñ tòv 
viov mpos Anuýrpiov ròv Bacıiàéa pilav ouvléoba 
kai ovupayiav. ó è Paoideùs dopévws Šeédpevos 
Tòv veaviokov, oroày nmeptribeis Baoiciv kal 
Sâpa oùs peyadorpenh, ovvaréorerdev ° Oéúbepuv,! 
TÕv hwv éva, TO pèv Õokeîv Tà morà Àaßeîv ris 
ovppayías, T® Sè épywy karaokepópevov TV 
Lekediav. (Exc. Hoesch. p. 491 W.) 
16. [Où uiv GÀN únėp pèv ris karaorpopis 
’Ayabokàéovs, örav mpòs Toùs oikelovs ypóvovs 
éAbwuev aùrhs, rò yevóuevov Beßarvoet rò võv 
eipypévov.] (Diod. 20. 101. 4.) 
“Ore 'Ayabokàñs ó Baoıeùs moàùðv ypóvov epn- 
veúwv mpos Kapyxnõðoviovs, peyádàņv ènenoinro 
mapaokeðaoiw vavrikÂôv Õuvápewv: ÕrevoeîTo yàp 
náàw eis Tiv Apúnv ĝiafiBdbew orparóreða, kat 
Taîs vavotv eipyeww Toùs oivikas rÊv ånò rv 
Zapððv kai ukeðv oironroumðv. kal èv TÔ 
npoyeyovóri kara Tv Aßúnv moéuw Baňarrokpa- 
Toûvres ot Kapynõóvior Sıéowoav ék TÕv kwðúvwv 
rìu natpiða. etye òè vas 'Ayaloràñs ó Pasıdeds 
éénprTupévas iakocias trerphpers kal ééńpeis’ pws 
eis népas Tv npoaipeotv oùk Ñveyke Šia ToraŬras 
2 airias. Mévwv* v Aiyeoraîos* Tò yévos' èv ðè ri 
kataàńpet Ts marpiðos hAwkws dobos eyévero" 
òà Tv eùnmpénerav To owp aros TÔ Paociàeî. rat 
1 So Rhodoman : Ogvôéunv H. 
2 So Rhodoman : 7ò H. 

BOOK XXI. 14. 3—16. 2 

bitter end, indulging one’s wrath. For sometimes it is 
expedient to come to terms, to pay a price for security, 
and in general to rate forgiveness above revenge. 

15. Agathocles sent his son Agathocles to King 
Demetrius to arrange a treaty of friendship and 
alliance. The king welcomed the young man warmly, 
dressed him in princely robes, and gave him magnifi- 
cent gifts. He sent back with him Oxythemis, one 
of his friends, ostensibly to receive pledges of the 
alliance, in reality to spy out Sicily. 

16. [But as for the death of Agathocles, when we 
come to its place in the narrative, what actually 
occurred will confirm what has just been said. ]}! 

King Agathocles, who had remained on terms of 
peace with the Carthaginians for a long time, had 
now made extensive naval preparations ; for he in- 
tended to transport an army once again to Libya 
and with his ships to prevent the Phoenicians from 
importing grain from Sardinia and Sicily. Indeed, 
in the preceding war with Libya, it was by control 
of the sea that the Carthaginians had brought their 
country safely out of danger. King Agathocles now 
had, fully equipped, two hundred ships, quadriremes 
and sexremes. Nevertheless, he did not carry out 
his project for the following reasons. There was a 
certain Menon, a Segestan by birth, who was taken 
captive on the seizure of his native city, and became 
the king’s slave because of the beauty of his person. 

1 See below, note on chap. 16. 5. 
2 In 307 B.c. (see Book 20. 71). 

3 So Hertlein : aùroô. 
4 So Wesseling (throughout): Mairæv H. 
5 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : Aiyvrraîos H. 
6 So Dindorf: èyvero H. 



2 2 A A Eal 
péxpt pév tivos eùðokeîv! mpooeroreîro, TÕV pw- 
É t y l4 t 3 A 
pévæov kal piw eîs apibuovúuevos: ià è TV TiS 
lá hJ 
narpiðos ovupopàv kai Tùv mepi aúròv ČBpw órov- 
y bi ~ 
Aws éxwv mpòs Tòv Suvdoryv, karpòv éàape Tîs kar 
7 A x 
aùðToÎ Tiuwpias. ó yàp Baoiieds òn yeynpar&s 
h e ?: (3 + 3? 
Tàs raibpovs* ðvvápeis `Apxaydłðw mapaĝeðøke:. 
e yg kd m~ 
3 ofros è v `A pyaydalov èv’ viòs Toî karà AßBúnv 
+ e y Dè E £ kd + 
afayévros, viwvòs è roð Pacıiàéws Ayaloràéovs, 
3 ò r De b ~ k À la 4 ~ ` 
davõpeigq òè kat puyis eùroàuia moù ToÔ karà 
7 e r 
Àóyov úrepaipwv. . . $ orparoneðeúovros aùroô 
$ 4 z $ 4 
mepi Thv Aitvnv, ô pèv Paoideùs Bovàdpevos mpo- 
: r ` f) S ` aÑ , ` es 
dyeu? èm ryv ĝiaĝoyv trs Baoıiclaşs ròv viðv 
> ~ m a 
Ayabokàĝ, nmpõôrov uèv èv rais Xvuparkovoas® 
t4 A la 
ouvéornae Tòv veaviokov, dnmohawópevos ĝidðoyov 
bA À f “~ d ~ A i ` m k L 
amoàcohew ts apxĝs' perà è rara eééreupev 
3 ha ? 4 4 F 
aùròv mi TÒ aTpatómeðov. ypáas èmorToàùv èri 
hl > z i [g 
rov `Apyayalov, mpooérače tToútrw” mapaĝðóva 
A N x 
tàs meiras kal vavrikàs Ôuvápeis. Õe ås airias? 
e hi 3 + te Eas A 
ó pēv `Apyáyalos ópðv trův Paorňeiav eis črepov 
~ ? ~ 
karavrÕgav, duporépois èmpovàeðoa? Siéyvw. 
A A ~ 
mpòs Mévwava ròv Aiyeoraîñov ianeppáuevos 
M 3 m 
émeioev dveàeîv ròv Pacıiàéa ĝia dapuárov, aùròs 
A y t 
è év rvi výow Îuvoiav èmreàésas,” kal kara- 
[A hi 
mÀcúoavra rÒv vedrtepov ÀAyalbokàda mapaňaßæv 
A A k ta 
npòs TÅv eùðwyxiav, vuktTòs katapebúcas ånéoġaće. 

1 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : cùõokiueîr F. 
2 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : úréĝpovs H. 
3 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : péar H. 
s6 t Cp. chap. 16. 7. 

BOOK XXI. 16. 2-3 

Fora while he pretended to be content, being reckoned 
among the king’s favourites and friends; but the 
disaster to his city and the outrage to his person 
produced a rankling enmity to the king, and he seized 
an opportunity to take his revenge. Now the king, 
being now well advanced in years, had entrusted the 
command of his forces in the field to Archagathus. 
He was the son of the Archagathus who was killed in 
Libya, and thus the grandson of King Agathocles ; 
in manliness and fortitude he far surpassed ordinary 
expectations. While he was encamped near Etna, 
the king, wishing to promote his son Agathocles as 
successor to the throne, first of all presented the 
young man at Syracuse, and declared that he would 
leave him heir to his power ; he then sent him to the 
camp. To Archagathus he wrote a letter, ordering 
him to hand over to Agathocles both the land and 
naval forces. When Archagathus thus perceived 
that another was to fall heir to the kingdom, he re- 
solved to lay a plot for both men. He sent word to 
Menon the Segestan, and persuaded him to poison 
the king. He himself offered sacrifice on a certain 
island, and when the younger Agathocles put in 
there, invited him to the feast, plied him with drink, 
and murdered him during the night. The body was 

1 A few words are probably omitted; see the parallel 
passage given at the end of the chapter. 

5 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : mpoodyew H. 

€ Hoeschel, Rhodoman suggest roîs èv raîs Z., Reiske roîs 

7 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : roôrov H. 

8 alrias added by Hoeschel, Rhodoman ; Wesseling sug- 
gests ôr å. 

? So Rhodoman : èrmpovàfĵoai H. 

10 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : émredeúoas H. 



To è oópaTos piplévrTos eis trùhv Odàacoav kat 
npòs tùv yv únò roô rkàúðwvos èkppachévros, 
éniyvóvres Tivès amekójpuoav eis 2vpakóoas. 

4 ‘O õè Bacideùs ewhðs perà TÒ deîrvov det nTEp& 
cıakalaipeohar Toùs dðóvras, aroàvleis To TóTov 
tòv Mévwva Tò nmtepòv ğryoev. era ó pèv ġap- 
Lákw onnTik” picas dréðwkev, ó è xpnodpevos 
aùr dioTtiuórepov ià Tv dyvorav hfaro navra- 
yóbev ris mepi roùs dðóvrTas capkőós. kal mpôTov 
Lèv nóvot ovveyeîs èyévovro kal kaĵ’ Ņpépav èm- 
Toùs oðóvrTas nmepretyov. émi ðè ris TeÀcuris yevó- 
evos èkkàņnoidoas ròv Àaòv kKarnyópnoe rtis 
úoeßeias *`Apyayálov, kai rà pèv nmàin mapõvve 
mpòs Thv aŬToð? Tipwpiav, TA è Sýpw Tv ðnpo- 

5 kpariav čġņoev dmoðiðóvai. perà è rara Tòv 
Paoidéa Siareipevov êcyárws HÒN KaTébNKev èm 
TîS mvpôâs 'Ofúbepus ó meupheis úno AnunTpiov 
toô Paoidéws, KAL KATÉKAVOEV övra pèr épTvovv 
čr, cà Sè rhv idióryra ris mept riv onneðóva 

w 3 : ` s a o’ 
ovppopâs où vvápevov poviy npoteoĵar* ° Aya- 
lordis pèv mÀeloTovs kal TOLKIAWTÄTOVS $óvovs 
ÊTITEÀEOAHEVOS KATÀ TÙV Svvaoreiav, kal Ti kaärà 
TÖV ópopúňwv dpóTNTi npocheis kal TÙV eis Beoùs 
doéßerav, npénovoav mapéoxe TÂ mapavopig TAV 
To piov karaortpoġńv, Švvaoreúoas pėv črn Svo 
TÕV TpiákovTA Àcinmovra, Prwoas è Svo mpòs Toîs 
éBõouýkovra ërņ, kabðòs Tiparos ó Zupakóows 

i ékBpaolévTos added by Hoeschel, Rhodoman. 
2 So Wesseling : ornmrĝ H. 
3 So Post: ariv H, aùroð Hoeschel, Rhodoman. 


BOOK XXI. 16. 3—5 

thrown into the sea, and was washed ashore by the 
waves, where certain men recognized it and carried 
it to Syracuse. 

Now it was the king’s habit after dinner always to 
clean his teeth with a quill. Having finished his wine, 
therefore, he asked Menon for the quill, and Menon 
gave him one that he had smeared with a putrefactive 
drug. The king, unaware of this, applied it rather 
vigorously and so brought it into contact with the 
gums all about his teeth. The first effect was a con- 
tinuous pain, which grew daily more excruciating, 
and this was followed by an incurable gangrene 
everywhere near the teeth.* As he lay dying, he 
summoned the populace, denounced Archagathus for 
his impiety, aroused the masses to avenge him, and 
declared that he restored to the people their self- 
government. Then, when the king was already at 
the point of death, Oxythemis, the envoy of King 
Demetrius, placed him on the pyre and burned him, 

still alive, but because of the characteristic ravages 

of his affiction unable to utter a sound.? Agathocles 
had committed numerous and most varied acts of 
slaughter during his reign, and since to his cruelty 
towards his own people he added impiety towards 
the gods, the manner of his death was appropriate 
to his lawless life. He lived for seventy-two years 
and ruled for twenty-eight, according to Timaeus 

1 It is generally assumed that the fatal illness was, in fact, 
a cancer of the mouth. Justin’s account (23. 2) of his death 
is quite different and in part more trustworthy (cp. Berve, 
op. cit. p. T5). 

2 This is the punishment, ascribed to the wrath of Hephaes- 
tus, that ìs alluded to in Book 20. 101. 

4 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : rpoeîoĝai H. 

289 B.C 


ovyypágei, kat Kaààias ral aùròs Zvupakovoios, 
eikoot úo Pißàous ovyypdfpas, kal "Avravðpos ó 

6 dðeàdòs 'Ayaloràéovs kal aùròs ovyypadeús. oí 

òè Eupakóoiot rs Önpokparias TuyövrTes Tv 
>A 8 A t ? F 2A ld hJ b3 bd + 
yalokàćovs ovciíav ¿ðńýuevoav, tràs Sè elkóvas 
tàs dvateleicas? úr aùroô karéonacav. Meévov 
òè ò empovàeúoas T® Paoide? Siérpipev èv rois 
mept Apxdyalov, mepevyòs èk trôv Euparkovoðv: 
meppovnpatıopévos Sè émi T° okeîv karadeàv- 
Kkéva tv Paciàciav, òv uèv °Apyayahov dodo- 
póvnoe, roô è orpatroréðov Krupieðoas kal rà 
Tàin Àóyois pidavbporois brorooduevos, Siéyvw 
moàepeîv toîs ÈEvuparociois Kal Õuvaorelas vr- 
éxeobar* (Ezec. Hoesch. pp. 491-493 W.) 
7 "Or '`Ayálapyos åvõpeig ral puys eèroàuig 
Toàù ToÔ katà Àdyov repaipwv tis bias ÑÀrkias- 
v yàp mavreàðs véos. (Const. Exe. 2 (1), p. 254. 
ny yap ; >P 
a e e ` Pi 
17. "Ort oros ó ioropikòs* tàs åpaprias tv 
mpò avro ovyypaßéwv mikpótara èàéyčas Krarà 
èv tăààa pép tis ypas màeciorny mpõvoirav 
eÎye Ts dànbelas, êv è raîs ’Ayaloràéovs mpáéecı 
` ` 1 6 m z ` ` ` 
TÀ ToÀÀd karéhevora’ toô uváorov Šid TV Tpòs 
aùròv ëxÂpav. duyaĝevleis yàp úr’ ’Ayalboràéovs 
ék TS Zikeàlas, LÕvra èv àpóvaclat ròv Svuváornv 
oùk toyuoe, TeÀeurýoavra è ði tis ioropias 
1 Jacoby, in part after Wurm, suggests : Tipuos ó [Evpa- 
Kóotos] ovyypaģevs kal Kadas [xka] aùròs] Evparoŭoios. 
2 So Wesseling: dvarıðeicas H. 

3 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : rò H. 
t So Wesseling: dvéyera: H, åvréyera: Hoeschel, Rhodoman. 


BOOK XXI. 16. 5—17. 1 

of Syracuse, Callias, another Syracusan, the author 
of twenty-two books, and Antander, the brother of 
Agathocles, who was himself a historian. The Syra- 
cusans, upon the recovery of their popular govern- 
ment, confiscated the property of Agathocles and 
pulled down the statues that he had set up. Menon, 
who had plotted against the king, stayed with Arch- 
agathus, having fled from Syracuse. He was puffed 
up, however, by the credit that he enjoyed as over- 
thrower of the kingdom; he assassinated Arch- 
agathus, gained control of the camp, and, having won 
over the masses by expressions of goodwill, deter- 
mined to wage war on Syracuse and to claim for him- 
self the chief power. 

In manliness and fortitude Agatharchus? was 
much in advance of his years, for he was extremely 

17. This historian,? who had so sharply rebuked 
earlier historians for their errors, showed very high 
regard for the truth in the rest of his writings, but the 
greater part of his history of Agathocles consists of 
lying propaganda against the ruler because of per- 
sonal enmity. For since he was banished from 
Sicily by Agathocles and could not strike back while 
the monarch lived, after his death he defamed him 

1 Nothing else is known of Antander’s history (Jacoby, 
FGH, no. 565). For Timaeus (of Tauromenium, not 
Syracuse !) and Callias see chap. 17. 

2 For the confusion of names see the note on chap. 3. 

3 Timaeus of Tauromenium (357/40-261/44 B.c.): the 
fragments are collected in Jacoby, FGH, no. 566. Polybius 
devotes nearly the whole of Book 12 to an even more scathing 
attack on Timaeus (12. 15 for his treatment of Agathocles). 

ë oĝros igropixòs P, oros ô Tiuaros Suidas. 
8 katepevoĝa (s. acc.) P. 



2 ePàaopýunoev ceis ròv alôva. kaĝódov yòp Taîs 
npoümapyovous TÔ PacıideT ToÝT kakiats Ša 
ToAÀà map éavroô npoobeis ò ovyypagevs, TS 
uèv eùnuepias åpapoúuevos aùroÔ, TàS òè dro- 
Teúgets, où tàs ôr? aùrov póvov yevopévas, daààà 
kal tàs brà TÓXNV perapépwv eis. TOV pnòèv éé- 
apapróvra.? yevopévov è ópoàoyovuévws aùroô 
oTparnyıkoð uèv katà Tùv èrivorav, Òpaorikoô ğè 
kal relappnkõtos kara rhv èv rois kivðúvois eùToÀ- 
iav, où Ôtadeimer map SANV TYV ioTopiav drokaiĝv 
aùrTòv Švavðpov kal ÕeÀóv. kaitot ye Tis oÙk 
olev ôt TÕv mÉnore vvaorevodvrwv oùðels ÀdT- 
Toow aġoppaîs ypnoápevos peiw Bacideiav Tepe- 
TorýoaTo; XELPOTÉXVNS yàp ek maiðwv yevópevos 
se åropíav piov kat maTépwv dõoćíav, eÉ úorTépov 
cia TÀ iav dperňv où póvov ureàias axed” 
ANS ékupíevoev, dAd moààùv ris Iraàias re kai 
Apúns Toîs ràois kareorpéparo. bavuáoa y 
äv Ts TOÔ avyypahéws TÙY eùxéperav*: map õÀny 
yàp Tv ypaphvy eykwpudgwv TÀ TÕv Xvpakovoiwv 
dvòðpeíav, Tòv Toúrwv kparýoavra ŠeAlq pnai 
dievyvoyévar roùs åmavras àvôpõrnovs. Sià yàp 
TÕv év raîs évavriwoeow edéyywv hpavepõs ¿oTt TÒ 
hiàdànbes tis ioropixñs mappnoias mpoðeðwk®s 
Bias évekev čyxÂpas kal pdovikias. Stórep TÀS 
éoydras TîS ovvráews TÉVTE piPàovs To ovy- 
ypaġéws ToúTov, Kab’ ås mepeiànde ràs *Ayabo- 
kàéovs mpdéeis, oùk dv Tis ĝikalws droðééaro. 
(Const. Exc. 2 (1), pp. 254-255 ; Suidas, s.v. Tiparos.) 
4 "Ori kal Kadas ó Zvparkoŭoios Ùikaiws vë kal 
mpoonkóvrws rarņyopias déwwbein. avaàņgbeis 


1l yevopévas uóvov Suidas., 


BOOK XXI. 17. 1—4 

in his history for all time. For, in general, to the 
bad qualities that this king did in fact possess the 
historian adds others of his own invention. He strips 
him of his successes, leaving him his failures—not 
only those for which the king was himself responsible, 
but even those due to ill luck, which he transfers to 
the score of one who was not at all at fault. And 
though it is generally agreed that the king was a 
shrewd strategist, and that he was energetic and 
confident where courage in battle was called for, yet 
Timaeus throughout his history incessantly calls him 
a poltroon and coward. Yet who does not know that 
of all men who ever came to power, none acquired a 
greater kingdom with fewer resources ? Reared from 
childhood as an artisan because of scant means and 
humble parentage, he later, thanks to his own ability, 
not only became master of nearly all Sicily, but even 
reduced by arms much of Italy and Libya. One may 
well marvel at the nonchalance of the historian, who 
throughout his work praises the people of Syracuse 
for their courage, but says that he who mastered 
them surpasses all men in cowardice. The evidence 
of these contradictions shows clearly that he deserted 
the honest standard of historical candour to gratify 
his personal animosity and contentiousness. Conse- 
quently we cannot fairly accept the last five books of 
this writer’s history, in which he covers the deeds of 

Likewise Callias of Syracuse? might justly and 
fittingly be held liable to censure. For ever since he 

1 For Callias see Jacoby, FGH, no, 564. 

2 etapaprávovra Suidas. 
3 Suidas omits oxeðóv. 4 eùyerpiav Suidas. 
åv added by Dindorf, Herwerden. 



yàp úr’ 'Ayaloràéovs kal Õwpwv peydàwv dro- 
Sóuevos Tv npodiriwv rs aàņbeias iortopiav, où 
diadédorrev dðikws ykwpuatwv ròv puohoðóryv. 
oùk OÀlywv yàp aùT® nenpaypévwv npòs doecßeias 
cv kai mapavopias dvôponaw, noiv ò gvy- 
ypadeùs aùrtòv eùoeßeig kal hiàavðpwrig moù tovs 
Aous únmepßpeßànkévar* raðóňov è kabdrep 
’Ayaboràñs ådþhapoúuevos Tà Tv moùrôv ðw- 
peiro TÔ ovyypape? unõèv mpooýkovra mapà Tò 
Sikarov, oùTws ó avpaoròs ioropioypáhos êxyapi- 
tero ĉia ts ypas drmavra tayalða TÔ Svváory. 
pgðrov &’ v, oluo, mpòs dpeujv xápıros TÔ 
ypac? trÕv èykrwpiwv uù) Àceiphivai rÅs èk toô 
Bacidxot yévovs Swpoðokias. 

(Const. Exc. 2 (1), p. 255; Suidas, s.v. Kadias.) 

18. "Ori ‘'Ikérav orparnyòv aréàvoav Xuparóocior 
perà Šuvdpews mpòs Mévwva? moepñoa. kal ué- 
ype év Tiwos Šieroàéue, puyopayovvrwv rôv 
êvavriwv kal eis maparaéıv oùvðauðs karaßawóv- 
tæv. Trv è Kapynõoviwv ovvemidaßopévwv roîs 
nepi Mévwva, moù Taîs uvaueow Úrepeyovrwv, 
vaykdoðnoav oi Lupakóciot óvres ðuńpovs rToîs 
Doir Terpakociovs daàvoaobaı Tov Tóàepov Kal 
karayayeîv roùs ġvydðas. rv è pohodópwv 
atıpatopévwv v raîs dpxupeciars, ovvéßn ord- 
oews mÀypwbivai Tv mów. ĝiaordvrwr* oðv èv 
Tols ónàois TÕv te Lupakociwv kal trÔv pobo- 
pópwv, oi mpeoßôrai Õiarpeoßevodpevoi kal ToàÀà 
SenlévrTes dupotépwv uóyis katéravoav TV Tapa- 
xùv èni T@' roùs puolopópovs èv Takt® ypóvw tàs 

BOOK XXI. 17. 4—18. 1 

was taken up by Agathocles and for a great price in 
gifts sold into bondage Madam History, the mouth- 
piece of truth, he has never ceased singing dishonest 
praises of his paymaster. Thus, although Agathocles’ 
acts of impiety to the gods and of lawlessness to men 
were not few, yet the historian says that he far sur- 
passed other men in piety and humanity. In general, 
just as Agathocles robbed the citizens of their goods 
and gave to the historian, contrary to all justice, 
what was not his to give, so this remarkable chronicler 
employed his pen to endow the monarch with all the 
virtues. It was quite easy, no doubt, in this exchange 
of favours for the writer not to let his praises fall 
short of the bribèry coming from the royal family. 
18. The people of Syracuse dispatched Hicetas as 
general with an army to conduct the war against 
Menon. For a while he carried on the war, so long 
as the enemy avoided action and refused to face them 
in battle. But when the Carthaginians, with their 
vastly superior forces, began to aid Menon, the Syra- 
cusans were compelled to give four hundred hostages 
to the Phoenicians, to make an end of hostilities, and 
to restore the exiles. Then, because the mercenaries 
were not allowed to vote in the elections, the city was 
filled with civil strife. Both the Syracusans and the 
mercenaries had recourse to arms, and it was only 
with difficulty that the Elders, after long negotiations 
and many appeals to both factions, ended the dis- 
turbance on the condition that within a set time the 

1 ónepßpeßnkévar Suidas. 3 ypaġeiw P. 
3 So Wesseling (throughout) : Maivwva H. 
4 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : dpyepiais H. 
5 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : $iaordávres H. 
è So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : rò H. 


289 B.C. 


éavrôv krýoes' dnoðouévovs áredbeîv ék Wikedlas. 
toúýrwv è kvupwbévræwv, ot pèv évo kaŭTà TAS 
ópoàoyias êkàùmóvres Tàs Xupakőócas kal rapa- 
yevnlévres èri rov mophuöv, úreðéyőnoav úrò tv 
Mecoonviwv ws äv pidot kal oúupayoi. Úrò Šè” 
Eai A~ + 3 t ti S 
tôv noùrôv hoppõvws avaàņglévres eis tàs 
olkias, vurròs edóvevoav roùs únoðećauévovs, kal 
A $ F A 
? A ` (A f > k! ayy 
ekdàccav Sè raúryv Mapeprivyv arò toô ”Apews, 
Sià Tò Torov kara Tùy ékeivæwv ĉidàerrov Maduep- 
tov kaàeîohar? (Exe. Hoesch. p. 493 W.) 
ka e + A hJ E: À 7 3 
Orı ot puobodópot kara tàs ópodoyias kÀ- 
móvres tràs Łupakoúcas mpocedéyínoav úrò tÕv 
Mecoonviwv, œs àv pidot kat oúppayor. úmò õè 
m~ Ea A > [A 3 ki 
trÔv moùrõv hidoppóvws avaàņnglévres eis rtàs 
bwrikàs oikias vuktòs póvevoav roùs úrmoðeča- 

A F. Eas . 
uévovs, kat tàs TÔv mapavounlévrwv yvvaîkas 

(Const. Eze. 2 (1), p. 256.) 
Oîs yap où péreori Tis ðnuapxias, ToúTovs oùðė 
tis úno ðņnuapyov kupovuévys pýßov kowwveîy í 
(Exc. Hoesch. p. 493 W.) 

1 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : xriceis H. 

2 So Herwerden : yàp H. 

3 The following fragment, if Diodorean, belongs here: 
“Pwuato yàp ToÙs nodepikoùs Maueproòs xañoðow, ös ioropeî 
mov Ej „Abõwpos Å Ñ Awr où yàp árppâs pépa ypáßer yàp 
oðrwoí nws Meonviovs KkaTtakópavres ToÙS Únoðečauévovs aùroùs 
karéoyov Meońvyv kal Mapueproùs éavroùs wvóuocav TovTéoT: 
noàeuikovs. Mapepròs yàp ó “Apns mapà ‘Pwuaioirs kadeîrar. 
(Tzetzes, on the Alegandra of Lycophron, v. 938.) 

4 After kowwve®v H has aloypòv yap orti TÒ uèv õvoua pépeiw 
IEýppov ro Ayiéws vioô, raîs Sè mpdéeoi paiveoĝar. Qepoirny, 
deleted by Hoeschel (cp. chap. 21. 12). 


BOOK XXÍİ. 18. 1- 

mercenaries should sell their possessions and leave 
Sicily. After these terms had been ratified; the 
mercenaries left Syracuse in accordance with the 
agreement ; and when they reached the Strait, they 
were welcomed by the people of Messana as friends 
and allies. But when they had been hospitably re- 
ceived into the homes of the citizens, they slew their 
hosts in the night, married their wives, and took 
possession of the city. They named this city Mamer- 
tina after Ares, since in their language ! he is called 

When the mercenaries had left Syracuse in accor- 
dance with the agreement, they were welcomed by 
the people of Messana as friends and allies. But when 
they had been hospitably received by the citizens 
into their own homes, they slew their hosts in the 
night, married the wives of the men they had so 
wronged, and took possession of the city. 

Those who are not eligible for ? the tribunate may 
not participate in a vote sanctioned by a tribune. 

1 ġe. Oscan, where the proper form of the god’s name is, 
however, Mamers. Though the people called themselves 
Mamertines, it is not, apparently, true that the city was ever 
called Mamertina. The uncertain fragment from Tzetzes (see 
critical note) says : “ The Romans call those who are warlike 
Mamertines, as either Diodorus or Dio (my recollection is un- 
certain) records somewhere, in words to this effect: Having 
slaughtered the Messanians who had entertained them, they 
seized Messana and called themselves Mamertines, that is, 
warlike. For among the Romans, Ares is called Mamertos.” 
Scheer ends the citation with the word Messana. 

2 More literally, “ who have no share in.” The passage 
probably relates, not to the civil strife at Syracuse (above, 
chap. 18. 1), as Dindorf apparently thought, but to the 
legislation of Q. Hortensius at Rome in 287 B.c. Patricians, 
who were ineligible for the post of tribunus plebis, were 
in theory excluded from the plebeian assemblies. 

VOL. XI T 37 

c. 288 B.C. 

287 B.C. 



19. [Myvýóoei © drpipéorepov trò Tis yvvaos 
Hlos mpoïdv ò Àðyos kal Tà npdypara Àaufávovra 
ueraßoàiv kat kpiow èoyarny tis nepi Anuhrpiov 
Baocıàcias.] (Diod. 19. 59. 6.) 

20. “Ori To Anunrpiov pvàatrtopévov eis Hed- 
àav Avoipayos mpéoßes anooteias Ñéiov TÒvV 
Eéàevkov unòevi Tpómw Ttv Anpýrprov êk tôv 
xepõv dgeîvar, nmÀcovéktyy àvðpa kat nâo Toîs 
Pacidedow émpeßovàevkóra: énnyyéàdero 8è aùr® 
Swer únrèp rs dvupécews ts ToútTov Tdàavra 
õıoyiM\a. ó è Pacıàcùs rToîs pèv mpeofevraîs 
eneriunoe napakaàoĝow aùròv uù) põvov aberioa 
miotw, GÀÀà kal eist ouvvwkerwuévov aùÙT® TÒ 
pÚOOS ekeîvo? eraveàéobar mpòs è ròv viðv ’Avri- 
oyov èv rÀ Mnòig SiaTpipovra ypáļas, cvvefov- 
Àcvoe* 'TÂS xpoTéov eoriv TO ÂANuNTpiw. kekpikds 
yàp v aùrtòv aroàúew kal katráyew èri TÀV 
Bacidciav peyañonpenrðs: čonevõev è kal Tùv To 
vio yapıiv gvveniypdar rais eùepyeciais, ws äv 
yeyapnróros aŭro Zrparovirny Tùy AnunTpiov 
kal Tékva yeyevvnkóros É aùtTĝs. 

(Const. Exe. 2 (1), p. 256.) 

. “Ore Se? roîs pèv modepiois eivat popepw- 

TaTov, Toîs Sè piois apéveiw Pépara npoonvé- 

° Ereb) kar èkeîvov òv kapòv dyvońoavrtes rò 

TEÒ) pov ayvoń S TÒ 

1 els added by Wesseling. 2 7ò added by Dindorf. 
3 So Valesius: púsoos reîvov 
4 Dindorf suggests avveßovàcúoaTto. 

i Phila, daughter of Antipater and wife of Demetrius 
Poliorcetes. She 'committed suicide soon after Demetrius 
lost Macedon in 287 B.c. 


BOOK XXI. 19. 1—21. 2 

19. [The sequel of our narrative and the sudden 
change in circumstances, which brought on the final 
crisis of the kingdom of Demetrius, will reveal more 
clearly the character of the woman.!] 

20. While Demetrius was held under guard in 
Pella, Lysimachus sent ambassadors to Seleucus 
with the request that he should on no account release 
Demetrius from his power, since he was a man of 
restless ambition and had plotted against all the 
kings; he offered to give Seleucus two thousand 
talents to do away with him. But the king rebuked 
the ambassadors for urging him not only to set at 
naught his solemn pledge but also to incur that 
pollution in respect of a man allied to him by mar- 
riage.? To his son Antiochus, who was in Media, he 
wrote, advising 4 him how to deal with Demetrius. 
For he had previously decided fo release him and 
restore him with great pomp to his throne, but 
wanted to give his son joint credit for this kindness, 
since Antiochus had married Stratonicê, the daughter 
of Demetrius, and had begot children by her. 

21. One should be most formidable to one’s ene- 
mies, but to one’s friends be most steadfastly cor- 

Since on that occasion through ignorance of what 

2 Another name for Apameia in Syria (Strabo, 752). 
Demetrius died there in 283 s.c. 

3 Seleucus had married Stratonicê, daughter of Demetrius, 
and had since given her in marriage to his son Antiochus. 

4 Or perhaps “ asking his advice ” : see critical note. 

ë The only clue to the context of these fragments is given 
by the mention of Pyrrhus. Dindorf suggests that they 
derive in part from the debate of the Tarentines over invoking 
the aid of Pyrrhus against the Romans, in part from the con- 
Aen of Pyrrhus with Cineas (cp. Plutarch, Pyrrhus, 


285 B.0. 


avupépov rois mpòs yápiw Àóyors ènņrodovðýoare, 
võv Toîs épyois éwparóres Tà karà TùV yøpav 
àrvxýuata peraðıðayðnre. 

3 Tò pèv yàp dyvoñoai more rarà ròv Biov èorlv 
davðpónov, rò è èri roîs aùroîs mpádyuacı mÀcov- 
dris úuaprávew réàcov dźeornkóros rois àoyiapoîs. 
ow yàp màeloow éiatrtrópaoı mepirentórauev, 
Tocoútrw peikovos Tiuwpias Äri tvye ördáp- 
yopev. . 

4 Eri rocoôtov ydp tiwes rÊv moMrõv mpoeànàú- 
Dagi mÀcovečias wore Poúàeohat Toùs lovs otrovs 
Aapmpoùs katackeváģew ék TÖV Ts marplðos 

5 Oi Sè mepi roùs Bonloðvras roîs Aois åvouń- 
gavtes nÕs äv yphouwTo mepi aŭrôv; 

6 “Ori ðe rois èv huapryuévois odvar ovyyvá- 
LNY, eis ÔÈ Tòv Àoirròv ypóvov čyew eipńvnv. 

T "Ori où SeT voùs åuaprhoavras èr mavròs tpó- 
mov koàdgew, GÀÀà Toùs emi Tos uaprnuévois uÙ 

8 "Ori mporepe napà roîs åvôðpórois  uèv èmel- 
Kea TÀs òpyis, ý è eùepyeoia TÕs Teuwpias. 

9 "Ori rañòv kat evleróv ori Avew uèv Àv èxôpav, 
dvreodyeiw Sè diàlav. Örav yàp cis àmopiav Eby 
ó ävðpwnros, emi mpúrny riv rôv piiwv pwy” 
óppőv erwbev. (Exe. Hoesch. pp. 493-494 W.) 
PE rav eis dmopiav Aby oTpatudTns åÀÀd- 

vos, emi mpworTny tùy trv piÀwv åprnaynv ðpuĝâv 
PAS» POTY TÀ $ prayÌv õpu 

1 So Post: aùrâv H. 

BOOK XXI. 21. 2-9 

was to your advantage you gave heed to flattering 
words, now that you have seen in actuality the mis- 
fortunes that pervade the country, be better in- 

For it is but human to go astray now and again in the 
course of one’s life, but to err repeatedly in the same 
circumstances marks a man as totally disordered in his 
calculations. For the more numerous the failures we 
have met with, the greater is the punishment that we 
deserve to get. 

Some of our citizens have gone so far in their greed 
for gain as to wish to raise their own estates to great- 
ness at the expense of their country’s misfortunes. 

How can men who have treated unjustly those who 
aid their fellow men find such aid for themselves ? 

We should grant pardon for the mistakes of the 
past, and henceforth live in peace. 

We should not punish without exception those who 
have made mistakes, but only those who do not learn 
better by the mistakes they have made. 

Among mortals fair dealing is better than anger, 
and an act of kindness better than punishment. 

It is right and suitable to wipe out enmity and 
replace it with friendship. For when a man gets into 
straits, he is wont to turn first to his friends for aid.! 

When an alien soldier gets into straits, he is wont 
to turn first to plundering his friends. 

1 So the text, as emended by Reiske. The discovery, 
later, of the parallel Vatican fragment might seem to pre- 
clude the emendation, but it still seems to give a better sense, 
and it is possible that the speaker was contrasting two types 

of behaviour. The sense of the unemended reading is “ to 
turn first to plundering his friends.” 

2 Capps suggests eùàdßerav for eipývnv. 
3 So Reiske : dáprayyy H. 



10 ”Euguros yàp osa rtoîs Baoieðow ý roô mÀéo- 
vos èmiuuia Toraúrns oùk dhé£erar móàcws. 
(Const. Exc. 4, p. 346.) 
“Ore čuġuros osa rois dvðpøros ý roô 
màÀciovos émbuuia ris roraúrns ópuñs oùð ôàws 

11 Ae yàp Tò TĝS nepnpavias péyelos. kal Tò TĝS 
eobiros Tupavvikòv oikot huàdrrew, eis Dè móàw 
¿hevlépav eloióvTa Toîs êvldðe vópois neibeoba. 

12 Oô yáp TS TÒ yévos Kal TÀ Paodciay kerin- 
povőuņkKe, ToúTOV Peýoe kal Tîs eùðoğias yevé- 
aĝa Šıdõoyos' aloxpov yáp ote TÒ pèv òvopa 
hépew Ilúppou roô `Ayıàéws, rais Sè mpáéeoi 
paiveobðar Oepoiry. 

13 “Oow yáp TiS TÀelovos kupieðer Sóéns, TOToŬTg 
peitovo xapi čke roîs airiois Tv eÙÒrvynuárwv. 
wore Öv ÕúvaTal Tis Tuyyáveww perà öns kal 
yápıros, TovTwv oùk äv émIuuýoa merà dðikias? 
kal oveiðovs kupieĝoar. 

14 Kaàòv oĝv otw, © àvôpwrot, êv roîs dÀÀ Tp ors 
áuaprýpaoı mepi rs iias dodadcias Àaußdvew 

4: ~ 
TV meipav. 

15 "Ori où e? mpokpivew tiwà Tis èv ouyyeveias 
TÅ AAÀOTpLÓTNTA, TiS è TÕV ovpudywV eùvoias TÒ 
TÕV moàepiwv picos. (Exc. Hoesch. p. 494 W.) 


BOOK XXI. 21. 1015 

The greed that is innate in kings will not hold aloof 
from such a city. 

The greed that is innate in mankind will not alto- 
gether abstain from such an enterprise. 

For the pomp of pride and the raiment of tyranny 
should be kept at home, and when one enters a city 
of freemen, one should obey its laws. 

When a man has inherited the blood and dominion 
of another, he will want to succeed to his good name 
also. For it is shameful to bear the name of Pyrrhus, 
son of Achilles, and to show oneself in conduct a 

The greater the reputation that a man possesses, 
the greater will be his gratitude to those who are the 
authors of his good fortune. Hence a man will not 
desire to obtain dishonestly and dishonourably the 
things that he can get with honour and goodwill. 

It is therefore well, gentlemen, to find in other 
men’s mistakes the experience you need for your own 

One should never prefer the foreign to that which 
is kindred, nor yet the hatred of enemies to the 
loyalty of comrades-in-arms. 

1 Cp. the rebuke addressed to Philip of Macedon by the 
orator Demades (above, Book 16. 87). 

1 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : peitovos H. 
2 So Rhodoman: åôtxiav H. 



1. "Ori mdrpióv ori roîs ”Hrepóras ph póvov 
mept? ris ilas marpiðos aywviteohat, åÀàà kal 
Úrèp rÔv hiwv kal ovupdywv riwvvevew. 

2 "Or Aékos ó ‘Pwpaîos yiàlapyos pódat yevé- 
pevos ‘Pyyiov ĉià Iúppov ròv Baciàéa karéodatev 
aùToùs kal TAS kTýoeLS kal TÒS yuvaîkas iÔrororý- 
caro. Karavot òè orot foav, kal éroincav karà 
Tòv porov tpónrov Mapeprívois, Ğonep ekeîvor 
Meconviovs? opdéavres. eira Tùv Siaipeow rÂs 
kTýoews TÕV ŅTuynkóTwv õikov momoduevos é£é- 
mecev ék To ‘Pyyiov puyadevheis rò rôv iblwv 
Kauravðv. ovvýpyņoav è kal Mapeprõivor ... 
perà trv Ànphévrar” ypnpárwv orparnyòv eroin- 
cav. kal Ò) ophadpias vóoov aùròv mepieyovons, 
TÕv larpôv ròv Õókıpov peracrtTeiÀauévov aùrToð, 
oĝros* Tùv ÜBpiv ts martpiðos érðixðv kavhapiow 
úmýàcuje rov Aékiov kal tÑs ópdoews aùròv dre- 
ortépnoé kai ġeúyei éx Meoońvys. 

(Exe. Hoesch. pp. 494-495 W.) 

1 So Herwerden : ért H. 
2 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman ; ¿xewvovs Meonvéovs H. 
3? So Rhodoman: Àeiphéewvrærv H. 
4 oĉros added by Wesseling. 
5 So Schaefer : éreorépnoe H. 



1. It is traditional with the people of Epirus not 
only to fight for their own country but also to face 
danger in defence of their friends and allies. 

Decius, the Roman tribune, appointed to guard c. 280 s.c. 

Rhegium because of King Pyrrhus, slaughtered the 
men of the city and appropriated their wives and pro- 
perty. These soldiers were Campanians, and acted 
just as the Mamertines did, after they slaughtered 
the men of Messana. Then because his distribution 
of the property of the victims was unjust, Decius was 
driven out of Rhegium and was sent into exile by his 
own Campanians. The Mamertines also gave assis- 
tance . . . with the money that was plundered, and 
made him general. On a certain occasion, being 
afflicted with a disease of the eye, he summoned the 
lcading physician ; and he, to avenge the outrage to 
his fatherland, anointed Decius’ eyes with a salve 
made from the blister-beetle, thus deprived him of 
his sight, and then fled from Messana.! 

1 The Hoeschel excerptor has badly garbled the narrative, 
as comparison with the Constantinian version, which follows, 
makes evident. The story is told at greater length and with 
some variations by Dionysius of Halicarnassus (Ant. Rom. 
20. 4-5; cp. also Polybius, 1. 7). Dionysius states that the 
garrison was sent by the Roman consul Fabricius, and that 
he later relieved the oppressed city, but it ìs not clear whether 
his consulship of 282 or 278 s.c. is intended. On Decius Vi- 
bellius see AÑ, s.v. “ Vibellius ” (1), and Broughton, Magis- 
trates, Suppl. (1960), p. 69. 



3 "Ore eis rò ‘Púyiov dmeordàņn gpovpà órò 
‘Pwpaiwv. ó ðè yıàiapyos Aékıos, Tò yévos Kap- 
mavós, mÀcoveĝig kal TõÀAuŅ Õıahépwv èjuuýoaro 
Tùy TÔv MapepTivwv mapavopiav. èkeîvoi Te yàp 
npooðeybévres rò Meoonviwv òs pidor tùv pèv 
mó kareàdßBovro, roùs è Meoonviovs èri rìs 
iias éorias ékdorovs oßġáćavres čyņpav tàs tv 
bio$évwv yvvaîkas kai Tàs TÔv opayévrwv krýoes 
Kkaréoyov: oi è mepi ròv Aékiov Kapravoi ŝo- 
Bévres ónrò ‘Powpaiwv púňakes rôv ‘Pryivwv 
ethàwoav rv rovtrwv wpóTNTa: Tods- yàp ‘Pyyivovs 
opdgavres kal ràs kTýoeis ŠieÀðuevot karéoyov 
Tův mów œs ŠopikrnrTov. ó è émi tis $povpâs 
reraypévos Aékios éźapyvpiodpevos TàS TÕV ÑTVXN- 
kórwv kTýoes Kat thv Šiaipeow tis ©pedeias 
dõkov momoduevos égénmeoev èk roô ‘Pryyiov, 
pvyaðevleis úrò rôv ovvaceßnoavrwv Kauravôv. 
où uv ekéhvyov rův ttuwpiav oi mapavouýoavres, 
daÀX’ d èv Aékios eis oġbaàpiav yaierhv èuTeocàv 
uerenéjaro Tv iarpõv tòv àpiorov: oros &è 
Thv únèp Tis matpiõos Tıuwpiav' \außpdvwv ikavôs 
kavbapiow ómýàcuje ròv Aékiov kal TÑs ópdoews 
avrov oTepýoas čġvyev èk tis Meoońvys. 

(Const. Exc. 2 (1), pp. 256-257.) 
2. Karà Sè Zıkeàiav oav rúpavvori ‘Ikéras èv 
Zvpakóoy, Divrias eis ` Akpáyavra, Tuvõðapiwv? èv 

Tavpoueviw, kat črepor Tv èñarróvwv móàewv. 
ivrias è kal ‘Ikéras mpòs aààńàovs móàeuov 

evorņnoduevot maperačavro mept ròv “Yfpàaov, kal 

bl y. ʻI jd > t %. AS 
Tv viry ‘Ikéras amyvéykaro. kartaðpopàs è 

1 So Valesius: rapavoplav P. 
2 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : Tvvôápios H. 


BOOK XXII. 1. 3—2. 1 

A garrison was sent to Rhegium by the Romans. 
Decius the tribune, a Campanian by race and a man 
of unusual greed and daring, imitated the lawless 
conduct of the Mamertines. For although the Mamer- 
tines had been received as friends by the people of 
Messana, they seized control of the city, slaughtered 
the men, each at his own hearth, married the wives 
of: their own hosts, and possessed -themselves of the 
property of their victims. So Decius and his Cam- 
panians, though they had been sent by. Rome to 
guard the inhabitants of Rhegium, emulated the 
savagery of the Mamertines ; for they slaughtered 
the citizens, divided up their property, and occupied 
the city as a prize of war. Decius, who had been 
appointed commander of the garrison, converted into 
money the property of the hapless populace; and 
because he made an unfair distribution of the spoils, 
was driven out of Rhegium and sent into exile by the 
Campanians, his partners in guilt. The transgressors 
did not, however, escape punishment, but Decius, 
when he had a severe attack of ophthalmia, called 
in the best of the physicians, who, taking revenge for 
his country, anointed him amply with blister-beetle 
salve, and having robbed Decius of his sight fled 
from Messana. 

2. Throughout Sicily there were tyrants, Hicetas 
in Syracuse, Phintias in Acragas, Tyndarion in Tauro- 
menium, and others in the lesser cities. A war arose 
between Phintias and Hicetas, and when they met 
in battle near the Hyblaeus, Hicetas was victorious ; 

1 Probably the upper part of the Hyrminius River, in the 
region of Hybla Heraea. 



mpòs dAÀàovs moroŭpevoi tàs krýoeis Šiýpracav, 
Tv è xwpav dyewpynrov èroincav. ‘Ikéras ŝè 
T vicy èmapóuevos maperáčaro mpòs Kapynņðo- 
vious, kal Àeipbeis moñàoùs otpatıbras améßañe 

2 mepi rov Typiav morauóv. kriter è Dwrias mów, 
ovoudoas ariv Dwridõa, Teàwovs åvaordrovs 
õvras oikioas? èv aùrf' ori Sè arn? mapabaàdo- 
cost kaĝapõðv rà Telyn kal tàs oikias? Ttoùs 
àaodùs ris Déas eis riv Owrdòa uerýveyke, 
Krisas rTeîyos kal dyopav ačıóoyov kal vaoùs 

3 "Oev parpóvov yeyovóros, úrò macôv rv mó- 
Àcwv ¿uojn rõv oùoðv úr aùr, kal Toùs mpòs 
ppovpàv òvras ¿iwéav, èv oîs mpôrov anéornoav 
’Ayvpwaîor. (Exc. Hoesch. p. 495 W.) 

4 "On Owrias trôv móàcwv Piaiws čpywv ral 
moods TÕV eùmópwv avapðv Úno Tv ÝToTETaY- 
pévwv ià Tùy mapavouiav épuoeîro. Siórmep árdv- 
Twv övrw? nmpòs dróoracw, Tayò TaTewwbels 
Lereßaàero Tòv Tpórov kal piavðpwrórtepov dpywv 
ciakaréoyev aùroùs Ùmò yeîpa. 

3. "Ori Iroàeuatos ó Makesóvwv Baoideds rhv 
èv ùikiav véos ©@v mavreàðs, mpayudtrwv ĝè 
nmoàeuikÂv repos, púoer è Opacùs kal mporerhs 
oùðev rv ypnoiuwv mpoevoeîro: TOv yàp piwv aù- 
TÒ ovubovàevóvræwv avaðéčaoðaı Toùs dġvortepoðv- 
TAS, OÙ TpOCÉOXEV. (Const. Exc. 2 (1), p. 257.) 

1 So Wesseling : àņngleis H. 
2 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : oixýoas H. 
3 So Dindorf: aùr) H. 
4 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : rapaladasciovs H. 
5 kal after oèxias deleted by Hoeschel. 


BOOK XXII. 2. 1—3. Ì 

in their raids against one another, they pillaged the 
estates and made the district a wasteland. Hicetas 
was so elated by his victory that he joined battle with 
the Carthaginians, but was defeated and lost many 
men near the river Terias. Phintias founded a city, 
which he named Phintias, settling in it the inhabitants 
of Gela, who were driven from their homes. This 
city, Phintias, is by the sea. He tore down the walls 
and houses of Gela, and transferred its people to 
Phintias, where he had built a wall, a notable market- 
place, and temples of the gods. 

Hence, since he had shown himself a bloodthirsty 
murderer, all the cities subject to him came to loathe 
him and drove out their garrisons, the first to revolt 
being the people of Agyrium.! 

Since Phintias ruled the cities by main force and 
put to death many of the wealthy men, his lawlessness 
won him the hatred of his subjects ; consequently, 
since all were at the point of revolt, he was soon 
humbled, changed his ways, and by a more humane 
rule held his subjects under control. 

3. Ptolemy,? the king of the Macedonians, being 
quite young and inexperienced in the business of 
war, and being by nature rash and impetuous, exer- 
cised no prudence or foresight. For instance, when 
his friends advised him to wait for the troops which 
were tardy in arriving, he paid no attention. 

1 Diodorus is constantly alert to opportunities for singling 
out his native city for mention. 

2 Ptolemy Keraunos, son of Ptolemy I Soter by Eurydicê. 

He was proclaimed king of Macedonia by the army in 280 
B.C. and was killed in 279 r.c. 

6 övyrwv éroípww Valesius ; ióvrav Post; Wesseling defends 
the text. 
? 8 é òroùs H den: å éi òs P 
rakaréoyev aùroùs Herwerden : ŝrakatéoye roùs P. 


280/79 B.C. 


2 "Or órò adar Iroàepaios ó Baoideds èogd- 
yn kal nmâoa ý Marxeðovc) Súvapıs Kkarekómn 
Kal ðrephdpn. (Exe. Hoesch. p. 495 W.) 
4 Karà è roùs ypóvovs Toúrovs, rv Tadarôv 
émixeruévwv t Mareðovig kai Aenàarovvrwv aù- 
TÚV, òra Tò moods eneupaivovras ti Pacıideig 
mpòs Ppayù kpareîv kal ekminrew abris, v efs 
kal Meàéaypos, dðeàdòs Iiroepaiov roô Adáyov, 
Tps oàiyas ńuépas vuvacreúsas xal èkreocov' 
wcavtTws è Koi Avrimartpos huépos Tescapákovra 
névre’ ue’ oùs Dwolévns, éri è Iroàepatos, mpòs 
òè roúrois 'Aàéfavôpos xai Tuúppos ó 'Hrepórys’ 
oi mdvres ETN Tpia katrà Aióðwpov. 
, f (Georgius Syncellus, p. 507.3) 
5. “Ori 'Aroàóðwpos émðéuevos tupavviðı kal 
Pepurðoa kpivaşs tùv ovvwuociav, ueipakickov 
rwa piov aùroô kaàécas &©s èri Ovolav kal 
cofayıdoas rToîs Îeoîs rd te omàdyyva Toîs ovvo- 
pócacıv wke dayeîv kal Tò aÎua Kepáoas otvo 
meîv mapekeÀevcaTo. i 
2 "Ori ò aùròs 'Arodódwpos Taàdras eúpàv kal 
Toúrois ôrmàa ods kai Õwpeaîs tuýoas Šopv- 
pópois xpĵTo motots kal mpòs Tàs koàdoeis ev- 
érois òà Tv @pórnra. tàs è rv eùrópwv 
oùoias nueúwv mÀñbos yonuárwv Ňpoitev. àva- 

1 Ed. Dindorf, Bonn, 1829. 

1 If the text is right Meleager was an uncle of Ptolemy 
Keraunos. Eusebius (1. 235 Schoene) calls him a brother. 

2 Antipater “ Etesias,” a nephew of Cassander. 

3? A Macedonian, probably one of the generals of Lysi- 
machus, he refused the proffered crown but did serve as 
commander of the army. Bengtson, Die Strategie in d. 

BOOK XXII. 3. 2—5. 2 

King Ptolemy was slain and the whole Macedo- 279 s.c. 

nian army was cut to pieces and destroyed by the 
Gauls. i 

4. During this period the Gauls attacked Mace- 279-17 or 
276 B.C. 

donia and harried it, since there were many claim- 
ants to the kingship, who possessed themselves of 
it briefly and were driven out. One of these was: 
Meleager, a brother of Ptolemy, son of Lagus,* who 
ruled for only a few days and was then expelled. 
Similarly, Antipater ? ruled for forty-five days. After 
them came Sosthenes, then Ptolemy,*t as well as 
Alexander, and Pyrrhus of Epirus. All together 
they ruled for three years, according to Diodorus. 

5. Apollodorus, who aimed at a tyranny, and c. 28 B.o. 

thought to render the conspiracy secure, invited a 
young lad, one of his friends, to a sacrifice, slew him 
as an offering to the gods, gave the conspirators his 
vitals to eat, and when he had mixed the blood with 
wine, bade them drink it. 

This same Apollodorus, having recruited some 
Gauls, furnished them too with arms, and, when he 
had conferred gifts upon them, found them loyal 
guardsmen and convenient tools, because of their 
cruelty, to execute his punishments. By confiscating 
the property of the well-to-do he amassed great 

hellenist. Zeit, 2. 381 ff., denies that Sosthenes was of ignoble 
birth, and notes the choice of a strategos to head the state, in 
lieu of a king, as a reversion to earlier practices. 

4 Probably a son of Lysimachus. 

6 Possibly another son of Lysimachus, or he may be 
identical with the Arrhiìdaeus named in Eusebius (1. 285 

€ The leader of a proletarian revolntion in Cassandreia, a 
new city founded by Cassander in 316 s.c. on the site of 
Potidaea. He was finally subdued by Antigonus Gonatas 
in 276 B.C. 



BiBdoas è tods orpatiwrikods puobods kal pera- 
Sods roîs mévnoi ris eùnopias Súvajuv déióàoyov 
mepemoroaTo. èkrpaneis è eis &uórmra kal 
màcovečiav eloenpdtreTo TOÙS TOÀATIKOÙS yphuarta, 
kal moňdoùs uèv ävôpas, oùk dàiyas è yvvaîkas 
T da TÂv Bacávæav Tıuwpig Biatóuevos ğváykace 
mávras’ äpyvpov kal ypvoðv mapaðıðóvaı. eye Šè 
Tupavviðos eionyntTiv kal Sðdokadov Kadipõvra 
Ttov Zureàdv, ovvõiarerpihóra moois tois karà 
TV Zixediav Tupávvois. (Const. Exc. 2 (1), p. 257.) 

6 Or Ù Koðpeia vik mapouia èsriv. eor è 
ovTw: Tò Toùs vicýoavras guupopàv yew, roùs è 
ýrTNuévovs pnõèv kwõuveúew ià rò uéyebos Tis 
Nyepovias. (Exc. Hoesch, p. 495 W.) 
2 "Ori Iúppos ó Bagideùs moods tôv ’Hrepw- 

Tv TÔv ovvõiaßepyrórwv ånoßeßànkós, ènei tis 
NpäTqoev aŭròv tõv iDiofévaw TÖS TÀ karà TÀV 
páx™ åmývrnoev aðtĝ, einev örn? èàv čri puĝ 
udxņ vxýoņn roùs ‘Pwpaiovs, oùõeis aùrô tôv 
otpaTiwrÂv TÂ ovvåiaßeßnkórwv åroňeipbřoera. 
Taîs yàp aànbeiais amdoas tàs vikas čoye Kaôpelas 
kata Tùv mapoyriav: oi yàp ýrrylévres oùðèv 
eramewónoav ià TÒ péyeßos îs iyepovias, ó òè 
A E EA Tõv rrypévav Pàdpyv kal ovupopàv 
3 "Ori Kivéas mpeoßevrs åmooradeis mapà IHvppov 

mepi Õraúoews mpòs “‘Pwpalovs, otos merorios’ 

b So Post: rdvra P. 
; So Horschel, Rhodoman: 7 H. 
čr added by Herwerden. Ön enei see Introducti 
TL š ucti 
p. xviii. t So Dindorf: moros V. i S 


BOOK XXII. 5. 2—6. 3 

wealth. Then, by an increase in the pay of his 
soldiers, and by sharing his riches with the poor, 
he made himself master of a formidable force. But 
turning then to cruelty and greed he began to exact 
money from the citizens at large, and by inflicting 
the penalty of torture upon many men and more than 
a few women he forced everyone to hand over gold 
and silver. His guide and tutor in tyranny was 
Calliphon the Sicel, who had lived at the court of 
many of the Sicilian tyrants. 

6. A “ Cadmean victory ’ 
sion. It signifies that the victors suffer misfortune, 
while the defeated are not endangered because of 
the magnitude of their dominion.* 

King Pyrrhus had lost many of the Epirotes who 
had crossed over 2 with him, and when one of his 
friends asked how he had fared in the battle, he 
replied : “ If I win a victory in one more battle with 
the Romans, I shall not have left a single soldier of 
those who crossed over with me.” In very truth, all 
his victories were, as the proverb has it, Cadmean ; 
for the enemy, though defeated, were in no way 
humbled, since their dominion was so great, whereas 
the victor had suffered the damage and disaster that 
commonly go with defeat. 

Cineas, whom Pyrrhus sent as ambassador to treat 
for terms with the Romans, was a persuasive diplomat, 

1 Guidas refers the expression to those who are victorious 
in battle but lose more men than the enemy. 

2 Into Italy. The battle took place near Heraecleia, and 
Pyrrhus commemorated his victory by a dedication at 
Dodona (Dittenberger, SylHlogé?, 392). 


is a proverbial expres- 280 s.c. 

280 or 
279 B.C. 


öv & TË Tpeopevew kal pa modure Tos 
evbérors E8ibov. oi sè oùk éàaßov tarta, mávres 
sè piav kal Tv aùrùr’ anrókpiow wrav aùtÂ, 
ôT. võv èv Švros aùroĝ modepiov unõapðs åpuő- 
bew Thv Swpeáv, êav è karanpaënrtai TV eipývnv 
kal yévnTar pios Pwpaiwv, hòéws mpooðéteoba? 
Týv daw oñoav åkaryyópnrov. 
zai AE (Const. Exc. 4, pp. 346-347.) 
; Te Pwrias ó Qwridõos rriorwp, ’Akpd- 
yavros Túpavvos, elðev õvap Snov rv roô Blov 
kataotpopiv, : îr „Čyprov Kuvnyoðvros,* öppioa 
kar’ aùroî tòv ôv Kal TÙùV TÀevpàv aŭro Toîs 
dodot nardğaı kal Sıedoavra Tùv TÀNyÙv KTE- 

2 "Or ‘Icéras êvvéa črn ðvvaoreúoas Xvpakócas 
rò Ooivwvos® ro Mapéws” êkßáňderar ris tupav- 

3 "On Ooírwy kal Xworparos Sıaðeğduevor ‘Iké- 

Tav, oŬTw Táùv mpokañoðvrar Tlúppov ròv Baoiàéa 

eis Xukediav. 

4 “Or Mapeprivor ot Meconviovs dodopovýoavres? 

ovuuayiav perà Kapynõoviwv moiýoavres, ëkpwav 

kowñ Srarwàvew Iúppov riv eis Zixedlav Sidßaow: 
aùrùv added by Mai. 

So Dindorf: mpooĝétaoĝar V. 

So Hoeschel, Rhodoman: xrýrwp H. 

So Hoeschel, Rhodoman :. kuvyyoôvra H. 
Al editors, following Rhodoman, give the false reading 


So Wesseling (throughout): Owlwvos H. 
So Dindorf : Mauéwv H, Mauuéws Hoeschel, Rhodoman. 
So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : Meoońvnv Soñogovýoavras H. 

Opinion is divided on the date of this incident, and on 

BOOK XXII. 6. 3—7. 4 

and, in addition, offered valuable presents to the 
appropriate persons. They did not accept these 
presents, but all gave him the selfsame answer, that 
since he was at this time an enemy, such a gift was 
quite unfitting ; if, however, he should bring about a 
peace and become a friend of the Roman people, 
they would gladly accept his gift, which would then 
be above reproach.! 

7. Phintias, the founder of the city of Phintias 
and tyrant of Acragas, had a dream that revealed 
the manner of his death : he was hunting a wild 
boar, when the swine rushed at him, struck his side 
with its tusks, pierced him through, and killed 

Hicetas had ruled Syracuse for nine years when 
he was thrust from power by Thoenon, the son of 

When Thoenon and Sostratus? had succeeded 
Hicetas, they once again invited King Pyrrhus to 
come to Sicily. 

The Mamertines, who had treacherously murdered 
the men of Messana, having made an alliance with 
the Carthaginians, decided to join them in trying to 
prevent Pyrrhus from crossing over into Sicily. But 

the question whether Cineas made a single mission to Rome, 
or two. 

2 Among the coins issued by Phintias some bear on the 
reverse the figure of a boar, on the obverse the head either of 
Artemis (sometimes inscribed “ Soteira ”) or of the river-god 
Acragas. The story recorded here may well be related to 
the coin-types, whether or not it is a later invention. 

3 Thoenon was later put to death by Pyrrhus (Plutarch, 
Pyrrhus, 23; Dionysius Hal. Ant. Rom, 20. 8}. Sostratus 
is possibly a grandson of the Sostratus (or Sosistratus) of 
Book 19. 3 ff.; here, as there, the name appears in both 




Tuvõapiwv Sè ó Tavpopevlas Túpavvos črÀwe mpòs 
aùróv, kal éroruos ÑV Õéfachat TH móet tràs per 
aùroô ĝvvápeis. 

5 “Or Kapynsóviot ovppayiav moroavres perà 
‘Pwpaiwv mevrakociovs ävõpas čÀaßov els ràs 
bias vaðs, kal eis rò ‘Púyiov ĉiaßávres mpooßoààs 
moroŭpevoi TÑs pèv? moopkias anéornoav, Thv Šè 
mapeokevaopévnv ÙÀnv eis vauvnyyiay evénpnoav,? 
kat Öéuewav huàdrrovres Tòv moplpóv, mapa- 
Tnpoðvres thv ciaßaow TIppov. 

6 “Or Oowvwvos ris Nýjoov kvupieúovros, kal Zw- 
orTpárov rs Łupakóoņns rTvpavvoðvros, čyovres* 
oTpatubTas puuplovs Õreroàépovv AÀńÀors*: dp- 
pórtepor Sè kduvovres èv TÔ moàéuw rerpeoßevovro 
npòs Húppov. 

8. “Ori Tlúppos èv `Iradiq èmoàéunoev éry Svo 
kal uîvas réooapas. ÖT ToútTov mapaokevato- 
uévov mpòs tòv ékmàovv, tràs Evpakósas Kapyn- 
Òóvior émotóprkovv kal karà yõv kal katà Qdáartrtav, 
ékarov vavoiv eġoppoûvres? TÔ peydàw Ùpéve 
meli è mévre pvpidot mÀnolov tV Teyõv 
artpateúovtes," Tayýpeis ovveyov tovs %vpako- 

N A A l4 y 

2 katTeckevacav. ÕlÒ T moÀépw KáuvovTesS ot Lupa- 
kóotot ràs àriõas eÎyov èv TÔ Iúppw ðià Advac- 
cav? tùv yvvaîka, trùv Îvyarépa `Ayalokàćovs, 
EE hs éyévvnoev `Adétavðpov vióv, kat ĉia ToôrTo 

1 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : ĝééar H. 

2? uèv transferred here by Dindorf from a position after 
apooßoàas, above. 

3 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : evéreipav H. 

4 Wurm suggests čyovros Šè (cp. chap. 8. 4). 
5 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman: aààńàovs H. 


BOOK XXII. 7. 4—8. 2 

Tyndarion, the tyrant of Tauromenia, inclined in 
favour of Pyrrhus and was ready to receive his forces 
into the city. 

The Carthaginians, having made an alliance with 
the Romans, took five hundred men ? on board their 
own ships and sailed across to Rhegium ; they made 
assaults, and though they desisted from the siege, 
set fire to the timber that had been brought together 
for ship-building, and they continued to guard the 
Strait, watching against any attempt by Pyrrhus to 

Thoenon controlled the Island, while Sostratus 
ruled Syracuse. They had ten thousand soldiers, and 
carried on war with each other. But both, becoming 
exhausted in the war, sent ambassadors to Pyrrhus. 

8. Pyrrhus waged war in Italy for two years and 
four months. While he was making ready to set sail, 
the Carthaginians were besieging Syracuse both by 
land and by sea ; they blockaded the Great Harbour 
with a hundred ships, and on land they carried on 
operations close to the walls with fifty thousand men. 
Thus they held the Syracusans pent up while they 
overran their territory and laid it waste. Conse- 
quently the Syracusans, being exhausted by the war, 
pinned their hopes on Pyrrhus because of his wife 
Lanassa, the daughter of Agathocles, who had borne 
Pyrrhus a son, Alexander ; therefore they daily dis- 

1 These men were Roman legionaries, For the terms of 
the treaty with Rome, made in 279 s.c., see Polybius, 3. 25. 
2 Ortygia. 

€ So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : egoppôvres H. 
7 So Dindorf : reči H, metov Hoeschel, Rhodoman. 
8 Oldfather suggests orparoreĝevovres. 
° So Rhodoman : Mávaocav H. 


279/8 B.0. 

278 B.C. 


Kab hpépav dAñous èr’ dààois'rrpéoßeis éoreñàov' 
npòs aùróv. èußßBdoas Sè ròv Àaòv eis tràs vaĝs 
kal roùs eàéhavras kal Tìv &ÀÀànv nmapaokevýv, 
èténàevoev ek rs Tdápavros, kal ekaratos eis 
3 Aokpoùs Karĝpev. èvreĝlev ratranàeúsas ròv 
noplpòv rai iapas Xikeàiav, kathpev cis Thv Tav- 
pouéviov. èkeîbev npocàaßópevos eis ovppayiav 
Turõapiwva ròv Svváoryy Tavpopevias, kai Aaßpov 
map aùTo orpatubTas, katénÀevoev eis Thv Kard- 
vyv. Kal npooðeyleis úno rôv èyywpiwv ueyádàws? 
kal ypvooîŭs orepavois orepheis, anepipace tùv 
nethv õúvajuv. Taúrņs è mopevopévns eis Xvpa- 
kóoas, kat ó orTóàos ovpnapéràe kekoopnuévos 
npòs vavpayiav. œs è mÀnoiov èyévovro Lupa- 
Kkóoņs, oi pèv Kapyņnôóviot mpoareoraàkóres 
tpidrovra vaðs ĝıd tiwas ypelas åvaykaías, Taîs 
Kkaraàeàceiuuévais oùk èéróàunoav nmodeuhoar. 
4 ŝiómep Ilúppos drwðüvws ðéràevoev eis Zvpa- 
kóoas, kat mapéiaßet tův Nĝĵoov mapà Ooi- 
` x 7 ` F- AR ` 

vwvos, Thv Õè dAÀnv möv mapa Lupakociwy* Kal 
Ewoorpdrov. oros è ékupievoev Arpáyavrtos 
kal moààðv dAwv rõàcwv, éywv ortpatuotas Ùnèp 
roùs pvupiovs. kal ròv pèv Oolvwva kal Bwoi- 
artparov kal roùs Lupakociovs kaTàñaġe Kal eis 
óuóvorav ġyayev, ws peydàns Tevéóuevos? amo- 
5 Soyñs Šid Tùv eiphvyv. ó ðè Paoıdeùs mapañaßfwv 
Tá te PÉÀn kal tràs unyavàs kal tàs êv T móde 
rapackevas' ai è vas ås mapéaßev êv raîs 
Evpakóoais karáģpakrtot ékatòv eikoot kai hpa- 

1 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : oréMew H. 
2 karanàceŭoas . . . Xıxeàlar] None of the many emenda- 
tions proposed is completely convincing. The translation is 


BOOK XXII. 8. 2-5 

patched envoys to him, one group after the other. 
He embarked his men, his elephants, and his other 
equipment of war aboard his ships, set sail from 
Tarentum, and put in at Locri on the tenth day. 
From there he sailed to the Narrows, and crossing to 
Sicily, put in at Tauromenium. Thence after adding 
Tyndarion, the dynast of Tauromenia, to his alliance 
and after obtaining soldiers from him, he sailed to 
Catana. There, having been welcomed by the in- 
habitants with great state and crowned with golden 
crowns, he disembarked his infantry. As they made 
their way to Syracuse, the fleet accompanied them 
in battle array. When they approached Syracuse, 
the Carthaginians, who had sent away thirty ships 
on some necessary missions, did not venture to do 
battle with the ships that remained. Thus Pyrrhus 
sailed unchallenged into Syracuse, and accepted 
delivery of the Island from Thoenon, and of the rest 
of the city from the citizens and Sosistratus. This 
Sosistratus had made himself master of Acragas and 
of many other cities, and had an army of more than 
ten thousand men. Pyrrhus effected a reconciliation 
between Thoenon and Sosistratus and the Syracusans 
and restorėd harmony, thinking to gain great popu- 
larity by virtue of the peace. The king took over the 
missiles, engines of war, and such equipment as was 
in the city ; the ships that he took over in Syracuse 
were: one hundred and twenty decked vessels, 

based on Post's mpòs ròv mopfuov and Rhodoman’s (or 
Hoeschel’s) es Dixeàiav. 

3 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : peydàoss H. Possibly, however, 
a word is lost. 

4 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : rapaàaßĝòrv H. 

5 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : Evparociois H. 

€ tevćópevos added by Wifstrand, 



KTOL eikoov ġ pèv Baoi) evvýpns' ó è oúuras 
aródos oùv taîs uer aùroô kopuobeicais mÀelovs 
Siaxooiwv. èv roúrw è övros ağroô, kov mpéc- 
Beis êk Aeovrivæwv arò! ‘Hpakràelov roô Svváo- 
Tov Àéyovros? mapaðooew T® Baoihe? Thv mów kal 
Tà bpoŭpia kai orparuóras meķoùs rerpakioyiÀlovs, 
inneis Sè mevrarogiovs. Ñrov è ral repot mÀeî- 
aToL eis Eupárocav, Àéyovres tràs nódes rapa- 
Swoev kal ovvepyjoew TA Iúppw. ó è mdávras 
piàavhpóonws droðetduevos åréàvoev eis tràs llas 
marpiðas, dÀribwv kal Ains rvyeiv. 
6 "Ori ó uiv ò Kopwbiakòs Aéyaror? raderar. 
9. “Ori Bpévvos ò Paoieùs l'adar®v perà nevre- 
kaleka pupidðwr" Bupeopópwv kal inméwv uvpiwv 
kal érépov dyopaíov õyxàov rai európwv màelorwv 
kal áuatõv ioyiàiwv eis Makeðoviav elav rée- 
pov èroinoev, èv © noňoùs otTpatióras ånoßaàov, 
os u) ioyúsas .. # úorepov eis rýv ‘EdMdôa 
Ebo ral eis rò év Aeàgoîs pavreîov, Oéiwr àro- 
ovàñoat aùrTó. kal moàÀoð moÀéuov yeyovóros, 
pvupidðas èkeîoe orpariwrõv amoßaààdv ènànyn 
kat aùròs Bpévvos rpiot mÀnyaîs. Bapvvóuevos Šè 
kal mpòs Îdvarov, ovvayayàv ròv Ààaòv aùroô, 
Sreàdàyoe roîs Taàdrais, ovufovàceúoas aùroîs 


1 So Dindorf: óró H. 

3 So Herwerden : Aeyaîos H. 

4 So Hoeschel, Rhħhodoman : pvpidĝas H. 

5 Lacuna indicated by Herwerden, who proposes xa e) 
Kkatıgyúgas (roùs vavriovs . . . èv . . .) Ŭorepov & eis... 
ġàĝe; Rhodoman suggests dréßadev, Čore uù ioyúoat ÜarTepov. 
, ê Post points out that a number is nerded. Perhaps read 
exe? e or eke g’. 


2 àéyovres Vulgate. 

BOOK XXII. 8. 5—9. 2 

twenty without decks, and the royal “ niner ” 1: the 
total, including the ships he had brought with him, 
now amounted to a fleet of more than two hundred. 
While he was busy with these matters envoys arrived 
from Leontini, sent by Heracleides the ruler, who 
said that he would hand over to the king the city and 
its forts, together with four thousand infantry and 
five hundred cavalry. Many other embassies also 
came to Syracuse, offering to hand over their cities 
and saying that they would co-operate with Pyrrhus. 
He received them all courteously, and then sent 
them back to their several countries, hoping now to 
win even Libya. 
The harbour of Corinth is called Lechaeum. 

9. Brennus, the king of the Gauls, accompanied by 279 s.o. 

one hundred and fifty thousand infantry, armed with 
long shields, and ten thousand cavalry, together with 
a horde of camp followers, large numbers of traders, 
and two thousand waggons, invaded Macedonia and 
engaged in battle. Having in this confliċt lost many 
men ... as lacking sufficient strength . . . when 
later he advanced into Greece and to the oracle at 
Delphi, which he wished to plunder.? In the mighty 
battle fought there he lost tens of thousands ? of his 
comrades-in-arms, and Brennus himself was three 
times wounded. Weighed down and near to death, 
he assembled his host there and spoke to the Gauls. 

1 The ennērēs, or ship of the nine-class. Presumably this 
means nine men to an oar, not nine banks of oars. 

2 The text is uncertain. Rhodoman’s text gives: “ he 
lost many men, so that he lacked sufficient strength when, 
ete.” ; Herwerden’s: “ having lost many men and having 
failed to prevail over the enemy he... but later he 
advanced, ete.” 

3 The exact number was perhaps 50,000 or 60,000; see 
critical note. 



éavròv Kal roùs tpavparias dravras ànmorreîvat 
kal tràs dudas kaúoavras! eùtæovovs eis Tà oikeîa 
ênaveàbeîv: Baociàéa è karaoroar Kiyøpov. 
Bpévvos è drparov moàùv eupopmoduevos éavròv 

3 dréoßače. Kiyæpios è roôrov Odas, Toùs Tpav- 
partias kal Toùs darò yeuðvos kal meins rada- 
mwpýoavras dveîàev, övraş mepi Šıouvpiovs: kal 
oŬtrws roîs Àoiroîs õià ris aùrñs dðoð mpòs olkov 
Tùv mopeíav emowîro. kard è Tàs õvoywpías ot 
"Enves êmrbépevori tas oùpaylas? dnékonrov kal 
TV drockevùv pav åmagav: mopevóuevot è mpòs 
Oepporúdas, kal oravıoúons aùroô rpodñs, àré- 
Arov čAdovs Siouupiovs. Sià è rv Aapõdvwr’ 
drepxópevor dravres Šiephdpnoav, kal oùðels öre- 
Acipôy areàbeiv ofkov. 

(Exc. Hoesch. pp. 495-497 W.) 

£4 "Or Bpéwvos ó rôv Tadarôv Paoiieùs els 

vaòv bov apyvpoðv uèv Ñ xpvooðv oùðèv epev 

daváðņua, dyáňuara è uóvov Àfıva ral Eúva 

katadaßov kareyéasev ri Qeoùs davðpwrouóppovs 

eiva Soxoûvres lorasav aùroùs čvàlvovs re kal 

5 "Ori oi èv Aeàgoîs òvres karà mhv rôv Tadarôv 
čpoðov Bewpofvres mÀnoiov vra ròv rivõvvov èrņ- 
pornoav Tòv Îeðv el Tà xpýpata kal Tà tékva kal 
Tàs yvvaîkas drokouiowow èk TOÔ uavreilov mpòs 
Tàs ôyvpwTáras ræv màņoiov nóàewv. ý Sè Ivbia 
Toîs Aeàpoîs anókpiow čwrev mpoorárrev ròv 
Qeòv éâv rà åvafńýuara xal răàa rà mpòs ròv 
kóopov rôv leðv dvýkovra karà yøpav èv r® 


BOOK XXII. 9. 2-5 

He advised them to kill him and all the wounded, to 
burn their waggons, and to return home unburdened ; 
he advised them also to make Cichorijus * king. Then, 
after drinking deeply of undiluted wine, Brennus 
slew himself. After Cichorius had given him burial, 
he killed the wounded and those who were victims of 
cold and starvation, some twenty thousand in all; 
and so he began the journey homeward with the rest 
by the same route. In difficult terrain the Greeks 
would attack and cut off those in the rear, and 
carried off all their baggage. On the way to Ther- 
mopylae, food being scarce there, they abandoned 
twenty thousand more men. All the rest perished as 
they were going through the country of the Dardani, 
and not a single man was left to return home. 

Brennus, the king of the Gauls, on entering a 
temple found no dedications of gold or silver, and 
when he came only upon images of stone and wood 
he laughed at them,? to think that men, believing 
that gods have human form, should set up their 
images in wood and stone. 

At the time of the Gallic invasion the inhabitants 
of Delphi, seeing that danger was at hand, asked the 
god if they should remove the treasures, the children, 
and the women from the shrine to the most strongly 
fortified of the neighbouring cities. The Pythia 
replied to the Delphians that the god commanded 
them to leave in place in the shrine the dedications 
and whatever else pertained to the adornment of the 

1 Or Acichorius, as in Pausanias, 10. 22-23. 
2? ie. at the Greeks. 

1 So Wesseling : xaúoavres H. 
2 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : dpyias H. 
3 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : roô Aapôdvov H. 




pavrelw: pvàdčew yàp dmavra ròv beòv kal per 
aùroô ràs euvras kópas. övrwv ðè èv rÔ Tepéve 
õveîv veðr mavredâs dpyalwv `Aðyvâs Ipovaias? 
kal `Apréuðos, raúras tàs Îeods óréaßov elvat 
Tàs à TOÔ ypnopoð mpocayopevouévas Àevkås 
kóôpas. (Const. Exc. 4, p. 347.) 

10. ʻO Húóppos rå karà Evpakóocas ral Aecov- 
Tivovs kataotnoduevos perà Švuvápews emè tùv 
Axkpåyavra mpoĵAbev. övros è avroð repi TÀv 
dõorropiav, kov '`Evvañoð Àéyovres rùv $povpàv 
Tv Kapynõoviwv érßeßànrévar, Ñv elyov črws uh 
wrias ðvvacredon aùrôv, Aéyovres riv mów 

TA b3 
mapaðwcev kat ovuudyovs yevéoðair. aùroð Sè 

3 $ 
dvaàaßóvros Tův otpatıdv .. . els `Arpáyavra. 

mapayevóuevos ùv pèv móùv čaße mapa Xwo- 
aTpáTov kal roùs oTpatiwras, megoùs èv kra- 
kioyiÀiovs, immeîs è krrakoclovs, nmávras Šè 
emÀékTovs, oùðèv dmodermouévovs* TÔv  Hrerpw- 
rõv mapéaße è kail tpárovra nóňes ðv Îpye 
Zwoiotpatos. perà Sè rara åmoorelàas és Xv- 
pakósas ńyayev öpyava moMopryricà ral Beàðv 
mÀhlos. éorparevoev emi tyy? tÔv Kapynsoviwv 
emixpdrerav, čywv mečoùs rpiopvupiovs, inmeîs Sè 
XiAlovs mevrakosiovs kal éàépavras. kal mpornv 
mów ‘Hpdràcerav ónnydyero’ ppovpovuévyv úrò 
Kapynõoviwv: perà Sè rara `Atõvas mapéňaßev. 
eira Bevoúvriot TÔ Paoi npoceyopnoav, era 
1 peðv] ðv Madvig, but cp. Justin, 24. 8. 5. 
2 So Cobet, Herwerden : mpovdov V, 

3 So Beloch: è vavai H. 
4 So Dindorf: åmomopévovs H. 6 So Dindorf: rs H. 


BOOK XXII. 9. 5—10. 2 

gods ; for the god, and with him the White Maidens, 
would protect all. As there were in the sacred pre- 
cinct two temples of extreme antiquity, one of 
Athena Pronaia and one of Artemis, they assumed 
that these goddesses were the “ White Maidens ” 
named in the oracle.! 

10. Pyrrhus, after settling matters in Syracuse and 
Leontini, set out with an army for Acragas. While 
he was on the way, men of Enna ? arrived, saying 
that they had expelled the Carthaginian garrison, 
which they had kept to prevent Phintias from be- 
coming their ruler, and promising to hand over their 
city to Pyrrhus and become his allies. Pyrrhus, 
taking his army with him . . . he arrived at Acragas 
and took over from Sosistratus the city and the sol- 
diers, eight thousand infantry and eight hundred 
horsemen, all picked men; no whit inferior to the 
men of Epirus. He also took over thirty cities that 
Sosistratus ruled. He then sent to Syracuse and 
brought siege engines and a great quantity of mis- 
siles. He marched against the territory subject to 
the Carthaginians with an army of thirty thousand 
infantry, fifteen hundred cavalry è and his elephants. 
He subdued frst the city of Heracleia, which had a 
Carthaginian garrison. He then seized Azones. The 
people of Selinus then came over to the king, and 

1 The *“ White Maidens ” appeared as a blinding snow- 
storm, during which the Greeks successfully attacked the 

2 The unemended text has “ men arrived in ships.” 

3 Plutarch, Pyrrhus, 22, gives the number as 2500. 

€ Rhodoman notes the omission of a number after kal. 
Capps would add roòs. 
7 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : ġydyero H, apoonydéyero Din 

278-276 B.C. 


“Aàkvaîot Kal Aiyeorator kal Ààa mÀcîorat 
3 módes. ’Epvrivns òè êxovons ppovpàv ågióňoyov 
Kapynõoviwv kal púow èxovons òxvpàv kal ðvo- 
TOÀALOpKNTOV, ëkpwev ô Hóppos Biq TAUTNV egedeîv 
ôa Tooprias. Sio kal roîs Teiyeot mpocayayàv 
pnxavás, ka moopkias LeEyaàns yevouévys Kat 
ioxupâs emt moù xpóvov, Bovàðpevos hiodothoa 
ó Paoiàeùs kal mpos* Tv “H paràéovs Tdgtv åpuà- 
Awpevos, TpõToS Toîs Teiyeow enéßaàe kat paxny 
Hpv gvornodpevos Toùs êmppáčavras Kapyy- 
ĉoviovs anékTewe’ ovvemiaßopévwv è kal TÔv 
dààwv iàwv, kaTà kpáTos ee TÀ mów. 
4 ppovpàv òè karaorjoas ev aùr, ånmhpe? mpòs TÀ 
 Jairivwv* móàwv, OXUPŐTNTE Srahépovoav kal kaTà 
roô Iavóppov kañðs rerévyv. rÕv ðè ’larrivwv 
ékovoiws mpooywpnodvrwv, eùbùs kev èm rôv 
IHavoppirõðv réw, ëxovoav Àuéva káňorov rõv 
kaŭtà 2ikeàiav a oô kal rhv wów ovuféßnke 
Terevyéva Tars TS mpocņyopias. efe è kal 
Tarv katà kparos' kal rÔv ‘Epkrôv karaoyòv 
Tò òyúpwua, máons Ts Kapxnðóvos èrmekpárnoe 
Öuvduews kal kúpios éyévero mÀņv toô Aivpai- 
ov: aŭry yàp ġ móùs nò Kapynõoviwv èkrioðn 
Lera tv dàwow tis Kapynõoviwv Moróns ro 

1 ; So Rhodoman : ’Aàmvaior H. 
2 zpòs added by Dindorf, who, however, reads ŝóĉav for rdw 
(cp. Book 11. 84. 2). 
3 So Wesseling: èrņpe H. 
4 So Dindorf: Aiyirav H, 'Ierwôv Rhodoman. H has rôv 
sè Teriwõv just below. 
6 So Rhodoman : rv karà Xixeùðv H. 

1 Plutarch (loc. cit.) states that Pyrrhus invoked the aid of 

BOOK XXII. 10. 2-4 

then the people of Halicyae, of Segesta, and of many 
other cities. Although Eryx had a considerable 
garrison of Carthaginians and is by nature strong and 
not easily stormed, yet Pyrrhus determined to take 
it forcibly by siege. Hence he brought up his engines 
against the walls, and a mighty and violent siege 
took place and continued for a long time, until the 
king, desiring to win high renown and vying to rank 
with Heracles,! personally led an assault on the walls ; 
putting up an heroic fight, he slew the Carthaginians 
who stormed against him, and when the king’s 
“ Friends ” 2? also joined in the struggle, he took the 
city by storm. After stationing a garrison there, he 
set out for the city of Iaetia, a place of exceptional 
strength, favourably situated for an attack on? 
Panormus. The people of Iaetia yielded of their own 
accord, whereupon he advanced at once to the city 
of Panormus, which has the finest harbour in all 
Sicily, whence, in fact, the city received this, its 
name. This place also he took by storm, and when 
he gained control of the fortress of Herctae, he had 
now overcome the whole empire of Carthage and 
become its master, except for Lilybaeum. This city 
had been founded by the Carthaginians after their 
city of Motya had been captured by the tyrant 

Heracles and vowed to institute games and a sacrifice in his 

2 Cp. oi ġiàot or oi ġiàort roô Baciàéws in Ptolemaic docu- 

3 Or perhaps “ favourably situated near.” 

4 The word is a compound of “ all ” and “ harbour,” and 
appears as an adjective in Homer with the sense “ always 
fit for mooring in.” Despite the Greck name, the city was 
Phoenician and remained in Carthaginian hands, except for 
the interlude under Pyrrhus, until captured by Rome in 
254 s.c. Itis the modern Palermo. 



Aiovvoiov Tof Tupdavvov. TOÙS yàp èk TavTNs úno- 
Aceiphévras abpoicavres katka eis Tò Aó- 
5 Burov. roô dè Ióppov mepi TYV Todtopriav Tavrns 
mapaokevagouévov, Sreßißacav èk Ts ABúns ot 
Kapynôóvior Súvapuv déóàoyov eis rò AAúßBaov: 
moiòv òè aîrov ekóuoav fañagaokpartoĝvres, HN- 
xavàs ðè kal BEN TAÑos d ATmOTOV. oons, sè ris 
TÓÀEWS TÒ mÀeîoTov pépos èv badoo, TAS dTò Tis 
yÎS, mpocóðovs èreiyioav Kal Túpyovs TUKVOÙS 
enoinoav, kat ráhpov ôpúćavres uéyav, Šrerpeoßev- 
oavro mpòs rtòv Bacıiàéa rep Siadóocws ral 
eiphvns . . # ovvðéoðar kal ypnuárwv màÑbos 
6 ðova. To Baoıàéws yphuara Àaßečv uù mpoo- 
Seyouévov, merobévros Sè rò? AAúßuov ovyyw- 
poar roîs Kapynõðoviois, of peréyovres Toô 
ovveðpiov ġíàot kal oi ànò tv nmóňewv dro- 
kadoðvres ékéàevor pnõevi TpóTø ovyxwpeîv Toîs 
Bappdpors êmBábpav ë ëe katà îs Likeàias, aN 
eé áráans aùris egedor Toùs Doivxas kal 
Sropioar T meàdyer rhv èmapyiav. eùbvs ò Bacideùs 
nÀnciov Tv Teyôv karaorparoneðevoas, TÒ uev 
mpõrTov ovveyeîs roîs reiyeoi emoreîro mpooßoñàs 
ek ĝaðoyfs’ huúvavro ðe ol Kapynõðvior Õıà rò 
nàñbos rõv aywvouévwv kat rò péyebos rtis 
7 TApaoKEvĝÂsS. TogoĝTov yàp mAÑOos katameàrÕv 
ofvpeðv TE kal merpopóňwv Ñöpororo Tapa Kapyn- 
Soviwv Wore TÒ Telxos uÀ xwpeiv Tò mANbos? Tis 
mapaokevis. Siò kal BeAðv mavroðarðv åhieué- 

1 unyavôv . . . Beàðv suggested by Wesseling, rò màñðos 
ämarta by Kallenberg. 

2 Hoeschel, Rhodoman add ropot. 

3 So Wesseling : rov H. 


BOOK XXII. 10. 4-7 

Dionysius, for they had gathered together all the 
survivors of Motya and settled them in Lilybaeum. 
While Pyrrhus was making ready to lay siege to this 
city, the Carthaginians brought over from Libya to 
Lilybaeum a considerable army, and having control 
of the seas, they transported a large amount of grain, 
and engines of war and missiles in incredible quanti- 
ties. Since most of the city is surrounded by the sea,? 
they walled off the land approaches, constructed 
towers at short intervals, and dug a great ditch. They 
then sent an embassy to the king to discuss a truce 
and peace, for they were ready to come to terms and 
even to pay a large sum of money. Though the king 
refused to accept money he was prevailed upon to 
concede Lilybaeum to the Carthaginians ; but the 
king’s “ Friends ” who were taking part in the meet- 
ing and the delegates from the cities called him 
aside and urged him under no circumstances to grant 
the barbarians a stepping-stone for an attack on 
Sicily, but rather to drive the Phoenicians out of the 
entire island and to make the sea the boundary of 
his domain. The king immediately encamped near 
the walls, and at first made constant attacks with 
relays of troops against them. But the Carthaginians 
were able to defend themselves because of the num- 
ber of their fighters and the abundance of their 
equipment. For the Carthaginians had collected so 
great a number of catapults, both dart-shooters and 
stone- throwers, that there was not room on the walls 
for all the equipment. And so, as missiles of all sorts 

ł In 3897.8.c. For the story see Book 14. 47 f. 
2 It is situated on a promontory. 

4 èkéàcvov added by Capps. 
Teîyos . . . nàĝlos] So Reiske: mÀñÂos . . . rexos H. 

VOL, XI D 69 


væv ènmi roùs moMopkovras, ToM? minróvrwv, 
moðv è Tpavpatıitouévwv, nàarroôro Iúppos. 
eneBdàero kpeirrovas? unyavàs* ó Baoideùs kara- 
axeváčew TÕv k Evupakovons éveyheroðr" aù- 
TÖ, kal &à Tî peraààcias émeßdàero Tà Teixn 
oañeĝoou. rv è Kapynðoviwv åvriuayopévwv 
òà Tò nmerphðn elvat rov tónov, úo uijvas mo- 
Aoprkýoas kal anroyvoùs Tù)v èk tris Bias dàwow, 
éàvoe tùy moMopkiav. kpivas ov ortóàov péyav 
karackevátetv, Kal ða ToúrTov? Îañagoorparý- 
cas Svvápers npòs Apúnv SafpBábew, érpenre thv 
ppv, (Exe. Hoesch. pp. 497-499 W.) 

"Ori Iúppos 7porepńoas mepBonTw vin 
roùs rv ladarðv Îupeovs åvéðnrev eis TÒ iepòv 
Tis Irwviðos” ’Abnvâs kai rÕv dààwv adúpwv rà 
moàureàéorata, T)v ênmeypaġiv Tývðe morodpevos, 

Toùs Bupeoùs ó ò Modorròs 'Trwvð Spor Abnvå 
Hýppos darò Îpacéwv èrpépacev lañarâõv 
mavra Tov Avriyóvov kaleàwv orparóv. où uéya 


, ` g a y z , 7 
aiyparai kat võv kal mapos Aiariðar. 

2 Evveðóres ov éavroîs Noeßnkóoi trara 
npoceðókwv eikórws Teúčeoðat rs apupotoúons 
Tois dvopýpaoi Teuwpias. (Const. Exc. 4, p. 347.) 

1 So Wesseling : dybouéwv H. 

2 Hoeschel, Rhodoman suggest kal modÀðv uèv. 

3 So Post: «al aùròs I. 

4 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : pnyavaîis H. 

6 So Post: &axbesôv H, ávaybero®v Dindorf. 

€ So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : roôro H. 

7 So Mai (cp. Plut. Pyrrhk. 26 ; Paus. 1.13.2; Anth. Pal. 
6. 130): Tperæviðos (Fpirwvið: below) V. 

8 So Mai (cp. Plut. Paus. Anth. Pal.): or ð V. 

BOOK XXII. 10. 7—11. 2 

were hurled against the attackers, and as many of 
his men fell, and many others received wounds, 
Pyrrhus was at a disadvantage. The king undertook 
to construct engines of war more powerful than those 
he had transported from Syracuse, and to unsettle 
the walls by mining operations. But the Cartha- 
ginians kept up their resistance, since the ground 
was rocky, and after a siege of two months Pyrrhus 
despaired of capturing the city by force, and lifted 
the siege. Deciding to construct a large fleet and, 
when by this means he should have won mastery of 
the seas, to transport his forces to Libya, he now 
bent his efforts towards this. 

11. Pyrrhus, having won a famous victory, dedi- 
cated the long shields of the Gauls and the most 
valuable of the other spoils in the shrine of Athena 
Itonis with the following inscription : 

These shields, taken from the brave Gauls, the 
Molossian Pyrrhus hung here as a gift to Athena 
Itonis, after he had destròyed the entire host of 
Antigonus. Small wonder: the sons of Aeacus are 
warriors now even as aforetime.? 

Being therefore conscious that they ? had com- 
mitted acts of impiety so great, they expected, with 
good. reason, to suffer punishment befitting their 

1 In the Palatine Anthology (6. 130) the epigram is 
ascribed to Leonidas of Tarentum. The sanctuary of 
Athena Itonis lay between Pherae and Larissa. The Gauls 
were mercenaries employed by Antigonus Gonatas, but the 
site of the victory is not recorded. 

2 The Gallic mercenaries of Pyrrhus : 

see the following 

°? So Mai: alyparte pe V, aixuĵrar kal Plut, Paus, Anth. Pal. 

274 B.C. 


12 “Ori ràs Aiyéas Saprácas ó Hvppos, ýris 
Ñv éoria ts Makeôðovikis Pacideias, roòs Taàdras 
ékeîoe katéÀmev. ol è mulöpevol TWWV ÕTL katTà 
Toùs Paciùıkoùs rádovs roîs rereàevrnkóot ovy- 
karwpúxůņ xpýpara moàÀàà kard Twa maàarav 
ovvýleav, dmavras dvéokaav kal Tvußwpvyý- 
oavres Tà èv ypýpara Šeidavrto, Tà Šè dor tÔv 
Tereàcutrykórwv Séppulav. ó è Ivúppos èri rov- 
Tois Pàaopnpoúuevos oùk èkódaģe rovs Bapßápovs 
ôa ràs êv roîs moàéuois ypeias. 
(Const. Exc. 2 (1), p. 258.) 
13. Tõv è ryv Meoońvyv oikovvrwv Mapep- 
Tivwv qènuévwv .. . moàÀàà pèv $poúpia ... 
aùrol è eÜbwvov moroavres Thv Šúvapuv kov èv 
rayer Bonlýoovres! ri Meoonvig moeuovuévn. ó 
òè ‘Iepwv drmadàayeis ék ris moàeulas? Múdas 
kata páros éÀàùv èkvpievoe oTpatiwtTÕv yıÀlwy 
mevrakosiwv. eùlùs Õè kal Traa ywpia yepov- 
pevos, karývrņoev émi rò `Auńoeàov, kKeiuevov 
ueraġù Kevroprivwv kal 'Ayvpiov.? èyupoð õè 
kýoas TÒ ywpiov Torto uèv karéokafe, troùs è 
$povpoðvras aroàúoas rv èykàņudrwv ëraġev els 
Tas iðias tdéeis. ris è xøpas tùv pèv roîs 
Kevropirivois, rhv òè roîs 'Ayvpiwaiors? ewp- 
garo. pera è rara ‘Iépwv čëywv Súvajuv déd- 
Àoyov éorpdrevoev èri Mapeprivovs, kat tv pèv 
“Aàuoar* mapaðóoe nmpoonydyero, ónrò Sè TtÔv 
1 So Dindorf: Boņnfýoavres H. 
2 Wurm suggests moopkias (cp. chap. 10. 7). 
3 So Dindorf: *Ayvpalov i, ’Ayvpwaiwyv Wesseling. 
t So Wesseling : °Ayvpalois H. 
5 So Dindorf: "Aàecay H. 

BOOK XXII. 12. 1—13. 2 

12. After Pyrrhus had sacked Aegeae,! the seat of 
the Macedonian royal family, he left his Gauls there. 
They, learning from certain informants that in accor- 
dance with a certain ancient custom much wealth 
was buried with the dead at royal funerals, dug up 
and broke into all the graves, divided up the treasure, 
and scattered the bones of the dead. Pyrrhus was 
much reviled because of this, but did not punish the 
barbarians since he needed them for his wars. 

13. Since the Mamertines who inhabited Messana 
had increased in power .. . many forts .. . and 
they themselves, having put their army in light 
array, came in haste to the aid of the territory of 
Messana which was under attack.? But Hiero, after 
quitting enemy territory, took Mylae by storm and 
acquired fifteen hundred soldiers. Straightway 
moving to reduce the other strongholds also, he came 
to Ameselum, situated between Centuripa and Agy- 
rium. Though Ameselum was well fortified and 
strongly manned, he captured and razed this fortress 
to the ground, but dismissed all charges against the 
men of the garrison, whom he enrolled in his own 
ranks. Part of the land he gave tó the people of 
Centuripa, part to the people of Agyrium. After 
this, Hiero with a considerable army waged war 
against the Mamertines. Halaesa he brought over 
by surrender, and having been eagerly welcomed by 

1 More commonly called Aegae. Previously known as 
Edessa, it had been an early capital of Macedonia and was 
still a religious centre, though politically overshadowed by 
Pella from 400 B.c. on. 

2 Fhis may refer to the defeat of Hiero’s forces by the 
Mamertines at the river Cyamosorus near Centuripa (Poly- 
bius, 1. 9. 3-4). ž 

€ So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : mapaðws H. 



’ABaxawivav kal Tuvõapırõv mpobúpws mpooõeyx- 
Oeis ékupievoe TÕv nóňewv roútwv, kal eis oTeviv 
xöpav ovvýace roùs Mapeprivovs. ånò uèv yàp 
To Wukeùkob meàdyovs Tiv èyyòs Meoońvns efye! 
mów Tùy rv Tavpopevirôv, arè è roô Tuppn- 
vkot’ riv Tuvõapıirðv. épßaddv õè eis Meconvnv 
kaTteorparonéðevoe mapà Tòv Aoiravov? morapóv, 
metoùs ëywv puplovs, immeîs Sè yıÀlovs mevra- 
kogiovs: dvreorpárevoav è kal Mapeprivoi Ëyovres 
megoùs ókTakioyıiious, immeîs ÔÈ p” orparnyòv ĝè 
3 elyov Kíwv. oros è pdvreis dbpoicas lepo- 
akórovs, Îúsas* èmņpórnoe mepi Tis LaxNS” TÂv 
õè dropnvayévwv ôr Šid TÕv iepõv oi eol onua- 
vovor vuktepevoew èv Ti mapeppoii Tv noňeuiwv, 
mepixaphs Ñv, Ós kupievowv ris To Baoiiéws 
arparoneðeias,. eùlùs erráas rův Šúvauv ère- 
4 pâro Siaßaiveiv ròv morapóv. “Iépwv & čywv roòs 

pvydðas Mecońvņns iakocsious ovorpareúovras, 

õıa$ópovs raîs àvðpeíais kal åperañs, mpooðels 
aùrtoîs dÀÀovs rTeTparocious emÀékTovs mpooérače 
ròv mÀņoiov Àóßov ròv ðvopačóuevov Qðpaka 
mepieàbeîv kal roîŭs moàeuiois kaTà võTov mpoo- 
mecetv' aùròs è Thv Õúvajuv ékrdéas, katTà ortópa 
åmývra. yevopévns Šè mepi rò petbpov inmopaylas, 
dua kal rôv megv èk mpooráčews* To Bacıàédws 
mpokaterànpórwv óġpõv Twa mepì ròv TotTauòv kal 
TV eùòkaupiav toô tónov mÀeovektrovvrwv,? pÉXpt 

1 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : Me v elyor H. 
3 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : ON H. 
? Casaubon suggests Aoyyavòv (cp. Polybius, 1. 9. 7). 
4 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : Boat H. 


BOOK XXII. 13. 2-4 

the inhabitants of Abacaenum and Tyndaris, he 
became master of these cities and drove the Mamer- 
tines into a narrow area. For on the Sicilian sea he 
held the city of Tauromenium, near Messana, and on 
the Tyrrhenian sea he held Tyndaris. He invaded 
the territory of Messana, and encamped along the 
Loitanus * River with ten thousand foot-soldiers and 
fifteen hundred cavalry. The Mamertines faced 
him with eight thousand foot-soldiers and forty (?) 
cavalry ; their general was Ciôs. Now Ciôs assembled 
diviners to inspect the entrails, and after sacrificing, 
he questioned them about the battle. When they 
replied that the gods revealed through the victims 
that he would pass the night in the encampment of 
the enemy, he was overjoyed, thinking that he was 
to gain possession of the king’s camp. Immediately 
he deployed his forces and attempted to cross the 
river. But Hiero, who had in his army two hundred 
exiles from Messana, men noted for their courage 
and deeds of valour, added to them four hundred 
more picked soldiers, and ordered them to go around 
the nearby hill, named Thorax, and to fall upon the 
enemy from the rear. He himself deployed his forces 
and encountered the enemy in front. There was a 
cavalry engagement near the stream, and at the same 
time the infantry, who at the order of the king had 
occupied a certain mound near the river, gained the 
advantage of favourable terrain; yet for a while the 

1 Probably, though not certainly, the same as the Longa- 
nus of Polybius, 1. 9.7-8. The chronology of Hiero’s career 
is very uncertain, and the battle of Longanus has been 
variously dated in 269 and in 264 s.c. 

- 5 èx npooráģews Reiske: maparáġews H. 
€ So Wesseling : mÀeovexroûvros H. 


269 B.o. (?) 


La a 2 E e y. 2? A 4 b3 e 
év Twos igópporos v ó kivõvuvos: rel è kal ot 
Tòr! Àdġov mepireàbóvres? éréppaćav mapaðóćws roîs 
Mapeprivors kal veadeîs òvres Toùs rduvovras TÅ 

#* e r 2 
páx pgðiws åvýpovv, róőtTe Š) mavrayóbev ruvkÀw- 

La A k “~ 
Bévres mpòs pvyùv ©ppnoav. èmkeuévwv tv 

r 2 KA 2 e ki 

5 Lupakosiwv ðuváuet, mdvras katékoav. ó ğè 
orpatrņyòs rTÕv Maueprivwv åywvópevos êrbýópws? 
kal mepmeowv moňÀoîs tpaúpaci kal \rofvyýoas 
? KO h A 
ebwyphðn.* oĉros dvekouíoðy čunmvovs els Tùv toô 
Baciàéws mapeppoàùv rait mapeðóbn larpoîs es 
Îepareiav. ka? katrà Tùv pavreiav kal tTùv tTÔv 
iepookórwv mpõppnow? vukTtTepeðoavros aùroî eis 

$ A ? [g £ A Ea A 
Tv rôv èvavriwv napeufpoińv, toô Baciàéws Sè 
BéÀovros mepi modod bepaneðoar ròv Kiwv, ĝkóv 
Tiwes Ümnmovs hépovres ék ToÔ moàépov eis rtòv 

t €. 2 bi ? J A “m IQ? E a 

6 Bacia. ó Kíws è emiyvoùs ròv Tob ðiov viot 
innov ónédaßev dvnpĝobar ròv veavíorov. mepiaà- 

2 A e A; ~ 
ys è yevőuevos tràs pas tv Tpavuárwv 
Sréppnée, Tv dmóàeav Toô rékvov Îavdrov’ Tiun- 
oápevos. oi òè Mapeprivoi, dnayyeàias yevopévns 
~ A e ~ 
ótt ùv TÔ orparny® Kiw rai oi orrot otpatriðratı 
mdavres AToàwÀactv, ëkpivav peb’ ikernpias åravrâv 
TÔ Pacıiàe?. où piv ģ rúxy elaoe mavreðs neceîv 
` ` , s , , ` 

Trà karà Mapeprivovs mpaypara. ’Avvißas yàp 
ó rôv Kapynõoviwv orparņyòs čtrvyev ópuðv èv 

"~ J A 8 kd z A kY 2 + 

tT Airdpas výjow.? dkoúsas è Tò mapdðotov re 
1 énel ôè xal ot ròv Wesseling : éri ĝè ròv H. 
3 So Reiske : seàlóvres H. 3 So Reiske : ékovoíws H. 
4 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman: swyphhy H. 


BOOK XXII. 13. 4-7 

battle was evenly balanced. But when those who 
had gone around the hill also charged the Mamer- 
tines unexpectedly and slew them with no difficulty, 
since they were fresh and the enemy were battle- 
worn, then the Mamertines, surrounded on all sides, 
took to flight, and the Syracusans, attacking in force, 
cut the whole army to pieces. The general of the 
Mamertines fought desperately, but after he had 

. received many wounds and had fallen to the ground 

unconscious he was captured alive. He was carried 
still breathing to the encampment of the king, and 
was handed over to the physicians for treatment. 
Now when he thus, in accordance with the prophecy 
and the prediction of the soothsayers, had spent the 
night in the eñemy’s camp, and the king, moreover, 
was solicitous to restore Ciôs to health, certain men 
arrived bringing horses from the battle to the king, 
and Ciôs, recognizing his son’s horse, supposed that 
the youth had been killed. In his excessive grief he 
burst the stitches of his wounds and by his own death 
set the price at whićh he rated the destruction of his 
son. As for the Mamertines, when the news was 
brought to them that Ciôs their general and all their 
soldiers as well had perished, they decided to come 
before the king as suppliants. Fortune did not, how- 
ever, permit the utter collapse of the Mamertine 
cause. For Hannibal, the general of the Carthagi- 
nians, happened to be moored at the island of Lipara. 
When he heard the unexpected news, he came post- 

ë kai added by Walton. The Vulgate joins this clause (to 
mapeußoàńv) with the preceding sentence. 
8 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : mpóopnow H. 
7 So Hertlein, Dindorft: bavdrw H. 
8 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : výoors H. 


` , , ` 7 X ` , 
karà Tdyos eis rov Paoiàéa, T® pèv Àdyw ovy- 
, a i 
xaipwv, T® Sè pyw omevðwv rov ‘Ilépwva kara- 
~ > > F 
orparnyĵoar Še? andrys. ò èv Baoràeùs merobels 
Pai ?, ` e +$ yY e A 3 7 
T Doivki tràs hovyias éoxev. ó è ’`Avvißas 
Abg 3 M 2, ` À h 
mapeàbav cis Meocońvyv kal karaàaßàv Mapep- 
Tivovs péàovras mapacıðóvat TYV TÓW dvéneoe, 
H ? 
kal mpoonroimoduevos Pońlerav ciońyayev eis rùv 
Tov orparuoras p’. oi uèv oĝv Mapeprivot àmo- 
yvóvres éavrðv ð Tv rrav, mádàw mekate- 
? 3 + 
8 ordônoav eis doġdàeav ròv eipnpévov tpórmov. ó 
e A 
òè “Tépwv karaorparnynleis rò roô Poivikos, Tv 
moopkiav dnmoyvoùs enmavĵjàĵe eis Bupakóoas, 
mepiBónrTov eùyuepiav" mepireromuévos. 
€ b3 td yE + > la 
9 Oi è Kapynðóvior kal “Iépwv, dronenrtrwróres 
ris Meoońvns, ovvĵàbov eis oúoyov kaè ovp- 
, x > , , N 
payiav mpòs dAAÑÀovs momoduevoi ovvélevro kow 
noàceujoar Meooivyvy. 
(Exc. Hoesch. pp. 499-500 W.) 

1 So Rhodoman: dņpepiav H, 


BOOK XXII. 13. 7-9 

haste to the king, ostensibly to offer his congratula- 
tions, but in reality seeking to outmanœuvre Hiero 
by deceit. The king trusted the Phoenician and re- 
mained inactive. Hannibal turned aside to Messana, 
and finding the Mamertines on the point of. handing 
over the city, he dissuaded them, and on the pretext 
of lending aid, introduced into the city forty (?) 
soldiers. Thus the Mamertines, who because of their 
defeat had despaired of their cause, were restored 
to security in the manner just described. Hiero, out- 
witted by the Phoenician, abandoned the siege as 
hopeless and returned to Syracuse, having achieved 
a resounding success.! 

The Carthaginians and Hiero, after the former 2 c. 264 ».c. 

had been driven out of Messana, held a conference, 
and when they had arranged a treaty of alliance, 
they agreed on a joint attack on Messana. 

1 The phrase probably refers to the story that Hiero, on 
his return to Syracuse after the victory at Longanus, was 
proclaimed king (Polybius, 1. 9. 8). 

2 This seems to be the meaning (cp. Polybius, 1. 11. 4-7), 
though the passage is clearly corrupt. 



1. "Ort Zikeàía nasv rv výowv kador 
Úndpyxer, ws peydàa Õuvapévy ovufáàdeoba Tpos 
aŭénow yepovias. 

2 "Ori "Avvwv ó °Avvißov eis Zikreàlav èìbàv kal 
ràs vvdueis åbpoisas eis rò Aidóßarov, mpoñÀbe 
péxpi Looðvros, kal Tyv mebhv orpariàv ånméàre 
nànoiov ts móàews mapeupeßànkutav, aùròs è 
mapeàbdv eis Tùy 'Arpáyavra Tùy ğkpav èreiywoe, 
neloas tòv Šiuov piìov vra ovupayhoar Kapyn- 
Soviwv.? naveàlóvros Sè aùroð eis tùv blav 
orparoneðeiav, kov mapà ‘Iépwvos mpéoßeis mepi 
To kowi’ ovupépovros. émorjoavro yàp ovp- 
paxíav ‘Pwpalovs nodeuñoar, edv u) Tùy tayiornv 

3r ris Ziceàias anaddrrwvrair. àuporépwv Šè 
Tàs uváueis åyayóvrwv émi rhv Meoońvyv, ‘Iépwv 
èv èri roô Àódov To kadovuévov Xaàkıroô 
kateorpatronéðevoev, ot è Kapxnóvior TÅ neti 
orparı mapevéßadov cis tràs Kkadovuévas Eùveîs, 

TÑ è vavrikf karéoyov Tùv åkpav Tv kañovpévyv 
Medwpdõa: ovveyðs  éroùóprovv rv Meco- 

1 Kapyxnõovíors Hoeschel, Rhodoman; Dindorf suggests 
placing Kapxnõoviwv after òvra. 



1. Sicily is the noblest of all islands, since it can 
contribute greatly to the growth of an empire. 

Hanno, the son of Hannibal, went to Sicily, and 
having gathered his forces at Lilybaeum, advanced 
to Solus ; his land force he left encamped near the 
city, while he himself went on to Acragas and fortified 
its citadel, after having persuaded the citizens, who 
were already friendly to the Carthaginians, to become 
their allies. Upon his return to his own encampment, 
envoys came to him from Hiero to discuss their com- 
mon interest; for they had formed an alliance to 
make war on the Romans unless these should quit 
Sicily with all speed. When both had brought their 
armies to Messana, Hiero pitched camp on the 
Chalcidian Mount, while the Carthaginians encamped 
with their land army at a place called Eunes,? and 
with their naval force seized the headland called 
Pelorias ; and they kept Messana under continuous 

1 Jt is not clear from the present narrative what Romans 
were in Sicily at this point. Possibly there is a reference 
here to the small force under the command of C. Claudius, 
a military tribune, sent ahead to Messana by the consul 
(Zonaras, 8. 8). 

2 Polybius, 1. 11. 6, calls the place Synes. 

2 kowi transposed by Reiske from a position before ovu- 
paxiav, below. 3 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : aro H. 


264 B.C. 


4 vqv ó ôè ‘Pwpaiwv Suos mvhóuevos? åréoreide 
Tov ETepov Ünmarov kaňoúpevov *Armov Kìaúsiov 
petà Svvdpews aôpâs, ôs eùbùs ÅÀbev eis ‘Púyiov. 
Tpos òè ròv ‘Iépwva kai Kapynõoviovs mpéoßes 
E$énempe mepi Siaddocws ris noNopkias. mpoo- 
ennyyédero . . . önpoyopeîv è rpòs “Iépwva 
Todéug" uÀ èmphoeobar. ó è Tépwv årekpivaro 
ôiórı Maueprivor Kaydpwav xal T'éàav åvaorárovs 
nmerornkóres, Meoońvnv è doeßéorara karein- 
póres, ikaiws moMopkoðvrar, ‘Pwpatot Sé, BpvÀ- 
ohelovo: Toùs maipóvovs, udora niorews kara- 
ppovýoavras, Únepaoritew' e? 8è ûnrèp doeßeord- 
Tor* TNÀKoĝrov eravaipoðvraı móÀcuov, favepoùs 
éoeohar nâow avâpúnrois őri Tis blas màcovetlas 
npóßaow noplčovrat Tòv rv kwĝuvevóvrwv čňcov 
Tò Õe dànbès Zeredlas èmbuuoðow. ' 

(Ezec. Hoesch. pp. 500-501 W.) 

2. “Ori Poivices ral ‘Pwuaîor vavpayhoavres, 
uera è rara eùddaßoúuevot Tò uéyebos ToÔ mpo- 
keuévov moàéuov, Šrenpeopevoavro mpòs tòv Üra- 

Tov mepi hiàias. modàðv Sè Adywv pnôévrwv ral 
Tpayurépois Àóyois ypwuévwv mpòs &AAńÀous, oi 
Doivixes Pavudtew ëpacav nôs diaßalvew Toàuð- 
ow eis Xixeàlav ‘Pwuaîor Badarrokparovvrwv 
Kapxnðoviwv: pavepòv yàp eva now ör uù 
Tnpoûvres Tùv pidiav oùðè vújaobat tàs yeîpas èr 

1 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : è moMoprovrrav Meońvyy H. 
So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : meDéuevos H. 

3? So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : róàeuov H. 
1 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : ‘Pwpualois H. 


BOOK XXIII. 1. 3—2. 1 

siege. When the Roman people learned this, they- 
sent one of the consuls, Appius Claudius by name, 
with a strong force, who went straightway to Rhegium. 
He dispatched envoys to Hiero and the Carthaginians 
to discuss the raising of the siege. He kept promising 
in addition . . . but to state publicly that he would 
not proceed against Hiero with war. Hiero replied 
that the Mamertines, who had laid waste Camarina 
and Gela and had seized Messana in so impious a 
manner, were besieged with just cause, and that the 
Romans, harping as they did on the word fides, 
certainly ought not to protect assassins who had 
shown the greatest contempt for good faith ; but if, 
on behalf of men so utterly godless, they should enter 
upon a war of such magnitude, it would be clear to 
all mankind that they were using pity for the im- 
perilled as a cloak for their own advantage, and that 
in reality they coveted Sicily. 

2. The Phoenicians and Romans fought a naval 
battle ; afterwards, in consideration of the magnitude 
of the war that lay before them, they * sent envoys 
to the consul to discuss terms of friendship. There 
was much discussion, and both sides engaged in acri- 
monious debate: the Phoenicians said that they 
marvelled how the Romans could venture to cross 
over into Sicily, inasmuch as the Carthaginians had 
control of the seas; for it was obvious to all that if 
they did not maintain friendly relations, the Romans 

1 The Carthaginians. Here, as so often, the opening 
words of the excerpt are a careless paraphrase. The naval 
battle is perhaps the skirmish in which C. Claudius lost a 
number of triremes (Dio Cassius, 11. 43. 7, and Zonaras, 
8. 8). 

č So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : dáoeßeoráryy H. 



Tis laàdoons roàuýoovow. oi Sè ‘Pwpatot ovu- 
Povàevew rois Kapynõoviois čġacav u Sðdorew 
aùrtoùs tà xarà thv Odňaccav movrpayuoveiv: 
palnràs yàp roùs ‘Pwualovs del övras yiveocðar 
kpeitrovs TÕv aokdàwv. rò pèv yàp madaðv 
aùrðv upes rerpayóvois ypwpévwv, Tuppyvol 
xaàkaîs doriot padayyopayoðvres kal mporpefd- 
pavor ròv õuorov dvadaße®v órMopòv ýrrýðņoav. 
éneira náàw ÄA\wv èbvõv hupeoîs ypwuévwv ots? 
võv ëyovor kal xarà omeipas? uayouévwv, àupórepa 
piunoduevoi nepieyévovro TÖV elonynoauévwv rà 
kaàà rôv mapaðeryudrwv. ‘mapà Sè rôv “EMývov 
palóvres noñopkeîv kal raîs unyavaîs raraßádàew 
TA Tein, TAs módes rÔv Õbaédvrwv ġváykacav 
moiy TÒ npoorarróuevov. kal vôv åv Kapynëóvior 
Pidowvra? palew aùroùðs vavpayeîv, rayò rToùs 
palnràs rõv Sðaokdàwv öpovraı mepryevouévovs. 
(Const. Exc. 4, pp. 347-348.) 
2 "Orn ‘Pwpaio mpôrov åoriðas rTerpaydvovs 
elyov eis ròv möàeuov: Úorepov lóvres Tuppnvoòs 
xaàkâs doriðas yovras, norýoavres oŬrws èvikn- 
cav aùrToŬs. 
3. “Ori ĉiarepdoavros toô Ûrdárov eis Meoońvnyv, 
ó ‘TIépwv vopitwv nmpoĝobivai rv SiáBaoiw órò 
Kapynõoviwv ëpuyev eis Evparkóoas. Kapynõoviwv 
1 olors Herwerden. 

a TÀ omeipas Walton : repais V, omeipas Wurm. 
So Boissevain : .!..wvrar V. Mai read ĉià raôra. 


1 According to the Ineditum Vaticanum (H. von Arnim, 
Hermes 27 [1892], 118 ff.) chap. 3, which closely parallels 

BOOK XXIII. 2. 1—3. 1 

would not dare even to wash their hands in the sea. 
The Romans,! for their part, advised the Cartha- 
ginians not to teach them to meddle with maritime 
affairs, since the Romans, so they asserted, were 
pupils who always outstripped their masters. For 
example, in ancient times, when they were using 
rectangular shields,? the Etruscans, who fought with 
round shields of bronze and in phalanx formation, 
impelled them to adopt similar arms and were in 
consequence defeated. Then again, when other 
peoples * were using shields such as the Romans now 
use, and were fighting by maniples, they had imitated 
both and had overcome those who introduced the 
excellent models. From the Greeks they had learned 
siegecraft and the use of engines of war for demolish- 
ing walls, and had then forced the cities of their 
teachers to do their bidding. So now, should the 
Carthaginians compel them to learn naval warfare, 
they would soon see that the pupils had become 
superior to their teachers. 

At first the Romans had rectangular shields for 
war, but later, when they saw that the Etruscans had 
bronze shields, they copied them and thus conquered 
the Etruscans. 

3. After the consul had crossed over to Messana, 
Hiero, thinking that the Carthaginians had treacher- 
ously permitted the crossing, fled to Syracuse. The. 

this passage, the spokesman for the Romans was a certain 
Kaeso. Cp. also Dio Cassius, 11. 43. 9, and Zonaras, 8, 9. 

2 @upeós represents the Latin scutum, and doris the Latin 
clipeus, but there is no other evidence for the exact nature of 
this primitive scutum, which is not to be confused with the 
later scutum referred to in the following sentence. 

3 The Samnites, according to the Ineditum Vaticanum 
and Athenaeus, 6. 273 f. 



ôe moeunodvrwv kait hrrybévrwv, tv °Eyéràar 
Ó Únraros noMópkryoe, kal otpatuóras moàÀoùs 
aropaàwv eis Meoonvyy dvéķevéev.? 
4. "Ore trõv úndrwv dphorépwv eis Pukeàiav 
Ei ~ 
éàlóvrwv kal rhv “Aôpavirôv mów moMopryodv- 
Twv, elov karà kpáros. elra tiv Kevropirivwv 
moàopkovrwv ral mpòs taîs yaàkaîs rúas? 
fe} 7, 4 Ka Z ~ ? e 
kalnpévæv, kov npéoßeis nmpôrov map “Adaı- 
civwr*: celra Seilas mecovons kal ev traîs &Àdais 
F: 4 9 w 2 > 2 4 3 7 
móàcci, kal aùTol mpéopeis anéoreiav mepi eiphvns 
$o IÀ 6 ? ò 2 A 2 e la 
kal ennyyeidavrto? emDwoew tas móàcs ‘Pwpalois’ 
v nmapañaßóvres Tàs 
2 pi 
Ôvvdueis, cis Xupdakooav ÑÀAbov moopkýoovres” 

s y EZ e Pi 
noav De éEńkovra ENTA. 

“I + e A ò 4 4 5 7 > m 
épwva. ópðv ðè roùs Lvpakociovs dyavarroĝv- 
t 3 
Tas, npégßeis dméoreie mpòs tToùs Úrdrovs mepi 
Fa e 
Sradúoews. oi ðè omeúðovres mpos póvovs Kapyn- 
7 Eas > 
Õoviíovs darodeueiv dopévws úrýkovoav, kal ovv- 
, 3 7 38 y 7 r 
élevro ecipivyv em® ërņn nevrekalðeka, AaBóvres 
payuðv e’ pvupidðas, kat TOÙÒS aiypaÀWTOoVS aTo- 
ld td 
Òóvrie kKupieveiv ovveyæpnoar? Evupakociwv? ral 
m~ 2 Eal 
Tô Úr aùròv™ móàewv, Akpôv, Acovrivæwv, Meya- 
+ i lA 
péwv, AiNopwv, Neairrivwv, Tavpopeviwv. Toútæv 
la Eas 
nparropévwv karéràevoev °Avvibas perà vavrucijs 
1? So Holm (cp. Polybius, 1. 15. 10): Aëyecora H. 
2 So Dindorf: drétevćev H. 
3 So Reiske: aùàaîs H. 
4 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : kabýpevoi H. 
5 So Cluverius (with °A-): mapà Auoivæov H. 

6 emņyyeiàavro added by Hoeschel, Rhodoman. 
7 So Wesseling : mooprýoavres H. 


BOOK XXIII. 3. 1—4. 1 

Carthaginians, however, engaged in battle but were 
defeated, and the consul then laid siege to Echetla, 
but after the loss of many soldiers withdrew to 

4. Both consuls 1 went to Sicily, and laying siege to 
the city of Hadranum took it by storm. Then, while 
they were besieging the city of Centuripa and were 
encamped by the Brazen Gates, envoys arrived, first 
from the people of Halaesa ; then, as fear fell upon 
the other cities as well, they too sent ambassadors 
to treat for peace and to deliver their cities to the 
Romans. These cities numbered sixty-seven. The 
Romans, after adding the forces of these cities to 
their own, advanced upon Syracuse, intending to 
besiege Hiero. But Hiero, perceiving the discontent 
of the Syracusans, sent envoys to the consuls to discuss 
a settlement, and inasmuch as the Romans were eager 
to have as their foe the Carthaginians alone, they 
readily consented and concluded a fifteen-year peace : 
the Romans received one hundred and fifty thousand ? 
drachmas ; Hiero, on condition of returning the 
captives of war, was to continue as ruler of the 
Syracusans and of the cities subject to him, Acrae, 
Leontini, Megara, Helorum, Neetum, and Tauro- 
menium. While these things were taking place 
Hannibal arrived with a naval force at Xiphonia, in- 

1 M’. Otacilius Crassus and M’. Valerius Maximus 

2 Polybius, 1. 16. 9, sets the figure at 100 talents. The 
present sum, equal to 25 talents, was perhaps the initial 

8 èm added by Van der Mey. 
? cuveyópnoav added by Hoeschel, Rhodoman. 
1¢ So Rhodoman (with -xov-): Zuparociors H. 
u So Dindorf: aùrôrv H. 


203 B.O. 


Svvdauews eis rv Euipwviav Ponbhowv te BaoiàeT: 
alà dè Tà merpaypéva åveyæpnoe. 

2 "Or “Aðpdvava kæunv kat Makeàav moàààs 
ýuépas moMopkýoavres ‘Pwpaîor anhAbov ărpa- 

5. "Ore Aiyeoraîot mpôrTov kpatoúuevot ÚT 
Kapynôoviwv eis ‘Pwpaiovs ånmékàvav. mapa- 
màńoov ðè kal ‘Aùkvaot éroiyoav: 'Iàapòv ôè 
kal Tvupirròv kal rv "Aokeàov ekeroùópkyoav. 
Tuvõdápior Sè Ödvres aŭroùs drodederupévovs póßw 

7 3 f4 T SE OOE AE T a 
aovoyelévres HBovàńðneav KAL QUTOL QVTOVS ovat. 

únontevoavtes è Doivikes Tùv mpoaipeow aùrôv 
Toùs èmpaveordrovs čÀaßov óuýpovs eis rò Atàŭ- 
Baiov xal oîrov, olvov, kal tì dAÀŅv mapacrkeviv 

6. Dàýpwv è ó kwpurkòs ëypape Öpdpara 
evevýkovta éntd, Buboas črn èvevýkovra évvéa. 

7. Oi è moMopkoðvres Arpáyavra Tùv mów 
aùv toîs ‘Pwpaiois kal radpororoðvres kal xápa- 
Kas Bddovres éka uupidðes Úrfpyov. ToàÀà ĝè 
oi Ọoivikes åvriuayýoavtes, Tv TóÀAV ° Àkpayavra 
toîs “‘Pwpaiois mapéðwrav. 

8. "Ori ”Avvwv ò mpeoßórepos? èk tis AßBóns 
katat Tv moMopkiav `Akpáyavros èrepalwoe* 
peyáàņv Šúvauv eis Zukeàlar*, nmeõv puvpidõðas 
névre, inneis Õè étakioyiàlovs, eàéhavras ĝè é£ń- 

1 So Rhodoman : ’Ayvaior H. 
2 aġroùs added by Wifstrand. 


BOOK XXIII. 4. 1—8. 1 

tending to bring aid to the king, but when he learned 
what had been done, he departed. 

Though the Romans kept Macella and the village 
of Hadranon 1 under siege for many days, they went 
away without having accomplished their purpose. 

5. The Segestans, though at first subject to the 283 or 
Carthaginians, turned to the Romans.. The Hali- 202 
cyaeans acted in a similar fashion ; but Ilarus and 
Tyrittus and Ascelus they ? took only after a siege. 
The Tyndarians, seeing themselves deserted, were 
alarmed and desired to surrender their city, too. But 
the Phoenicians, becoming suspicious of their inten- 
tions, took their leading men as hostages to Lily- 
baeum, and carried off their grain, wine, and the rest 
of their provisions. 

6. Philemon ? the comic poet wrote ninety-seven 262 s.c. 
plays and lived ninety-nine years. 

7. Those who with the Romans were engaged in 
the siege of Acragas, digging trenches and construct- 
ing palisades, numbered one hundred thousand. 
After prolonged resistance the Phoenicians finally 
yielded the city of Acragas to the Romans. 

8. During the siege of Acragas, Hanno the Elder 
transported from Libya to Sicily a large army, fifty 
thousand infantry, six thousand cavalry, and sixty 

1 The designation “ village” seems to distinguish this 
place from the city Hadranum mentioned above. 

2 Presumably the Romans. The sites of the three towns 
are not known. 

3 A native of Syracuse, he acquired Athenian citizenship, 
and was a rival of Menander. He died in this year. 

3 ó after mpeoßúrepos deleted by Hoeschel. 
1 So Wesseling: perà H. 
5 So Nock: érépace H. 

€ So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : év Eixedig H. 



kovra. vos è ð `Akpayavrivos ioTopixòs 
3 L € bi fs e y 3 + ` 
dveypájaro. ó è oðv ”Avvwv dvaģevćas perà 
la ~ 2 3 m t ~ 
máons tis Švvdpews k roô Advfaiov maphàbev 

> Di e 2 3 å A ka ld 
eis rhv ‘Hpdáràceav, kab? ôv kapòv ÑABóv rives 
> t N e kj E bd 
dmayyéňovres ròv ‘“Epßnoocòv mapaðwoew. ”Av- 
væv òè Toàeuhoas èv vol udyais dréßaàe otpa- 
TuóTas Tmeoùs uèv Tpioyiàlovs, inmeis Siakoclovs, 
twypias Sè terpakıoyiÀiovs> iñépavras ókTà' ba- 
veîv, Trpidkovta tpeîs Õè karatpavuatıob ivar. 

2 "Ori móùis ĝv kal ý Evredàa.? 

3 “O Sè ”Avvæv Povàevodpevos euppõvws évi otpa- 
Tnyýpatı Toùs èyəpoùs dua kral troùs moàeuiovs 

9. “EÉ òè uvas mapakabisavres oðtrw mapéaßov 
’Akpdyavra, oðàovs drmdápavres? dmavras mÀéov 
TÕv Õiopupiwv kal mevrakioyiÀiwv. dnéßañov è 
kal ‘Pwpaîoi meķoùs èv Tpiouvpiovs, imnmeîs ẹè 

2up't "Avvæva è oi Kapxnðóvioi ètnuiwoav 
ypvcoîs étakioyiÀiois aTuáoavres’ avri è ToÚTOV 

4 3 Lg 3 l > få 
orparņyòðv arméoreiňav eis Xikeàiav ’Apiàkav. 
, LES ` , € > ` 

3 Muriorparor? òè moopkýoavres ‘Pwpaot, Kal 
modas uyyavàs morýcavTes, erà pivas énrtà 

4 Paàóvres. `Apiàkas è roîs ‘Pwuaiois ovvavrýoas 

1 Hoeschel, Rhodoman., suggest ovvéßņ (for v’ ?)}, and 
Rhodoman punctuates Îaveîv rpiárovra, tTpeîs Õè xararp. 

2 So Wesseling : °Evrediva H. 

3 So Van der Mey : è dpavres H. 

å The number is suspect, p perhaps standing for M (mille). 
5 So Wesseling : Múorparov H. 

1 For Philinus see Jacoby, FGH, no. 174, and the judge- 

BOOK XXIII. 8. 1—9. 4 

elephants. Philinus of Acragas,! the historian, has 
recorded this. Be that as it may, Hanno marched out 
from Lilybaeum with all his troops and had reached 
Heracleia when certain men arrived and declared 
that they would betray Herbessus ? to him. Hanno 
fought two battles, in which he lost three thousand 
infantry, two hundred cavalry, and had four thousand 
men taken prisoner; eight elephants were killed 
and thirty-three disabled by wounds. 
Entella too was a city. 

Hanno adopted a clever plan and by a single 261 b.c. 

stratagem destroyed both the malcontents * and the 
public foe. 

9. After a siege of six months they became masters 262/1 s.c. 

of Acragas in the manner described and carried off 
all the slaves,’ to the number of more than twenty- 
five thousand. But the Romans also suffered losses, 
thirty thousand infantry and fifteen hundred (?) 
cavalry. The Carthaginians stripped Hanno of his 
civic rights, fined him six thousand pieces of gold, 
and in his stead sent Hamilcar to Sicily as commander 
The Romans laid siege to Mytistratus and constructed 
many siege engines, but seven months later, having 
lost many men, they went away empty-handed. 
Hamilcar encountered the Romans at Thermae, and 

ment of Polybius, 1. 14-15. On the siege of Acragas see 
Polybius, 1. 17-19. 

2 Herbessus was the chief Roman base of supplies; ep. 
Polybius, 1. 18. 5. 

2 See Polybius, 1. 19. In the first battle Hanno was 

4 4000 Gallic mercenaries in his army ; the story is related 
in Frontinus, Strat. 3. 16. 3. 

5 Or, “ all as slaves.” Zonaras, 8. 10, says that the whole 
citizen body was sold into slavery. For the size and wealth 
of Acragas at an earlier period see Book 13. 84. 



els Qéppas kal moàeuhoas, viknae kal dnértewev 
étakioyiňiovs, map oAiyov Sè ğànv ryv óva. 
fv è cat rò Mátapv ġpoúpiov órò ‘Pwpaiwv 
eénvôparoðiopévov. `Apuiàkas è ô Kapynðóvios 
Kapápwav úno npoðorðv mapéňaße Seúrepov: per” 
ódíyas è huépas ral rs “Evvns èkvpievoev ôv 
Tpónov kat Kapapivns. rò è Apéravov reiyioas 
Kal nóÀàw karaorhoas perýrkioe tovs `Epvukivovs,! 
Kal ròv “Epuka karéokae màùv toô mepi rò lepòr? 
Tórov. rpirov è moMoprýoavres thv Muriorpa- 
rov? ‘Pwpaîoi eiov ral karéokapav thv móv, 
kal rà Úroàeplévra oóuara \aġuporwàńoavres. 
5 perà raîra Õè eis Kaudpivav Abov, kal raúry' 
mapakalioas éàeîv où éðvvýðn: Čorepov è map 
‘Iépwvos moepikà òpyava PETAOTEIÀÍHMEVOS, Tiv 
mów ele ral Tà copara tà melovat Kapapwatwv 
Emwànoev. eùlùs è úro mpoðorðv ral týv ”Evvav 
ele kal TÔv dpovpõv ot pèv dvnpéðnoav, ot 8è 
etéhuyov mpòs toùs ovuudyovs. elra èm Eirrávav 
eÀbav karà kpdros traúryv ele. eira ôpolws taîs 
äus móňcoi dpovpav karaorhoas, ènt Kapuròv 
HADE, ppovpiov `Akpayavrivæwv: ele ral aùrò mpo- 
Socia’ ròv è rórov čuppovpov karéorņoev. éte- 
1 So Wesseling : °Epinvoùs H. 
2 7ò iepòv Hoeschel, Rhħhodoman : roô tepos H. 
3 So Wesseling : Mýorpakov H. 

4 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : raúras H. 
5 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : màcîor H. 

1 4000, according to Polybius, 1. 24. 4, who also states that 
those defeated were not the Romans but the allies, who were 


BOOK XXIII. 9. 4-5 

having engaged them in battle, was victorious and 
slew six thousand men,! very nearly the whole army. 
The fort of Mazarin ? also was taken by the Romans 
and the people enslaved. Hamilcar the Carthaginian, 
with the aid of traitors, got possession of Camarina 
for the second time, and a few days later made bim- 
self master of Enna in the same way. Having forti- 
fied Drepanum and set up a city, he removed thither 
the Erycinians and demolished Eryx except for the 
area about the temple. The Romans, having put 
Mytistratus under siege for the third time, captured 
it, razed the city to the ground, and sold the surviving 
inhabitants as spoils of war. They then advanced to 
Camarina and he ? encamped beside it, but was unable 
to take it ; but later, having sent to Hiero for engines 
of war, he captured the city, and sold into slavery 
most of the inhabitants. Immediately thereafter, 
with the help of traitors, he captured Enna too; of 
the garrison some were slain, others got away safely 
to their allies. Then he advanced to Sittana t and 
took it by assault. Then, having established a garri- 
son there, as in the other cities, he went on to Camicus 
a fortress belonging to Acragas. This place too he 
took by treachery, and stationed a garrison there. 

encamped separately. Wesseling’s statement, perpetuated 
by Dindorf, that Hoeschel gives the figure as 9000 slain, 
rests on a misunderstanding of a typographical error, the 
numeral in Hoeschel being simply inverted. Why the up- 
ended symbol was then construed as signifying 9000 is 
unclear, though Hoeschel does use an inverted ș (6) for Ẹ (90), 
as in chap. 6, supra. Rhodoman prints the disputed figure 

2 Probably Mazara, in the territory of Selinus. 

3 The subject suddenly shifts to the singular, probably as 
the result of some condensation in the narrative. 

å Perhaps identical with Hippana (Polybius, 1. 24. 11). 


260 B.C. 

258 B.O. 


Acihin Sè karà roôrov ròv ypóvov kal “Epßnocés? 
ér. Ò nmorapòs “Advkos kal dÀàÀaus čoyaros.? 
(Ezec. Hoesch. pp. 501-503 W.) 
10. “Or: ó rôv Kapxnõoviwv orparnyòs ’Avvißas 
Nrryleis vavpayiąq kai poßoúpevos uù ià Tùv 
rrav ånò* ris yepovoías TúX%N Tıwpias Teyvá- 
erai tt Tororov. dnméoreňé twa trôv hiàwv es 
Kapxynðóva oùs vroňàs ds more čofev aùr 
auppépew. ó Šè karanàeúoas eis trùv nóv kal 
npòs Tùv yepovoiav eicaybeis eînev õri mpocératev 
’Avvíipas êpwrĝjoaı tùv Povàùv eè keňevet vavpa- 
xoa Õıakosiais vavol mpos ‘Pwpaiwv ékaròv 
eikooi. TÕv Šè avafoņnodvrwv kal keàevodvrwv, 
Toiyapoðv, ëhn, vevavuaynre kal yrrýueba. èkeî- 
vos è úuðv npooračávrwv anoàéàvrar ris airias. 
ó èv obv ` Avvißas eiðws rods moàiras èk Tv ano- 
reàcopdrwv ovkodavroðvraşs roùs orparnyoŭvs,* 
ToLoŬÚTW TpõTw TAS sopévaşs karņyopias reġ- 

2 Aaßeßànpévor yàp èv ros mpórepov kivðúvois 
ös àv rÕv ddarrwudrTwv aiTiot yeyovóres čonevõov 
Sà raúrņns Tis vavpayias dvarrýoacðar tàs mept 
roúrwv ðiaßoàds. 

11. Ojôèrv ©’ oŭrw karanàirrerat tàs Puyàs tò 
ýrrnðñvar ðs roîs Kapyxnõoviois.* Svvápevor yàp 

1 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman (with "E-}) "Eprnooos H. 

2 Wurm suggests ëri 8è móùis “Adıxvalwv kal Aat TĜv doyá- 

3 órnò Dindorf. 4 So Dindorf: orparıwras V. 

$ Herwerden suggests oùôèv & oðrw karanàńrret ràs ývyàs 
Losy ro hriva [øs] (mep fv ibe èy roîs Kapynõoviors. 
Boissevain suggests oùôevi (or oùôeot) for oùðèv. Dindorf (in 
part after Mai) prints oððèv . . . puyàs ðs rò rryðivar Toùs 


BOOK XXIII. 9. 5—11. 1 

By this time Herbessus, also, had been abandoned. 
Still the river Halycus .. . for others also... 

10. Hannibal, the general of the Carthaginians, 
having been defeated in a naval battle,! and fearing 
that because of the defeat he might be punished by 
the senate, made use of the following artifice. He 
dispatched one of his friends to Carthage, and gave 
him such orders as seemed to him expedient. This 
man sailed home to the city, and when he had been 
brought before the senate said that Hannibal had 
ordered him to ask if it be the council ’s bidding that, 
with a fleet of two hundred ships, he should engage 
in battle the Roman fleet of one hundred and twenty 
ships. With shouts of approval they urged him to 
give battle. “ Very well,” he said, “ that-is just why 
Hannibal did fight—and we have been beaten. But 
since you commanded it, he is relieved of the blame.” 
Hannibal, then, knowing that his fellow citizens 
were wont to persecute their generals after the event, 
thus forestalled the accusations that were in the 

Since in the previous battles they had been accused 
of being responsible for the losses incurred, they 
were eager to retrieve their damaged reputation by 
means of this naval engagement. 

11. No one is so shattered in spirit by defeat as 
are the Carthaginians.? They could, for example, 

1 The famous battle of Mylae, Rome’s first naval victory. 
The achievement of the consul Duilius is commemorated in 
the inscription of the Columna Rostrata in the Forum, CID, 
1? 2, 25. 

2 The text is uncertain. The Carthaginians had been 
badly defeated off Cape Ecnomus on the southern coast of 
Sicily in the summer of 256 B.C. 


260 B.C. 

256 B.G, 


pgðiws Sapheipar rhv vavrichv Súvauv TrÔv roe- 
piwv mepi TÒv katrdràovv oùðè ereyeipnoav roúrovs 
dpúvaoðar. Tpidkovra yàp vavo tv ‘Pwpalwv 
npoopepopévwv TÌ xop Kal uhre tráčews uńre 
avorýparos áðpoð yevouévov Toĵ Te nveúparos 
Prarórepov èykeruévov, ywpis kwõúvov napiv aipeîv 
aŭravðpa Tà okán. eè pèv oĝv karaßdvres els rò 
mediov eÉ loov maperáfavro kal mât Tos uépeoi 
Tis Õuvduews évepyâs éxphoavro, pgðlws äv repi- 
eyévovro TÕv Todeuiwv' vv è mps arv uóvov 
droßàéfpavres rù èpuuvórnra roð Àóġov, kal rôv 
XPnoipwv tà èv Sià TÀv edÀdBerav mpoéuevor Tà 
òè Sà rv åmepiav? Siayvońoavres,? roîs ÖÀois 

12. "Ore èv dbuuig noi övrwv rôv Kapyn- 
oviwv rpeîs võpas  yepovola rôv èmpaveord- 
Twv dréoteiÀe npeoßevràs npòs ròv `AriNov mepl 
eipývns. roúrwv è "Avvwv ó 'Apiàkov? npôros 
öv r õóén, Sıaňeyleis roùs dpuótovras Àóyovs 
TÔ Kup, nmapekdàe TÒv ÙratTov perpiws aùroîs 
xPýcaoðai rai rís ‘Põuns délws. ó è `Aridios 
pepeTrewpiouévos Toîs eùnuephuaciwv ral róyns* čv- 
Opwnrivns oùôepiav ëvvorav Àaufpávwv rnÀraôra 
kal Troraðra npocérartev ğore Tv ovvrebeuévnv 

1 tv added by Dindorf. 
2 So Dindorf: dropiav V. 
3 àyvońoavres Herwerden, Dindorf*, 
1 So Mai: aukas V. 

BOOK XXIII. 11. 1-12. 1 

easily have destroyed the naval force of the enemy 
as they were putting in to land, but did not even 
attempt to repel them. For while the Romans, with 
thirty ships,! were approaching the shore and were 
neither in battle array nor in compact formation 
because of the violence of the wind, it would have 
been possible without any danger to capture the 
vessels, men and all. And certainly if they had gone 
down into the plain, and had engaged in battle on 
even terms and put into action every part of their 
army, they would easily have prevailed over the 
enemy. Instead, since they were intent on one thing 
only, the security afforded by the hill, and since they 
let slip some of their advantages through excessive 
caution and failed to recognize others because of 
their inexperience, they suffered a crushing defeat. 
12. Since the Carthaginians were in a state of 
great despondency, the senate sent three of their 
most eminent citizens as ambassadors to Atilius, to 
discuss terms of peace. Of these, Hanno, the son of 
Hamilcar, was the man held in highest esteem, and 
after he had said what was appropriate to the occa- 
sion,he urged the consul to treat them with moderation 
and in a manner worthy of Rome. Atilius, however, 
since he was elated by his success and took no 
account of the vicissitudes of human fortune, dictated 
terms of such scope and nature that the peace framed 

1 The number is suspect. The reference is to the Roman 
invasion of Africa under M. Atilius Regulus, consul suffectus 
in 256 B.c. ; cp. Polybius, 1. 29. 

2 In the battle at Adys (Polybius, 1. 30); because of their 
chosen position the Carthaginians were unable to make use 
of their elephants and cavalry. 

5 So Mai: yugîs V. 


eipývyv ýr’ aùroô unõèv ðagépeiw Sovàcias. èp’ 
oîs ópðv Toùs mpeofevràs! dyavarroðvras čpnoev 
aŭroùs ðeîv roùvavríov yápwv yew èni toros’ uÀ 
Svvapévwv yàp aùrõv PNTE kaTà yv ure kara 
fdňatrav únėp Tis eàevlepias dvrirdaoðar, nmâv 
TÒ ovyywpoúuevov ú$’ éavroð Aaußavew év õwpeĝ. 
Tõv è mepl Tòv "Avvwva mappnoiatopévæv mpos 
aùróv, ónepnpdvws ånedńoas mpocéračev dmiévat 
THY Tayiorny, emg beyëáuevos ört Õe? Tods dyaloùs 
N) vixâv Ñ exew Tols úmepéyovow.? ó pèv ov 
úmaTos oÙTE TO THS marpiðos élos év roîs ToroúrTois 
paunaápevos oŬre Tv ék becob véueow eùàaßnbels 
ouvróuws ris únepņnpavias déi mepiéneoe tiuwpig. 

(Const. Exc. 4, pp. 348-349.) 

13. Iávres uėêv oĝv dvðpwrot karà tàs åtvyías? 
Lêov eiwbaoı To Šaruoviovt uyyuovedew, kal 
moààdkis êv’ Taîs eùnpuepiais kai? eùnmpagiais òs 
púlłwv menàaopévæov rõv beð raradpovoðvres 
kaTa tàs éìarTwoes dvarpéyovow èri Tv pvoichv 
eùÀdperav. pudora Sè oi Kapynëóviot tà rò 
péyelos TÕv ènnpTyuévwv póßwv avačņnroðvres tràs 
ek Tv nmoààðv ypõvwv mapaàcàciuuévas Ovoías 
enouvràaciatov tàs eis rò beîov Tids. 

(Const. Exc. 4, p. 350; to eùàdperav, Exc. Hoesch. 
p. 504 W.) 

14. “Ore ó Edavhirrmos? ó ErapriaTns gvve- 
Povàeve Tots otparņyoîŭs nmpodyeiw mi roùs Tode- 
pious: kal raĵĝra égnoev aùroîs? Àéyew oùy iva 

1 toùs mpeofevràs or ačroùs Dindorf : roòùs V. 

2 öre SeT. . . ûnepéyovow] H (p. 503 W.) has these 
(=chap. 12. 2 Dind) TAAR PAP Ae Wa 

3 “Ore kara tàs dtvylas mdávres dvðpwror H. 
4 feos H. ë éy ĝè H. 


BOOK XXIII. 12. 1—14. 1 

by him was no better than slavery.! Seeing the 
ambassadors were displeased at these terms, he said 
that on the contrary they should be grateful, for this 
reason, that inasmuch as they were unable to offer 
resistance either on land or sea in defence of their 
freedom, they sħould accept as a gift whatever con- 
cessions he might make. But when Hanno and his 
companions continued to voice their opinions frankly 
to him, he threatened them insolently and ordered 
them to depart as quickly as possible, remarking that 
brave men ought either to conquer or to submit to 
those whose power is greater. Now in so acting the 
consul both failed to observe the custom of his country 
and to guard against divine retribution, and in a short 
time he met with the punishment that his arrogance 
deserved. i 

13. Now all men are more apt to be mindful of 
divinity in times of misfortune, and though often, in 
the midst of victories and success, they scorn the 
gods as myths and fabrications, yet in defeat they 
quickly revert to their natural piety. So, in particu- 
lar, the Carthaginians, because of the greatness of 
the fears that now hung over them, sought out the 
sacrifices that had been omitted for many years, and 
multiplied the honours paid to the gods. 

14. Xanthippus,? the Spartan, kept advising the 255 s.c. 
generals to advance against the enemy. He did this, 
he said, not so that by urging and spurring them on 

1 Dio Cassius, 11. 43. 22-23, purports to give the terms set 
by Regulus. Cp. also Polybius, 1. 31. 

2 A Greek mercenary, recently enlisted in the service of 
Carthage ; cp. Polybius, 1. 32-34. 

è eùņpepiais kat omitted in V. 
7 1 hłe H. 8 So Dindorf: Eavlinnys V. 
? So Post: aùròv V, aúròv Dindorf. 



zd $. 2 b3 2 2 pi bd y 
ereivovs mapočúvas kal mapakaÀéoas aÙùTÒs èkTòS 
ei “A lA 7 3 ~ e 
Ñ rõv rwvõðúvwv, GAX nws elou ri mémeorTa 
“~ 2 ~ 
tTañra moroúvrwv aùrõv pgðiws mporephoev, aùrós 
z 2 a a PS 
Te kalnyoeoða? tis uáxns kai mpôros èv rtoîs 
Kkivðúvois &võpayaðńoew. 
(i Lame + m 
Orı Eavhimnov karà ròv móňeuov roô Erap- 
TLÁTOU TAPLTTEVOVTOS Kal TOÙS mepevyórtas neğoùs 
avaortpéģovrtos, einóvros é tivos ôti pgõiws èp’ 
immov kalýpevos roùs dàovs eis ròv rivõvvov 
mapakadeî, mapaypiua kabadópevos? ròv uèv imrov 
Eai lá A 
Tv nalðwv rivi mapéðwrev, aùròs è meth Tmaprov 
3 A A fd “~ A i 
Eòeîro u) yevéobar ris ýrrys kal ris ámwàeias 
airiouvs dmavros* TOÔ oTpatonéðov. 
(Const. Exc. 4, p. 350.) 
Chap. 14. 3-4 Dind. =Chap. 15. 10-12, below. 
e ~ $ ~ A 
15. “Hues è rs ioropias oikeĉov óroàaußd- 
F 4 ~ A 4 
vopev eivat TÒ uù) TmapaÀreîv AVETLONLAVTOVS TAS 
~ £ t m~ 
Tv yepóvwv mpoaipéoeis êr’ dupórepa. t pèr” 
A “~ e 7 2 A 
yap Tv hpaprnuévwv karņyopig ciophoôoĝat ovu- 
7, T-A 
Paívet roùs émi rùv óuolav karaġepouévovs č- 
~ pi ~ A 
yvorav, r è émi rv dyal? èmirnõevuádrwv 
F m 
eùpnuigq nporpéneolat moààðv tràs puyàs mpòs 
> Z ie 
dperýv. rís oĝv oùk äv ðıkaíws uéwfjairo Tùv 
> z tS sA 
adpocúvņv kal ùv ónepnpaviav tùv `Atıiàlov; THV 
Y 8 Ca a 
yap? eùrvyiav Wonep Papù popriov èveykeîv èm- 
1 So Dindorf?: elĝwow V, wow Dindorft. 
2 So Mai: xabyyńhoaobar V. 
3 So Dindorf: xahadàópevos V. 
4 So Mai: äravras V. 
5 tf uèv] This sentence appears also in H (=chap. 15. 6a 
` . : PP v P 
Dind.) in the following corrupt form: õrı pĝov ori twa 
(Hoeschel, Rhodoman add órèp roùs) éêxlpoùs yevéoðar, àv póvov 
ayab® cvußoúàw xpýoorro, meðópevos Tův pèv tv huaptyuévwv 


BOOK XXIII. 14. 1—15. 1 

he might himself remain out of danger, but that they 
might know that he was confident of their ready vic- 
tory if they would do so. As for himself, he added, 
he would lead the attack and would display his valour 
at the foremost point of danger. 

During the battle Xanthippus, the Spartan, rode 
up and down, turning back any foot-soldiers who had 
taken flight. But when someone remarked that it 
was easy for one on horseback to urge others into 
danger, he at once jumped down from his horse, 
handed it over to a servant, and going about on foot, 
begged his men not to bring defeat and destruction 
upon the whole army.? 

15. We consider it to be a proper part of history 
not to pass over without comment the policy, whether 
good or bad, of men in positions of leadership.? For 
by the denunciation of their errors others who are 
drifting into a like mistake may be set straight, 
while by the praise of noble behaviour the minds of 
many are prompted to right action. Could anyone, 
in all justice, fail to censure the folly and arrogance 
of Atilius? By his inability to bear adroitly the 

1 Thanks to Xanthippus the Romans were routed and 
Regulus was taken captive. 

2 With this whole passage cp. Polybius, 1. 35. The 
following sentence appears in H preceded by the words : 
~ It is easy to get the better of one’s enemies, if only one 
employs a good adviser.” 

xarņyopiav ĝtophoðobar. ral ovußaiver Toùs émi ràv dpolav kaTa- 
depopévovs äyay è ênl rÂv åyabâv émTyõevuáraw eùpnuiav KTÀ. 
The opening words (re . . . meðóuevos) seem to be the work 
of the excerptor. 

€ iyabłôv omitted in P. 

7 So Bekker: `Avriàtov P, 'Arriàtov Valesius. 

8 tùv yàp . e > ovunTópact] This sentence appears also in 
H (=chap. 15. 6b Dind.). 

VOL. XI- E 101 


eéíws où Övvnleis éavròv uèr dneorépnoe Tis 
peyiorys Sdéns, riv Sè narpiða peydàois meptéßaàe 
2 ovumTěpaTı* Šuváuevos yàp béoðar Tùv eiphvyv 
avuhépovoav pèv TÌ ‘Poun, rarewhv è kal 
mavredðs aioypàv Ti  Kapynõóv, mpos è TovTots 
ånevéykaoða mapà Tmõow avðpórois alwviov uvh- 
HNV ġuepórnTos kal piàavbpwrnias, TOoÚTWV uèv où’ 
vTivoĝv énorýoato àóyov, Toîs è TÕv ğruynkörwv 
nTalouacw únepnpávws mpooeveybeis, ThÀxaîra 
kal Toraĝra TpoTÉTATTEV wore? TÒ èv Šaruõviov 
vepeofjoat, ToÙS sè Úrrnuévovs Sià rv únreppoàùv 
TÅs ékelvov Bapórnros énavaykáoat Tparéobar 
3 pòs dáàrýv. Toryapoôv eùs TyÙkaŬrn Tv Tpay- 
pdáTwv èyévero mañippora Š? ereîvov ore ToÙS èv 
Kapyņõovíovs roùs ða tùv rrav kal rv kard- 
mÀnEw dmeyvwkóras TÒ mpórepov Tův owrTnpiav, 
êk perapoàiĵs róre apońcavras kararóļar rùův 
TÕv moàepiwv óva, TÒ ÕÈ oúvoàov TÀKaŬTy 
mÀnyi kal ouupopå mepimeoetv thv ‘Poun dore 
Toùs ev T mebouayeiv árndvrwv davbðpăórmwv ĝo- 
Kovras mpwreveiw unkért TOÀuâv èk TOÔ mpoxeipov 
1l pèv omitted in P. 3 ovumrópaci H, kaxoîs P. 

3 So Valesius: dre P. 


BOOK XXIII. 15. 1-3 

heavy burden, as it were, of success, he robbed him- 
self of the highest renown and involved his country 
in serious disasters. Though he could have made 
peace on terms advantageous to Rome, as well as 
humiliating and utterly shameful to Carthage, and 
could in addition have won for himself among all 
mankind enduring remembrance for clemency and 
humanity, he took no account of these things, but 
dealt so arrogantly with the defeated in their mis- 
fortunes and dictated terms so harsh that the gods 
were roused to just anger and the defeated enemy 
were driven by his excessive severity to turn and 
resist. In consequence there now occurred, thanks 
to him, so great a turn of the tide that the Car- 
thaginians, who in consternation at their defeat had 
previously despaired of safety, now veered round and 
in an access of courage cut to pieces the army of their 
enemies, while Rome was altogether dealt so di- 
sastrous a blow that those who were reputed to be 
foremost in all the world in infantry warfare no longer 
ventured to engage the foe in battle at the first 



4 ovykaraßaívew eis Tapáračw. ciò kal ovvéßn rèv 
móepov pakpórtartov pèv yevéobor rõv pvnpovevc- 
pévav, Toùs è åyôvas peraneoeiy is vavpayias, 
ev als tÔv ‘Pwpaiwv kal tTÕv avupáywv Srephapn- 
cav vaðs naprànleis, ävõpes* &’ oùk éÀdrrTovs TÕV 
òéka uvpidðwv cùv toîs év raîs vavayiais åmoào- 
pévors? xpyuáTwv Sè eðaravýðn Tocoĝtos åpıĝ- 
Lòs cov eikós èat avañôoai ToùsS aródovs pèv 
nÀnpoðvras? êk Togovrwv" vyv GUVEOTNKŐTOS, ôra- 
moàeuýoavtas Ôè darò TovTwv TÕV ypóvwv ëT 
mevrekaiðeka. où uùv Ö ye ToútTwv aitios êdayi- 

15. 7. Tôv è “Powuaiwv èv „ABón Sraßávræv 
Leyáàņ ðvvdue gvv ATTAW ÙTÁTW, TO pèv TpÕTov 
Kapyxnðovíovs èvikņyoav, kal nóìes kal ppoùpta 
eîÀov ToàÀd kal úvajuv ToàÀùv karékotav. Üorte- 
pov è ZSavlinnov Ernapridrov otparnyoð pobo- 
pópov ¿àĝóvros ağ? ‘EAàdôos, évirnoav KATA 
kKpaTos Kapynõóvior ‘Pwpalovs kal katékopav 
peydànv óva. čkToTE vavpayiat êyévovro* kal 
nov okapôv kai davôpôv anrædea ‘Pwpaiois 
éyévovto, œs elvat Tòv tÔv amoàwàótwv àpiĝðuov 
ðéka pvpidðas. (Exc. Hoesch. p. 504 W.5) 

orv uepiða tis cvupopâs åmyvéykaro. TÎS 
npoünapxoóons avte" Sófns moanràaciav’ 2a 
åTiulav kal TV aioyúvnv ŅAAdéaTo, Toîs è iðlois 

So Salmasius, Valesius : dvôpos (s. acc.) P. 

vavayiais åmoàopévois Dindorf: vavpayiais amoàvppévoris P. 
So Dindorf: màéovras P. 

So Wesseling: rôv P; v (i.e. rpakociwv) Reiske. 
Hoeschel brackets éyévovro. 

This passage is preceded and followed in H by sentences 



BOOK XXIII. 15. 3-4 

opportunity. Fn consequence the war turned out 
to be the longest on record, and the conflict resolved 
itself into a series of naval battles, in which the 
Romans and their allies lost a multitude of ships and 
no fewer than one hundred thousand men, including 
those who perished by shipwreck ; as for the amount 
of money expended, it was as great as one might 
expect in view of the cost of manning a navy con- 
sisting of so many ships and of carrying on the war 
for fifteen years after this time. But indeed the man 
who was the cause of all this gained as his reward no 

15. 7. After ! the Romans crossed over to Libya 
with a large army commanded by the consul Atilius, 
they were at first victorious over the Carthaginians, 
and captured many cities and forts and cut to pieces 
a large army. Later, however, after a Spartan 
general, Xanthippus, a mercenary soldier, had come 
from Greece, the Carthaginians defeated the Romans 
by main force and cut to pieces a large army. There- 
after there were naval battles and the Romans lost 
many ships and men, so that the number of those 
who perished was one hundred thousand. 

small portion of the disaster. In exchange for the 
esteem he already enjoyed he received dishonour and 
disgrace many times as great, and by his personal mis- 

1 See critical note to text. 

taken directly from the text preserved in P. Its closest point 
of contact is with chap. 15. 4, but it is clearly a summary 
account written by the compiler of the Hoeschel fragments. 

7 ris yàp . . . éàeov] This sentence appears also in H 
(=chap. 15. 8 Dind.). For rĝs yàp H has åvri pèv rĝs. 

8 aùtoî 

z noaniaoias H. 





ovunTtwpaci Toùs Aàovs edidaée uérpia pove? 
ev raîs efovoiais, TÒ Òè péyiorov, &v únepnpávnoe 
Tùv dTvyíav, Toúrwv ġvaykádoðn tv ÖBpw kal mùv 
efovoiav hépeiww, npoadypnuévos avroð? tv ovy- 
yvóunv kal TOV ovykeywpnuévor* Toîs èmrtaikóow 
cov. Eavlirnros è t kaf éavròv dperñ Toùs 
Kapynõoviovs où uóvov e£ aùrôv rôv ewôv è£ńp- 
macev, dÀÀd kal Tòv årmavra Toàeuov eis roùvavriov 
mepiéotnoe. ToÙs pèv? yàp dnacı kparoðvras Toîs 
dors? ŅAdrTwoe, roùs È Sià rs yrrys mpooõo- 
kÕvTas? TÅv dnwàerav TÔ peyéber To mporephuartos 
enoiņnoe karapovĵoar tÕv noàeulwv. ò kal 
Tis TÕv npaybévrwv êmgpaveias eis dracav oyeðòv 
Tùv oikovpévny ĵiaðobeions, čkaoros® èbaúuate tùv 
Tavõpòs dperův eikórws: mapáðoćov yàp èß$aívero 
mâow el npocyevouévov roîs Kapynõoviois évòs pó- 
vov dvôpós, r)Àxaúrņn rÕv wv èyévero peraßoà) 
ÖoTe Toùs pèv eis moMopklav pTi ovykekÀeo- 
pévovs ¿k peraßoàñs tToùs evavriovs™® moopkeîv, 
Toùs è mpórepov ys raè Oaňdrrys Š? àv- 
Ôpeíav kparoĝvras év móde purp ovunepevyóras 
npooðéyeohari Thv dàwow. oùðèv” Sè Bavuaoròv el 
arparņyoð oúveois kal mpaypáræv èpneipia TÔv 
dðuvdrww ğokovvrwv elvat mepieyévero. 
(Const. Exe. 2 (1), pp. 258-259.) 
Oùõðèv yàp Îavuacròv e? aerparnyoð oúvecis kat 
npayuátrwv éumepia tv dðuvádrwv okovvrwv 
1 So H: roîs iioi ovumtTópaciv Toùs Sè Aovs éiagev P. 

2 uerpiopoveîv H. 3 éavroð H, òè aùroô P. 


BOOK XXIII. 15. 4-10 

fortuneshe taught other men to observe moderation in 
the exercise of power ; worst of all, since he hadalready 
deprived himself of the possibility of forgiveness and 
of the pity that is accorded to the fallen, he was forced 
to endure the insolence and arrogance of those whose 
ill-fortune he had treated with such disdain. Xanthip- 
pus, on the other hand, by his personal excellence not 
only rescued the Carthaginians from their desperate 
situation but reversed the course of the whole war. 
For he utterly humbled those whose might was alto- 
gether superior, while by the magnitude of his suc- 
cess he enabled those who by reason of their defeat 
were expecting destruction to look with scorn upon 
their enemies. As a result, when the fame of these 
achievements was spread abroad throughout almost 
all the world, all men marvelled, not without reason, 
at his ability ; for it seemed incredible that by the 
addition of a single man to the Carthaginians so great 
a ehange in the whole situation had resulted that 
those who just now had been shut in and besieged 
should turn about and lay siege to their opponents, 
and that those whose bravery had given them the 
upper hand on land and sea should have taken refuge 
in a small city and be awaiting capture. Yet it is not 
at all surprising that the native intelligence and the 
practical experience of a general overcame seemingly 

t So Hoeschel, Rhodoman, Salmasius : ovyreywpnuévwr P, 
ovyxexwpiopévwv H. 

5 roùs pėv. . . moàeuiwv] This sentence appears also in H 
(=chap. 15. 9 Dind.). H has roùðs yàp mâo. 

€ Sors P, row H. 7 ŝè omitted in P. 

3 mpooŝoxoôvras H. ° yàp after čkagros deleted by Toup. 

10 So Salmasius, Valesius : êvavriws P. 

11 The text of P here overlaps that of H; see following 
section (chap. 15. 10). 



mepreyévovro. ndvra yàp T ovvécei Báoiua' kal 
Suvarà yiverai? TÅs TÉxvNs èv nâo yepovpévns Tv 

11 Kobárep yàp” Tò oôpa Tis puxis è èori Soov, 
oŭrws at peyda uvápeis T Ttv ýyeuóvwv 
Úreikovot ppovhoet. 

12 Toô PÒS TÒ ovppépov Řovàevrypiov*t rávrař 

(Ezec. Hoesch. p. 504 W.; from mávra yàp to end, 
Const. Exc. 4, p. 350 = Chap. 14. 3-4 Dind.) 
16. “Pyyoúàw T “Pwpaiw dè Mápkw TÔ otpa- 


katagyebévri Zixedoîs yabe Tò Téos otov. 

Tà PBàépapa trôv ò$haàuðv uayaipa ovvře- 

Ñvewyuévovs cetacayv Tods ophaàuods èkeivov. 

pp, òè roôrov erpéavres kaàúfn orTevw- 

äypiov éfororphoavres ¿Mépavra fnpiov, 

ekivovv tToõrov kab’ aŭro ovykaraonrâv kal 

oŭrw mownàarToúuevos ó otTparnyòðs ò péyas 

Ttòv Biov ečanénvevoev JONwpévo TéÀcL. 

Toîs Xikedoîs kal Bdvhirros ð Erapridrys 

mept yàp TÒ AAóßairov trôv Zikeàðv rùv 

‘Pwpaiois re ral Bikeàoîs móàepos kpo- 

mpòs elkoot kal TÉooapas Toùs ypővovs č- 


BOOK XXIII. 15. 10—16. 1 

insuperable difficulties. For intelligence makes all 
things accessible and possible, and in all mştters 
skill overcomes brute force. 

Just as the body is the servant of the soul, so great 
armies respond to the intelligent control of their 

With an eye to what was expedient the senate, 
prevailing over all difficulties . . . 

16. Learn the fate that befell Marcus Regulus, the 
Roman general, after his capture by the Sicels.! 
They cut off his eyelids with a knife and left his eyes 
open. Then, having penned him in a very small and 
narrow hut, they goaded to madness a wild elephant, 
and incited it to draw him down under itself and 
mangle him. Thus the great general, as though 
driven by an avenging fury, breathed his last and 
died a most wretched death. Xanthippus the Spartan 
also died at the hands of the Sicels. For round about 
Lilybaeum, a city of the Sicels, there was the clash 
of war between Romans and Sicels, war that had 
continued for twenty-four years. The Sicels, having 

1 Tzetzes refers to the Carthaginians ‘throughout this 
passage as Sicels. 

1 So Hoeschel, „Rhodoman : Bánya H, Ráðiua V. 
? yiera V, yew 
3 kabánrep yàp H, xal xabánep V. 
& Tof Bovàevrnpiov HBOS, tò ovuġépov Dindorf. 




oi Zucedol Taîs udyais è TOAAÍKIS ÚTTN- 

‘Powpaiois êveyeipiķov Tùy mów eis Õovàelav. 

TÕV Sè ‘Pwpaiwv pndauðs unè’ otw mebo- 

dÀÀa „yvpvoùs roùs Xikeàods Àeyõvrwv éf- 

ò Enraprárns Edvlimros eàbùv dnò rîs 

` . e l4 ~ 4 2 e 7 



kai npooßaà®v roîs Xıxedoîs, oĝow eyre- 

ðe épunvéws TE aùToîs TOÀAÀQ ovvopuàńoas, 
téàos bappýver kar èxipôv: kal ovvapáćas 
Toîs eùnpyernpévors õè TV åpopiv Aaußáve 
dgiav kal kaTdàànàov tis Toútrwv ĝvortpo- 
la ~ ` ES ` e ` 
nmÀoiw calp ròv dvðpa yàp ot papot Ba- 
Úrnò orpoaîs Pvbitovo: meàdyer Tof ’Aðpiov 
Baorývavres tòv pwa kal toúrov Tò yev- 
A e z + A N m" e 
tis ioropias péuvnrar tode kal ris ‘Pr- 
ó Zixeàòs Aidðwpos. 
(Tzetzes, Hist. 3. 356-386.) 

BOOK XXIII. 16. 1 

suffered defeat in battle many times, offered to put 
their city in subjection to the Romans. The Romans, 
however, would not listen even to this offer but 
ordered the Sicels to go forth empty-handed. Xan- 
thippus the Spartan, who had come from Sparta with 
a hundred soldiers (or alone, or with fifty soldiers, 
according to various authorities), approached the 
Sicels while they were yet hemmed in, and after con- 
versing with them at length through an interpreter 
finally gave them courage to oppose their enemies. 
He clashed in battle with the Romans and with the 
aid of the Sicels cut to pieces their whole army. Yet 
for his good service he received a recompense worthy 
of and appropriate to that perverse people, since the 
foul wretches set him in a leaking ship and sank him 
beneath the swirling waters of the Adriatic, in their 
envy of the-hero and of his nobility.: Diodorus the 
Sicel records this story and that of Regulus. 

1 Polybius, 1. 36. 2-4, says that after his great success 
Xantippris prudently returned to Sparta, but he also hints 
at another version of the story. 



17. DiMorost õè ioropikòs Ñv. 

18. Oi è ‘Pwpaïo eis riv Apúnv ciarepd- 
oavres kat Tòv nóàeuov perà rv Kapynõoviwv 
veðr? movýoavres, kal vikýoavres kal vaĝs elkoot 
tréooapas mapañaßóvres Kapyxnðovías, roùs àrò 
TOÔ nebikoð moàépov ciaocwhévras ‘Pwpalovs dva- 
Aaßóvres rai mpòs Lireiav ĝianepõvres èyyùs ris“ 
Kapapivas èkwðúvevoav, rat anróàeoav pakpàs? 
vas rpiaxocias reocapdkovta, innaywyoùs è kal? 
màoîa érepa tpiakóoia’ anò Sè Kauapivns čws 
Tlayóvov tà oúpara kai rà dÀoya kal Tà vaváyia 
ékewTo. Toùs Šè iaowhévras ‘Tépwv hiàavlpdrws 
mapaàaßow, obire kal tpoph kal ri dorri xpeig 

2 åàvanraúsas čws Meoońvns Sıéowoe. Kaphdàwv 
pèv ò Kapynðóvios perà rùv vavayiav trôv ‘Po- 
paiwv moMopkýoas `Arpdyavra raúrņv ele, kal 
Tùv pèv nÒ èvénpnoe, Tà Sè reiyn kabeev. oi 

3 è karaderphévres ëġuyov eis rò °Oàúumiov. oi Sè 
‘Pwpaîor repov oróàov erà tò vaváyiov vavrnyńý- 
gavTtes, kal ĝiakociais mevrýkovra vavolv es TÒ 
Kegdañolðrov” éAbóvres, roôro Sià mpoðoociav map- 
éàaßov. èri Õè rà Apérava ¿àbóvres kal moMNoprý- 
gavres, To Kapháwvos Bonloðvros, ètéresov kat 

4 Alov eis rùv Tdvoppov. rahłoppiohévres èv t 
Aréne mÀànolov rÂÔv Teiyôv rai Thv Õúvajuv èkßißdá- 

1 Ovos Wesseling, Jacoby. 
2 oi after ‘Pwpaîor deleted by Dindorf. 
8 yéwv (sic H) deleted by Reiske, Dindorf. 
4 éyyòs rís Dindorf: et aùrfs H. 
5 So Wesseling : pixpàs H. 

BOOK XXĪII. 17. 1—18. 4 

17. Philistus 1! was an historian. 

18. The Romans ? crossed over to Libya and en- 
gaged the Carthaginian fleet in battle ; having been 
victorious and having captured twenty-four Cartha~ 
ginian vessels, they took on board the Roman 
survivors of the battle on land, but while sailing 
across to Sicily ran into danger near Camarina and 
lost three hundred and forty warships, as well as 
cavalry transports and other vessels to the number 
of three hundred ; bodies of men and beasts and 
pieces of wreckage lay strewn from Camarina as far 
as Pachynus. Hiero received the survivors hospitably, 
and having refreshed them with clothing, food, and 
other essentials, brought them safely to Messana. 
After the shipwreck of the Romans, Carthalo the 
Carthaginian laid siege to Acragas, captured and 
burned the city, and tore down its walls. The sur- 
viving inhabitants took refuge in the sanctuary of 
Olympian Zeus.? The Romans constructed another 
fleet after the shipwreck, and proceeding to Cepha- 
loedium with two hundred and fifty ships got posses- 
sion of that place by treason. They went on to 
Drepana and put it under siege, but when Carthalo 
came to its aid they were driven off and went to 
Panormus. There they moored their ships in the 
harbour close to the walls, and after disembarking 

1 Philistus of Syracuse (d. 356 s.c.) wrote a history of 
Sicily (Jacoby, FGH, no. 556). ` Some editors emend to read 
Philinus, on whom see chap. 8. 

2 The narrative of chapters 18-21 differs in a number of 
details from the parallel account in Polybius, 1. 36-40. 

$ On this temple see Book 13. 82. 

€ kal added by Hoeschel, Rhodoman. 
7 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : Kepadúsny H. 
8 ernoMoprýoavres Dindorf*. 


255 B.O. 

254 B.C 


12 Z O ` : 
cavres, êyapákovv kal éTáßpevov TV TNV kaTa- 
z ` “A LA t ~ ~ 
Sévëpov yàp Tis xópas péxpi TÕv TVÀAÕV OVONS, 
ano Îaàdoons cis Odàaccav tà ywparta êxapakw- 
$ 3 2 Ea “~ 
Onoav kal êraġpeúĝnoav. elra ‘Pwuaiot ovveyeîs 
hJ tA A a 
npocßoààs mroroúpevoi taîs unyavaîs? Kkaréßañov 
A A A Ea > 
Tò qTeîyos, kal ts èktòs móňews kvpieðoav- 
Tes Todos dvetàov: oi Sè Adoi čhvyov eis Tv 
> z Lé 4 l4 2 1 
åpxaíav óV, Kal mémpavres mpéoßeis mpòs Toùs 
Ea LA > 2 A 
5 Úrdrovs Ņéiovv toîs oæpaci doġdàerav. tÕv ĝè 
? 3 , R A 
ovupwvoúvrwv? úo uvâês TÖ owparıe Sðóvras 
3 Ht ivi A lA hs 2 ee a 
; eMevlépovs eba, Tapéaßov Tv nóÀw ot ‘Pwpaîor, 
LA ~ 
kal pýpia TerpakıoxíNa cúparta tuis ovveywphn 
T eúpeĝlévre àpyvpíw kal dreàvbn. roùs ğè 
2 + z Eg 
ÀoroŬs, pupíovs Tpioyiàlovs Övras, kal thv AANV 
3 y 3 A 
arookeviv eiaġuporoànoav. 'Iairivoit Sè èk- 
ié 5 ` a Ö , ` ` ? 
Badóvres* tův rv owikwv dpovpàv tùv mów 
Pwpalois wrav. maparàyoiws è Toúrors èroin- 
cav Loàovvrivot kal Ierpivo: kal ° Hvarrapivor kal 
T ŝ a 8 e g ` 3 z 
vvõapîrat.® oi è Öraror $povpàv èv IHavóppw 
Aróvres anrfAbov els Meooývyv. 
“~ D. 
19. To Sè émıyevouévov črTovs mÀeðoavres oi 
e a 2 A 
Pwpaîo:i Sevrepov eis Apónv, kai rôv Kapyn- 
/ y ? 2 A i 
Soviwv uù) éacávrwv aùroùs ópuĵoa, Únoorpé- 
s 3 a 
phovres Abov eis Iávopuov. èrebev årápavres els 
e 7 8 , p , m 
Poun , SeVTepov evavdynoay xeuóvos aùrtoùs 
A y m 
katañaßóvros, kal droecav vaðs uakpàs ékartòv 
2 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : épßıBáoavres H. 

2 taîs uņxavaîs Rhodoman : xai pnyavàs H. 
3? So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : ovupavwv H. 


BOOK XXIII. 18. 4—19. 1 

their men, invested the city with a palisade and a 
trench ; for since the countryside is heavily wooded 
right up to the city gates, the earthworks and 
trenches were made to extend from sea to sea. 
Thereupon the Romans by making constant assaults 
and by employing engines of war broke down the 
city wall, and having gained possession of the outer 
city slew many ; the rest fled for refuge to the old 
city, and sending envoys to the consuls asked for 
assurances that their lives would be spared. An 
agreement was made that those who paid two minas 
apiece should go free, and the Romans then took 
over the city ; at this price fourteen thousand persons 
were brought under the agreement upon payment 
of the money, and were released. All the others, 
to the number of thirteen thousand, as well as the 
household goods, were sold by the Romans as booty. 
The inhabitants of Iaetia expelled their Punic garri- 
son and handed over the city to the Romans. The 
people of Solus, Petra, Enattaros, and Tyndaris 
acted in like fashion. The consuls, having stationed 
a garrison in Panormus, then withdrew to Messana. 

19. In the following year the Romans again sailed 
to- Libya, but being prevented by the Carthaginians 
from mooring their ships they turned about and 
went to Panormus. Having set sail thence for Rome 
they were overtaken by a storm and again suffered 
shipwreck, and lost one hundred and fifty warships 

2 This place is unknown, and the name may be corrupt. 

4 So Dindorf: ’Ierivor H. 
5 So ed. Rhod. : èxpáħovres H. 
€ So Rhodoman : Turõapiða: H. 
? So Hoeschel, Rhodoman (és Meońvyy) : év Meońývy H. 
8 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman (és): & ‘Papy i 

253 B.C. 


nevrýrovra kai Tv AAV draoav tÔv innaywyôðv 
Kai Aaúpaw. .. $ roô è Oepuôv TmuÀwpot Tepl 
TÀ kw yevouévov eis dvaykalas ypelas, Úrnò toô 
‘Pwpaiwv orparoô gvvenn: kal ènpéoßevoe 
mpòs ròv åpyovra, rı àv ånoàýon aùròv dvoífeiw 
aùr® Tù núànv Tĝs móews vukTós. To Šè dro- 
Aŭoavros, kal ovvðeuévov kapóv, danéoreiev ó 
äpxwv yıňíovs vuktós. kal pldoavres, ó uèv kara? 
Tv opiopémy Åvorée mún tiv Šè oi npótorTo 
kal èmpaveis? eioñAlov, kal elrov tÔ mviwpô 
kàcîoar kal unòéva Adov eoa” eioedbeiv, Oédovres 
uóvws? ròv mÀoĵrov Tis móàcws par. oĝroi mdvres 
Katekómnoav, dérov ris nmÀàcovećias Îdvarov óro- 

20. Ev dw è kup ràs Oépuas kal tù 
Ardpav ‘Pwpaîoi mapéňaßov dupw. moMopký- 
oavres è ‘Pwpuatoi kai ‘Eprriv ppovpiov pvpidot 
Téocapor kat yiioirs inreðow éc? oùk toyvoav. 

21. `Aoôpovßas? è ò arparnyòðs rôv Kapyn- 
Soviwv Pàaopnuoúpevos óró trôv ibiwv ıd Tò u) 
nodeueîv, vaevas perà mdons Svváuews Šid ris 
Eeàvovvrias voywpias Alev eis rò Tldvopuov. 
kal ciaßıBdoas trov morapòv Tòv oúveyyus, Tepi TÀ 
TEXN EOTpaTOnéÕEVOE, UNTE yapákwua uÚTE Td- 
ġpov tdžas ĵıà Tò karadpoveîv. mdáùw è kal rôv 

1 Hoeschel, Rhodoman suggest adding mapaorevýv. Din- 
dorf suggests also perà after ämacav. 

2 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : yeîpas H. 
è Hoeschel, Rhodoman suggest ot kal pháoavres xove ó 


BOOK XXIII. 19. 1—21. 1 

and all their transports and booty besides. . . . The 
keeper of the gate at Thermae, having gone without 
the walls for the needs of nature, was captured by 
the Roman army ; he sent word to the commander 
that if he would release him he would open the city 
gate for him during the night. The commander 
released him and having fixed a time sent a thousand 
men at night. They arrived and he opened the gate 
at the appointed time. The leaders, men of note, 
entered and ordered the gate-keeper to bolt the gate 
and to allow no one else to enter, since they wished 
to carry off the wealth of the city themselves. All of 
these men were cut down and suffered the death that 
their greed deserved. 

20. On another occasion the Romans got possession 
of both Thermae and Lipara. Though the Romans 
also laid siege, with forty thousand men and a 
thousand cavalry, to the fortress of Herctê, they 
did not prevail against it. 

21. Hasdrubal, the general of the Carthaginians, 
being berated by his own people for not fighting, 
marched with his whole army through the rough 
country about Selinus and arrived in Panormus. And 
when he had brought his men across the river, which 
lies near by, he encamped near the city walls, but 
ordered neither palisade nor trench because he 
thought it did not matter. On this occasion again 

pè ofv xarà. Wurm suggests placing ġfdáoavres below, after 

4 Herwerden suggests émhavévres for xal êmihaveîs. 
äààov èâcat Hoeschel, Rhodoman : dyyeàov éâoa xat H. 
Hoeschel, Rhodoman suggest póvor. 
So Hoeschel, Rhodoman (adding megôr): pvpids H. 
éàeîv added by Hoeschel, Rhodoman. 
So ed. Rhod. : Avôpoúßas H. 




252/1 B.O, 

251/0 B.O. 


éunópwav nodàùv olvov empepopévæv, oi Kéra 
pebvolévres kal kpavyĵs kai aračias màņpoúpevot, 
ênineodvros* Kadiou roô úmárov aùroîs karà 
kpártos, aŭroùs vixýoas kal tÔv ħepdvrwv é- 
kovra kpaŭTýoas, els ‘Pounv ånréorede. kal bapa 
‘Pwpaîor oxov. (Exc. Hoesch. pp. 505-506 W.) 
22. "Ore `Apiàkas ó Bápras kañoúpevós ó Kap- 
xndóvios kal ”Avvißas ó viðs aŭro uéyiorTot oTpa- 
Tnyot Kapxnõoviwv où óvov vres?” rv mporépwv, 
dààà Kal rv perayeveorépwv óuooyovuévws 
oĝror Seýhlnoav, kat raîs ias mpdéeoiw nöën- 

cav udora Tv marpiða. 
(Const. Exc. 2 (1), pp. 259-260.) 

1 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : Úroreoóvros H. 
2 õvres, où póvov Valesius, 


BOOK XXIII. 21. 1—22. 1 

the merchants brought in a great quantity of wine ; 
the Celts became drunk, and were in complete dis- 
order and shouting noisily when the consul Caecilius + 
attacked them in force. He won a victory over them 
and captured sixty elephants, which he sent to Rome. 
And the Romans were struck with wonder. 

22. Hamilcar the Carthaginian, surnamed Barca, 
and Hannibal his son were by common consent con- 
sidered the greatest generals of the Carthaginians, 
greater not only than their predecessors but than 
those of later ages as well, and by their personal 
achievements they very greatly increased the power 
of their native land.? 

1 L, Caecilius Metellus, consul in 251 s.c. As proconsul 
the next year he celebrated a triumph de Poenis. 

2 Chap. 22 is anticipatory and, as noted by Dindorf, may 
well belong to Book 24. It is perhaps from the preface to 
that book, and in any case must stand before Book 24. 3. 



1. Tùy õè Zedvovvriwv rów Kapxnòóvior kara- 
[A ~ 
okápavres perokioav eis rò Adúßaiov. ‘Pwpaio 
è vavol pakpaîs ĝiakocias Tescapákovra Kal 
2 t 4 
kepkovpois éčńkovra kat màolwv màe mavro- 
ai + A 
danv katéràevoav eis rhv Ildávoppov, èkeîbev els 
TÒ A À 4 6l À m Ed ` jS a 
ò AAúBaov, & noMopkeiv hpžavro. tÀv pèv yiv 
aro Îaàdoons cis Odàacoav trádpw dnrereiyisav, 
karanéàras òè kal kpioùs kat yworpiðas kal 
xAwvas kareokevasav. TÒ ÔÈ oTÓpuov TOÔ Àruévos, 
mevrekaiðeka kepkovpovs? vaðs Àlbwv mÀànpoocavres, 
katéywcav. Ñv ðè ð Àaòs ó rôv ‘Pwpaiwv évõeka 
Lupidðes, TÕv è modopkovuévwv meot émTakıo- 
2 yiňtot, imnes è émrtakóciot. Tmoopkovuévwv ðė 
w ko 3 + > hi H ld 
aùrôv, Alev aùroîs Poea darò Kapynõóvos, 
åvõpes TerpakıoyiNoi kal oros, kat avebdponcav 
e3 ` a9 7 CARH a , 
ot erà ToD’ Artdppov. oi Sè ‘Pwpaloi Beacdyevor 
~ kd À) A ò + Ai8 4 4 LA 
THY cioßo. nv TNS VVAHEWS, UOLS ē KAL xXxwpacsiyv 
ek ðevrépov TÒ oTópuov To Muévos čywoav kal 

t? So Rhodoman: 7v (or òv?) H, ĝv in margin (accepted 
by Dindorf). 

2 So Rhodoman : xepkovpås H. 

3 oi added by Walton. Wesseling, Bekker, Dindorf place 
perta rot °Ardphov after oîros, above. 

4 So Wesseling : Abas H. 



1. The Carthaginians, having razed to the ground 250 s.c. 

the city of Selinus, removed its population to Lily- 
baeum. The Romans, with a fleet of two hundred 
and forty warships, sixty light vessels, and a large 
number of transports of all types, sailed into Panor- 
mus and thence to Lilybaeum, which they put under 
siege.! On land they blockaded the city from sea to 
sea by means of a trench, and constructed catapults, 
battering rams, covered sheds, and penthouses. The 
entrance of the harbour they blocked with fifteen 
light vessels, which they had loaded with stones. The 
Roman host numbered one hundred and ten thousand, 
while the besieged had seven thousand infantry and 
seven hundred cavalry. In the course of the siege 
relief arrived from Carthage, four thousand men and 
supplies of food, and Adherbal and his men took 
heart again. The Romans, who had observed the 
force effecting an entrance, again blocked the mouth 
of the harbour with stones and jetties, and barred 

1 The story of the siege is told in detail by Polybius, 1. 41-48. 

2 According to Polybius q: 44), the relief expedition com- 
prised 10,000 men and was headed by Hannibal; Adherbal 
was commander-in-chief, and was then at Drepana (1. 46). 
Wesseling, following Zonaras, 8. 15 (who names °Apôéßas as 
commander of the relief expedition), transposes to read : 
“relief arrived from Carthage—Adherbal with .. . men 
and supplies—and their confidence was restored.” 



Eúdois peyiotois kal dykúpais tà Báb èoraúpw- 
cav. mveúparos Šè Rialov mveúoavros kal tis 
Baddoons dypiavðeions, návra karéňvoev. èroin- 
gay òè Pwpator merpoßóňov? ðpyavov, čktrioav Š 
évõolev Ao reîyos Kapyyõóvior. rův è rápov 
Tis móàcws ëxwoav ‘Pwpaîor, éyovoav tò mÀdTos 
éýkovra mýyes kal rò Balos Teocapákovra. 
móňeuov òè avvájavres eis rò mpòs Îáaccav 
Teixos čoryoav katà mpóowmov êvéðpas.? kal rot 
Àaoî eis Tòv mpòs Bddaocay móÀepov kevwhévros, 
oi kaTà? tàs évéðpas kàíiuakas éToipovs ëyovres 

3 dvéßnoav, kat TÒ mpôTov Teos clov. dkovúcas 
sè ó Kapynõðóvios oTpaTnyós, émnecwv aùroîs èv 
évl rómæw épóvevoe uupíovs kal oùs dÀìovs ùváy- 
kage heúyew. mávra Šè moàepixà Öpyava, yed- 
vas, merpoßóovs, kpioús, xworplðas, mveúuaros 
peydov éminvevoavros, êvénpnoav ‘Pwpalwv. lév- 
TES Sè oi Kapynõóvor oùðėv wpedoðvras roùs 
inmeîs aùrâv év qoîs aTevoîs TónoIs, efanéoreiiav 
aros eis rà Apérava, kal TOAN) Pońbera Kapyn- 

4 Soviors êyévero. EEanopnhévres òè ot ‘Pwuaîor Sià 
Thv kaĝo trv òpydvæwv kal ğa Tùv oraviav tÂôv 
Tpopõv kal TÀV Aoyu)v vóoov, kpewßopovres* 
yàp uóvov Pwpaîot kal oi oúupayor els Tv vógov 
émmTov, ÓS èv oàiyars ýpépors uvpiovs Teĝvávar. 
bbev kaè Tù ToNopriav nhéànoav karaoa: 
Iépwv è d Baoideùs Xupakoúons oîrov moàùv åro- 
areias aùroîs dvelápovvev* ağroùs mpòs rv 
moopkiav TAÀw. 

5 Tô òè ‘Powuaiwv ròv trarov õiaðetapévwv, TÀV 

1 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : merpdoñorv H. 
So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : pas H. 


BOOK XXIV. 1. 2-5 

the channels with huge timbers and anchors? ; but 
when a strong wind arose, the sea grew turbulent 
and broke everything up. The Romans constructed 
an engine for hurling stones, but the Carthaginians 
built another wall on the inner side. The Romans 
then filled the moat, which was sixty cubits wide and 
forty deep. Joining battle at the seaward wall they 
placed men in ambush in front of the city, and when 
the defending forces had been drawn off into the 
battle on the seaward side the men who were lying 
in ambush with ladders ready climbed up and cap- 
tured the first wall. When the Carthaginian general 
got news of this, he fell upon them, killed large 
numbers in a single place, and forced the others to 
flee. And with the aid of a strong gale they set fire 
to all the Roman engines of war, their penthouses, 
stone-throwers, battering rams, and covered sheds. 
Perceiving, however, that their cavalry was of no 
service to them in the confined space, the Carthagin- 
ians dispatched them to Drepana ; there they greatly 
assisted the Carthaginians. The Romans were 
rendered helpless by the burning of their engines, as 
well as by short rations and pestilence, for since they 
and their allies fed solely on flesh they were so in- 
fected that large numbers died in a few days. For 
this reason they were even ready to abandon the 
siege, but Hiero, the king of Syracuse, dispatched 
an abundant supply of grain, and gave them fresh 
courage to resume the siege. 

On the accession to office of the new consuls, the 

1 Presumably floating timbers anchored. 

3 xarà added by Hoeschel, Rhodoman. 
t So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : xpewßporoôvres H. 
5 So Rhodoman : dveĝápoņsev H. 


249 B.O. 


apxův mapéðwkav Kìavõiw úratrw TÔ To 'Arriov 
vi®. kal mapañafav tàs Švváueis máw ròv 
Àruéva ëywoev, ğonrep kal ot Tpò aùroĝ, kal mdÀw 
N Odàaooa kateokópmioe. toô Sè Kåavõiov uéya 
emaphévros, tràs àpioras vaðs fńprvoe Šiakocias 
òéka, kal cis rà Apérava mpòs Kapynõoviovs 
AnABe moàeuhowv aùroús. rat ýrrýðn čmoàćoas 
vas ékaròv émrakaiðeka kal ğvõpas Šıopvpiovs. 
vavpayiav õè kaprepàv? kai vikyv Àaurporépav oùy 
ór? Kapynõoviois dAX où dois roraóryv 
yeyevnpévny padiws äv eüŭpois* Tepl ToÚToVS ToÙS 
xpõvovs, kaí, TÒ mapáðočov, ev Tyùkovrw rwðúvw 
övras Kapynõovíovs kal perà veðv Šéka .. . ov 
uóvov ävņpéðņ pèv oùðeis, èrpavuarioĝðyoav &è 
6 ôÀiyor. perà òè rara dréorerav ’Avvißar" 
Tpimpápxnv eis Iavoppov perà rtpidkovra veôv, 
kat rv àyopàv TÔv ‘Pwpailwv roô citou čepov 
eis Apérava. kal rûs oiris ayopâs Tùv xpelav 
êk rijs Aperdvns aßóvres, eis rò AtAúßauov Abov, 
Kal roùs moMopkovpévovs êvéràņoav mavtoiwv ya- 
70v. éhlace Sè kal Kapháwv otparnyòs èr 
Kapynððvos uera veðv pakpðv éßðouńkovra ral 
oirqyðv iowv. êmbeuévwv òè kal aùrôv ‘Pwuaiois, 


So Wesseling : eénprnoe H. 

So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : xkpareàv H. 

oùy rı Herwerden : oùyi H. 

äv eŬŭpois added by Hoeschel, Rhodoman. 

åréorterav °Avvíßav Dindorf (cp. Polybius, 1. 44. 1): 
ånéorterhev Avvifas H. 

€ Hoeschel, Rhodoman suggest at (adopted by Dindorf). 



1 P, Claudius Pulcher. The other consul of 249 s.c. was 
L. Iunius Pullus, 


BOOK XXIV. 1. 5-7 

Romans gave the command to the consul Claudius, 
son of Appius.* Upon assuming command of the army 
he again blocked the harbour, as his predecessors had 
done, and again the sea hurled all to bits. Claudius, 
however, in high self-confidence, equipped the best 
ships, two hundred and ten in number, and set off 
to Drepana to do battle with the Carthaginians. He 
was defeated with the loss of one hundred and 
seventeen ships and twenty thousand men. It would 
not be easy to discover a fierce fight at sea followed 
by a more glorious victory in this period—no com- 
parable victory, I mean, for anyone, not merely for 
the Carthaginians. The surprising thing, however, 
is that though the Carthaginians were involved in so 
great a battle and .. . with ten? ships . . . not 
only was no one killed but even the wounded were 
few. After this they sent Hannibal the trierarch to 
Panormus with thirty ships, and plundered and 
carried off to Drepana the stores of grain belonging 
to the Romans. Then, taking from Drepana whatever 
other provisions were of use, they went to Lilybaeum, 
and provided the besieged population with an abun- 
dance of good things of all sorts. Carthalo the general 
also arrived from Carthage with seventy warships 
and a like number of provision transports. When 
they also è had set upon the Romans, he succeeded 

2 The number is probably wrong, and the grammar of the 
clause is at least unusual; very likely the original narrative 
has suffered from careless condensation. Polybius’ account 
of the battle (1. 49-51) does not suggest any such disparity 
in the size of the two fleets, and the number may belong to a 
clause referring to the Roman fleet of 210 ships. 

3 This may be a garbled reference to the simultaneous 
land attack led by Himilco (Polybius, 1. 53. 5) while Carthalo 
was attacking the ships. 



Tiwvàs èv vaĵs éßúbioe, rÕv Sè veôv rôv óppovoðv 
eis yiv dnéoraoe mévre. drogas è ròv oróàov 
trôv ‘Pwpaiwv èk Zvpakovoðv aġwpunkévar, mel- 
gas Toùs ovvápxovras dvýyðnņ vavoiv ékartóv eľkoot 
Tais apiotars. TÕv è oróàwv eis oúvopiwv eAbóvrwv 
kaTà TÀV Peàdav Xöpav, ot ‘Powpaîor popnlévres 
katérdevoav EiS TNV Pivridõa, kal TÀ TÀOTA TA TYV 
dyopàv kopițovra kal Tas Àoras vas darméàimov 
rò ku yiv rõv sè Kapyxnõoviwv katanÀevodvrwv 
avvéoTn kaprepòs ayæv. réÀos Õè ot Kapynðóvior 
tÕv okaĥĝôv Trôv peyáňov KATÉĞVOAV TEVTÝKOVTO, 
TtÕv Õè parpôv epúóbioav éntakaiðera, ovvtpijav- 
8 res ĝè Tpiokaiðeka áxpýorovs eroinoav. petà 
òè taĵra oi Kapynõóvior é ém Tòv “AÀvrov moTauòy 
Tapayevópevot TOÙS Tpavuarias dávénavoav. ò sè 
braros lovos oùðèv rôv yeyevnpévav clws èk 
ts Meoońvns avýxðn vavo pakpaîs tpiákovra č, 
poprnyoîs oùk oÀiyois. mepiràevcas Šè röv Ild 
vov kal kafoppoheis nÀnoiov Pivridõos KATERN YN 
9 Tò yeyevypévov. petà Sè taîra Kapynõoviwy 
mavti oTóàw mpòs aùroùs Abóvræwv, poßnbeis ó 
raros tràs pèv Tpiokaiðeka TAS AXPÁOTOVS vérpn- 
gev, eml è Luparóoas Tòv mÀoðv morero, vopibwv 
Tépwva napégeoba Tv doġdáňerav. katdìnmros 
Òè yevóuevos Tpos Thv yiv tTĝs Kapapivas, EiS TÀV 
Îr katéġvye TPOS TÖTOVS Tpayeîs kal Ýpañóðers. 
To è mveúuaTos Prarórepov émiTvéovTOS, oi pèv 
Kapynððóvior káupavres Tov Idáyvvov eis merov 
tónov kaĵwpuiobnoav, ot è ‘Pwpaîot rivõúvov 
ueydàov yeyevnuévov Tà uèv oiTqyà mÀoîa dmWóÀe- 
cav návta, TAS è pakpàs vaĵs oŭoas ékarðv névre 
1 ĝè added by Wesseling. 

BOOK XXIV. 1. 7-9 

in sinking some ships and in dragging to the shore 
five of those lying at anchor. Then, hearing that the 
Roman fleet had set sail from Syracuse, he prevailed 
upon his fellow commanders and put to sea with one 
hundred and twenty ships, the best of the fleet. When 
the two fleets sighted one another off the coast of 
Gela the Romans took fright and put in at Phintias, 
where they left under shelter of land the ships laden 
with provisions and the remainder of their fleet ; 
when the Carthaginians bore down, there was a sharp 
struggle. Finally the Carthaginians disabled fifty of 
the large freighters, sent to the bottom seventeen 
men-of-war, and stove in and rendered useless thirteen 
others. Afterwards, the Carthaginians, on reaching 
the Halycus River, gave their wounded men a period 
of rest. The consul, Iunius, knowing nothing of 
these events, put to sea from Messana with thirty-six 
warships and a considerable number of transports. 
But having rounded Cape Pachynus and anchored 
near Phintias, he was astounded to learn what had 
taken place. Later, when the Carthaginians ad- 
vanced against them with their entire fleet, the consul, 
seized with fear, burned the thirteen ships that were 
useless, and attempted to sail back to Syracuse, 
thinking that Hiero would provide them safety. But 
being overtaken off the coast of Camarina he put in 
to land for refuge, at a place where the shores were 
rocky and the water shallow. When the wind in- 
creased in violence, the Carthaginians rounded Cape 
Pachynus and anchored in a relatively calm spot, 
whereas the Romans, placed in great æeril, lost all 
their provision ships and likewise their warships, so 


10 owpara aroàwàévat. 



uoiws, wore úo uóvas owbğvar, Trà Sè mÀciw 
ó ðè Ioúvios ras vo vas 
dnoàaßàv kat tToùs úroàephévras dvpas eis rò 
artparóneðov HAGE Tò AAVBarov. vukròs è oĝros 
eminecav rov “Epura mapéiaße' kai rov Aiyiðadov 
ereiyioev, õvrep võv “Areàov kaoot, kal otpari- 
úras ôkTakociovs eis pvàakùv katé\me. Kapôhd- 
Awv è mvhóuevos roùs mepi rov "Epuka rtómovs 
npokarei\pla, vukròs èv raîs vavol mapekópioe 
Súvapuv' emimeocwv Sè roîs ppovpoîs Tro Alyiðdààov 
ekupievoe ToÔ ywpiov, kal mepryevópevos oñs uèv 
änmérretvev, oðs è édvydðevoev eis ròv “Epvka' 
kal rò uèv ġpovpiov TpioyiMot orparıÔTaı hú- 
agav. êv ĝè ai TPOTN vavpayig ‘Pwuaîor ëmeoov 
Tpiouúpiot kal mevTakioyiNot, Tv è éaàwkórwv 
(Exc. Hoesch. pp. 506-508 W.) 
2. “Ori roùs hiàapyvpwrárovs èreàéćavro mpòs 
Tòv êuTpnapòv TÕv unyavņnuaTwv kal troùs Îpaov- 
tdrovs oi Kapyņnððviot, Tpiakocíovs övras rTòv 
åpiðuóv: rà yàp mað? rara uáNora nmporpénrerat 
toùs mpoyeipovs mavròs karadpoveîv kwðúvov. s 
émi moù yap év raîs mpocfoñaîs kal Teiyouayiais 
ovvéßawe Toùs ápiorovs droðvýorew ékovoiws mpo- 
minrovras eis kiwðúvovs ĝvofonlýrovs. 
(Const. Exc. 4, pp. 350-351.) 
3. "Ori Kåwdios mapayevóuevos eis rv Xikeàiav 
mapéiaße tàs mpòs T® AAvfaiw Svvdueis, kal tà 
TmÀyiy ovvayayav karnyópoe mips Tv Tapa- 
Õdvrwuv aùr® Tò arparóreðov ýrdárwv, ġdokwv 
1 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : sè H. 
2 So Wurm: nàn V. 

BOOK XXIV. 1. 9—3. 1 

that of one hundred and five of the latter only two 
were saved and most of the men perished. Iunius, 
with the two warships and the surviving men, made 
his way to the army encamped at Lilybaeum,! whence 
he made a sally by night and gained Eryx ; he also 
fortified Aegithallus (now called Acellum) and left 
eight hundred men there as a garrison. But when 
Carthalo learned that Eryx and its environs had 
already been occupied, he brought over an army by 
sea at night, and by an attack on the garrison of 
Aegithallus got possession of that stronghold. In his 
success he slew some and forced others to seek refuge 
at Eryx. Three thousand men guarded the fortress.? 
In the first naval battle ° thirty-five thousand Romans 
were lost, and the number of men taken captive was 
no less. 

2. The Carthaginians selected the men who were 
keenest to get money and most daring (some three 
hundred in all) for the attempt to burn the siege 
engines,^ since it is these qualities that provide the 
strongest motive to make men scorn all danger. In 
general it was the bravest who were killed in making 
assaults and in the storming of walls, since of their 
own accord they went headlong into perils that 
offered scant hope of succour. 

3. When Claudius arrived in Sicily ë he took com- 
mand of the forces at Lilybaeum, and calling an 
assembly bitterly assailed the consuls who had just 
handed over the army to him, charging that they 

1 See Polybius, 1. 53-54, for a slightly different account of 
these two naval disasters, and, for the capture of Eryx, 1. 55. 

2 Presumably this refers to the Roman garrison on Eryx. 

3 Jt is not clear just which battle is meant. 

1 Cp. chap. 1. 3, and for the offer of rewards Polybius, 

45. 3. 5 Cp. chap. 1. 5. 


250 B.e 

249 B.C 


aŭroùs pabúuws reyeipikévai*. Tòv móàepov, peĝv- 
okopévovs kal ĻÕvras èv dvécei kai Tpuġf, kal 
Tò oúvodov neroMopkiobat põààov Ņ) meroNopky- 
kévat. &v è $úcet mapdleppos kal T) Sıavoig 
mapakekwykòs Tod uoke: avig npooeupepôs. 
mpõTov pèv yàp ðv TS OTpaTNyiaS KATNYÖPNOE, 
Toútrwv TV vorav munoduevos maparànoiws èv 
TÌ Oaàdoon Tå Te yóocparta kal Tà kàeîĝpa kare- 
okevače, tocoðrov dġpooúvy ðevéykas ékeivwv," 
ow pekov otiw duáprpa TÒ uN èk TÎs meipas 
Súvachaı peraððayxlvat To mpwrws èmfBadàó- 
pevov opaàfvar. tipwpnTikòs è &v úcet roùs 
èv noùirikovs? Tois marpiois éÂeow? èkóàabev d- 
mapaıTýTws, ToÙs ÕÈ ouu dyovs páßðois epacriyov. 
kalóàov è ða rv Únepoyiv toô yévovs kal TùV 
tis oikias ĝöfav dıephlapuévos únreportikòs Åv kal 
katehpóver TávTwV. 

(Const. Exc. 2 (1), p. 260 ; in part, Suidas, s.v. mapd- 

4. Iepixardànrros yevópevos karéġvye mpòs Tv 
yĝv, èv éàdrrovı Oéuevos ròv dnò tis vavayias 
póßov toô mapà rv Tmoàepiwv kwõúvov. 

(Const. Exc. 4, p. 351.) 

5. "Ore `Apiàras kal mpò tris orparnyias ave- 
pàr čoxe Tův ÀaunpórnTa TIS puxīs, kat Thv åpXùv 
mapeiùnpas déros épaivero tis marpiðos, åvrexó- 
Levos èv Tis óéns, karadpovôv è trÔv kivðúvwv. 

2 "Ori oros ouvécet Drahépeiv éðóket kal Tóàpav 

BOOK XXIV. 3. 1—5. 2 

had been remiss in their handling of thc war, drunk- 
ards who lived lives of licence and luxury, and that on 
the whole they had been the victims of a siege rather 
than the besiegers. Since he was naturally hot- 
blooded and mentally unstable, his conduct of affairs 
often verged on the lunatic. In the first place, he 
repeated the mistake of those whose leadership he 
had denounced, for he likewise reconstructed the 
jetties and barriers in the sea ; his witlessness, how- 
ever, outdid theirs in so far as the error of not being 
able to learn from experience is greater than that of 
being the first to try and fail. He was also a born 
martinet, and applied the traditional punishments ! 
unmercifully to soldiers who were Roman citizens and 
flogged the allies with rods. In general, the distinc- 
tion of his clan and the reputation of his family had 
so spoiled him that he was supercilious and looked 
down on everyone. 

4. Finding himself overtaken he ? fled for refuge 
to the shore, for he regarded the terrors of shipwreck 
more lightly than the risk of battle. 

5. Even before he became general, Hamilcar’s 
nobility of spirit was apparent, and when he succeeded 
to the command he showed himself worthy of his 
country by his zeal for glory and scorn of danger. 

He was reputed to be a man of exceptional intelli- 

1 See Polybius, 6. 37-38, for the severity of these punish- 
2 Iunius: cp. chap. 1. 9. 

ł So Valesius: xeypnréra P. 
2 ieveykov rõv Awy Suidas. 
3 76 pò Suidas, who omits ĉo ... 
4 StdayIğvaı Suidas. 
5 So Valesius: moùxoùs P. 
e€ So Valesius: čĝveow P. 



247 B.C. 


hi “a 4 ? a bg pg e pa er 

Kal npâéw tùv èv Toîs Önràois ëywv úrèp dmavras 
` Ea 


dppþórtepov, Paoiňeús T àyaðòðs kparepós T” alyx- 
LNTHS. f (Const. Exc. 2 (1), p. 260.) 

6. Eis è rò Adyywva Karávņs $poúpiov ór- 
ÑPxE kaňoúuevov `Iráňov. ömep moieuýoas Báp- 
kas ô Kapynôðvıos . . (Exc. Hoesch. p. 508 W.) 

7. Oùðevi SnAwoas rò fPeßovdeupévov: dredu- 
Bave yàp Tà Toraðra rôv otparnynudrwv Siadıðd- 
peva mpòs Toùs piàovs Ñ Toîs moàeulois yvøpiua 
yiveoĝðar Šid rÕv aùrouóàwv Ñ Toîs oTpatuórTas 
eurov SeAlav npooðokôot uéyebos kwõúvov. 

(Const. Exc. 4, p. 351.) 

Tà yàp trôv orparnyðv PovàeúpaTta kat oTparq- 
yýuara ðıaðıðóueva roîs pidois* Toîs modelos 
yvøpıpa yíverar Sià rv aùrtouóàwv, kaè rToîs 
ortparwTais ÕeiÀiav évrikrovra? npooðokiav peydá- 
ov kwõúvov evribyor. 

8. Bápkas è vukròs kararàeúoas kat rùv Šýva- 
pv anofßißáoas, aùròs mpôros ýynodpevos ris 
dvaßdoews ris mpòs “Epuka oùons oraðiwv tpiá- 
kovra, napéiaße Ttùv mów kai mávras .. è 
aveîàe. perrie Sè rods Àorroùs eis rà Apérava. 

1 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : gioño: H. 

2 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : évrikrovrar H. 

3 Herwerden suggests moààoùs for mdvras, but probably 
some words are lost. 


BOOK XXIV. 5. 2—8. 1 

gence, and since he surpassed all his fellow citizens 
both in daring and in ability at arms, he was indeed 

Both a goodly prince and a brave warrior.! 

6. Near Longon ? there was a fort, called Italium, 
belonging to Catana. Barca the Carthaginian, having 
attacked this . . . 

7. He revealed to no one what had been planned ; 
for he was of the opinion that when such stratagems 
are imparted to one’s friends they either become 
known to the enemy through deserters or produce 
cowardice among the soldiers by their anticipation 
of great danger. 

For the plans and stratagems of generals, when 
imparted to one’s friends, become known to the 
enemy through deserters, and engendering cowardice 
in the soldiers fill them with anticipations of great 

8. Barca, after sailing in at night and disembarking 244 n.o. 

his army, took the lead in person on the ascent to 
Eryx, a distance of thirty stades. He captured the 
city * and slew all the . .. The survivors he removed 
to Drepana. 

1 Homer, fliad, 3. 179. Hamilcar Barca, the father of 
Hannibal, was appointed general in 247 (246 Beloch) s.c. 
Cp. Polybius, 1. 56. 

2 Stephanus of Byzantium records the name of a Sicilian 
city Longonê. The place is otherwise unknown. 

Here again the excerptor of the Hoeschel fragments has 
carelessly distorted the sense (see the Constantinian fragment, 
above). Perhaps, despite the word order, he intended to 
construe Selay with évribyoi. The idea is expressed more 
fully in Dio Cassius, 12. 43. 25. 

¢ The city of Eryx was part way up the mountain ; the 
Romans had and retained garrisons both at the summit and 
at the foot of Mt. Eryx (Polybius, 1. 58. 2). The preceding 
fragment of Diodorus probably refers to this bold stroke. 

VOL. XI F 133 


9. Ev ravri yàp kupô kal npáyparı ovußaive 
TÅv eùratiav yiveoĵari peydàwv ayabðv airiav. 
(Eze. Hoesch. p. 509 W.) 
"Ori rof Apiàkov diaraauévov uù) Sraprátew 
Toùs ortpatrwrtas, Oùoðóorwp oùk ènelohny ral 
moods dnrnéßaàe trv otparıwtrðv. oütTws èv 
mavti kape ovufaivei rhv eùtaġiav yiveoĝai peyád- 
àwv ayabðv airiav ob’ ot èv metot npoyeyevn- 
pévņs eùnņuepias TNÀKavTNs où% ÖT TaŬTv 
dvérpepav, dààà Kal mdvTes érivðúvevoav daToÀé- 
abas, oi ôè É inmeîs où mÀeiovs Siarociw* övres où 
póvov éavroùs Sréowoay, dÀàd Kal roîs &AÀois TÀv 
dohádeav mapeokevacav. 

2 "Ore Apiàkas ënempev eis “Epura nepi tis tÊv 
vekpõv dvapéosews. ó è ümaros Dovõðdvios èré- 
Àevoe roîs kovot uù Ttoùs vekpoùs dÀÀà Toùs 
tõvras, e voĝy ëyovow, únoonóvðovs aireîobar. 
únepn$ávov pèv ov yevopévns TiS ånokpisews, 
oĝros où Toîs Tuyoĝow eÀaTTópaot nepiéneoev 
eùlús, wore modos Sófar Tův peyaňavyiav Terev- 
xévar TS Tapà To Šarpoviov vepéoews. 

3 "Ore roô Dorõaviov mepi TiS TÕV vekpõv tadis 
ånooreiñavros Kýpvkas, Bápras moàù , KEXOpuo- 
pévnv rìs npoyeyevnpévns ánóġaoıw ènorýoaro. 
pýoas yàp páyxeoðar uèv Toîs âo, Srañeàóobar cè 
mpòs Toùs Tereàeurnkóras ovveywpnoe Tiy tady. 

(Const. Exc. 4, p. 351.) 
10. “Ore ô “Avvwv peyadenißpoios æv kal Sóéns 

1 pórov after ór: deleted by Post. 
2 So Mai: ŝiakoclovs V. 

1 Probably the same as the Bodostor of chap. 12. 
2 C. Fundanius Fundulus. 


BOOK XXIV. 9. 1—10. 1 

9. On every occasion and in every undertaking good 
discipline turns out to be productive of good results. 

Although Hamilcar had given orders that the 
soldiers should not engage in plunder, Vodostor 
was disobedient and as a result lost many of his men. 
So true is it that on every occasion good discipline 
turns out to be productive of good results that now, 
though the foot-soldiers, let alone ruining the great 
success that had already been achieved, even risked 
complete destruction, the cavalry, though not more 
than two hundred in number, not only came through 
safe themselves but provided safety for the others 
as well. 

Hamilcar sent to Eryx to arrange for taking up the 
dead for burial. The consul Fundanius è? bade the 
messengers, if they were sensible men, request a 
truce to recover, not the dead, but the living. After 
giving this arrogant reply the consul straightway 
suffered serious losses, so that it appeared to many 
that his boastfulness had met with due retribution 
from the gods. 

When Pundanius sent heralds to arrange for the 
burial of the dead, Barca’s reply was very different 
from that given on the earlier occasion. For stating 
that he was at war with the living, but had come to 
terms with the dead, he granted permission for their 

243 B.0. 

10. Hanno,’ being a man of great enterprise and (9) 

2 The Hanno of this chapter, who rose to fame in the 
Mercenary War (Book 25. 2-6; Polybius, 1. 65 ff.), is to be 
distinguished from the Hanno of chap. 11. Hecatompylus 
is in Libya (Book 4. 18. 1), and the incident related here is 
referred to by Polybius (1. 73. 1), but the exact date is un- 
certain (not before 247 s.c., to judge by the position of the 
fragment in the Constantinian collection). 



òpeyőpevos, kal Tò pévoTov, xwv Súvapuv oxoàd- 
tovoav d äpa BÈV TAÚTYV yvuvácew hATmGEv èv Tavr 
T ortpareig, tpépwv k ts moàeuias kal Tùv 
mów kovpitwv rv ðanavņnuárwv, dua è moààà 
karanpáčeoða tý martpiðt kal mpòs óav kal 
mpòs TÒ cvupépov. 
“Ori ”Avvwvos tùy ‘Ekaróumvàov êkroMopký- 
` GAVTOS, kal Tôv mpeoßvrépwv mposebóvrwv peb 
ikeTnpiðv kal beopévwv dvðpwrivws éavroîs xp- 
cachar, piàóðoćos æv ó orparņyòðs kal mpokpivas 
Tùv eùepyeciav Ts Tipwpias TpioyiÀlovs puèv 
Öuńpovs čdaße, rův è mów kai tàs kTýoes 
dkepalovs ¿doas črvye oTeĥávwv kat TÕV peyá- 
àwv mapà trôv e mabóvrwv. oi è oTparðTa, 
TÕv èyxwpiwv aùroùs Úroĝeyouévwv ÀaunpôÂs perà 
mdáons mpobvulas, eioriðvro nmávrwv ğvrwv? api- 
Aðv mpos aródavow. 
(Const. Exc. 2 (1), pp- 260-261.) 
11. Avrários” òè d Čnraros vavo pakpaîs Tpia- 
kociais kal mÀolois kal mopeiors* értakociois, pob 
yiàlors, eis Direàlav émàevoe, kal eis rò ° Epukivwr’ 
éuTópiov kaĵðwpuicðņn. ”Avvwv è kai aùròs èk 
Kapyxnðdvos vavel ðıakociais mevrýkovra parkpaîs 
Kat Tois? poprnyoîs eis Thv vioov trv “Tepav Alev. 
celra òè eé aris mpòs rov “Epura ėpyóuevos, ka 
rôv ‘Powpalwv úravrņyodvræwv, map dpporépwv 

1 So Herwerden : karanpdćaoĝła: P. 

2? Valesius suggests rôv for õvræv. Dindorf?! has övrwv 
Sap rõv. 

3 So Wesseling : Aiyárwos H. 

2 So Dindorf: mropiois H. 

ë So Wesseling: 'Epixóvov H. 


BOOK XXIV. 10. 1—11. 1 

eager to win renown, and, above all, having at his 
disposal an idle army, hoped by means of this expedi- 
tion to train the army while providing its maintenance 
from the enemy’s. country, thus relieving the city of 
its expense, and at the same time to accomplish many 
things that would redound to the glory and advantage 
of the fatherland. 

When Hanno had forced Hecatompylus to capitu- 
late, the elders of the city approached him, bearing 
the olive-branches of supplication, and besought him 
to treat them humanely. Since the general was con- 
cerned to enjoy a good reputation, and preferred 
kindness to retribution, he took three thousand 
hostages but left the city and its estates untouched, 
and in consequence received crowns and other high 
honours from the grateful people. And his soldiers, 
whom the inhabitants entertained splendidly and 
with great cordiality, feasted on the abundance of 
all things provided for their enjoyment. 

11. The consul Lutatius, with three hundred 
warships and seven hundred transports and carriers, 
a thousand vessels in all, sailed to Sicily and cast 
anchor at the trading-station of the Erycinians. Like- 
wise, Hanno himself, setting out from Carthage with 
two hundred and fifty warships, together with? 
cargo ships, came to the island of Hiera. As he pro- 
ceeded thence towards Eryx the Romans came out 
to meet him, and a battle ensued, hotly contested on 

1 C. Lutatius Catulus, consul for 242 s.c. The decisive 
naval battle at the Aegates Islands (ep. Polybius, 1. 60-61) 
was fought in March 241 B.C. 

2 Or perhaps “and three hundred cargo ships.” ` See 
critical note. 

£ Wurm and Herwerden suggest that the article has been 
substituted for the numeral 7’. 


241 B.o. 


móÀepos èyévero uéyas. KaTÀ ðe ToÖTov TÒv ré- 
Àcuov dréßañov Kapynðóviot vaðs ékaròv érra- 
kalðeka, aùrávðpovs, pèv TovTwv ikot (Pwuaior 
ðè òyõońkovra, Ttpiákovra pèv eis TéÉÀoS, mevTý- 
kovra è eis èmıuepiopóv) aixuaàwrtovs ĝé, os 
Divos dvéypape, Kapxynõðoviwv éčakioyiňiovs, os 
è črepor, TETpakLOxIÀLoVS TecgapákovTa, at sè 
dÀàaı ves mveúuaros êmmveúoavros oùplov els 
Kapynòóva ëpvyov. (Exc. Hoesch. p. 509 W) 

Eri Togoĝrov yàp mpoépn Tis avðpayabias & gore 
Kal Toùs aTparnyovs aùroùs map åuporépois àpi- 
arteve kal TÕV kivõðývwv npokabnyetola.. évba 
ù) ovvéßawvev dħoyóraTa ndôn Tois åpíoTots TÕV 
dvõpôv èviote. oi yàp tais eùbvyias? nepéxovres 
TÕVv dvbeornrórwv kataðvopévns tis lõtas vqòs 
HAlaKovTo, Taîs uèv àperaîs oùk êvòðóvres, TÊ 
Sè ris davdyrns áponbýrw kpaToúpevot. Ti yàp? 
õheos dávðpeías ő rav Toî* aráßovs Pvbiobévros TÒ 
oôpa Tis Pdoews dnroorepnhèr" rò tris Baàdoons 
roîs moàeuiois êyxepibnrar;* 

(Const. Exc. 4, p. 352; last sentence, Exc. Hoesch. 
p. 509 W. =Chap. 1L 2 Dind.) 

12. “Ore Ù uýTNp Tv veavigrwv Bapéws pépovoa 
TÀ  Tàvõpòs TedeuThv kal vopioasa ðe apéňerav 
avrov érdedormévat TÒ Giv, enomoe Toùs vioùs 
kakovyeîv Toùs alyuaàwTovs. ovykàeobévrwv obv 

1 s è črepor] rôv Õè érépwwv de Sanctis. 
2? So Dindorf: eruxlas V. 3 obðèv yàp H. 
$ õrav T0] ör’ aŭro H. 
5 imoore bévros H. 
° éyyepigerat H. 
7 Valesius suggests ére:se (so Vulgate). 


BOOK XXIV. 11. 1—12. 1 

both sides. In this battle the Carthaginians lost a 
hundred and seventeen ships, twenty of them with 
all men aboard (the Romans lost eighty ships, thirty 
of them completely, while fifty were partially de- 
stroyed), while the number of Carthaginians taken 
prisoner was, according to the account of Philinus,? 
six thousand, but according to certain others, four 
thousand and forty. The rest of the ships, aided by 
a favouring wind, fled to Carthage. 

Such heights of bravery were reached that even 
the generals on both sides distinguished themselves 
by their personal exploits and led the way amid 
hazards. Here the most surprising accidents on occa- 
sion befell the bravest men. For when their ships 
were sunk, some who were far superior in courage 
to their opponents were captured, not because they 
fell short in deeds of valour, but because they were 
overpowered by the irresistible force of necessity. 
For what does bravery profit a man when his ship 
goes down, and his person, robbed of its footing, is 
delivered by the sea into the hands of the enemy ? 

12. The mother of the young men was bitter at the © 
death of her husband,? and believing that he had 
died of neglect she made her sons maltreat the 
prisoners. They were accordingly cooped up in an 
extremely narrow room, where for lack of space they 

1 See note on Book 23. 8. Polybius gives the figure as 
“ nearly 10,000 ”; de Sanctis emends here to read : *“' 6,000 
Carthaginians, 4,040 others ” (see critical note). 

2 Regulus. This fragment certainly belongs earlier, and 
by its position in the collection could be placed as early as 
247 s.c. When Regulus himself died is uncertain. It may 
be noted that nothing in the extant portion of the book 
suggests that Diodorus ineluded the familiar story of Regulus’ 
embassy (cp. Horace, Odes, 3. 5}. 



kabánrep TÕV Onpiwv ivayrágero gvveoneipapéva 
kapTepeîv Õtà Tv aTevoywpiav. Enea Tis Tpopis 
naparpeĝeions” ep ÚpÉpas névre, BoðóorTwp pèv ðtà 
Tiv dlĝvpiav kal rv évõerav êredeúryoev, "ApiÀkas 
òé  Drapépwv cùbuyig SiekapTépet, kaimep åneyvwo- 
ueévns èàmiðos dvreyóuevos. > modis õè ağrtoô 
Seouévov Tis yvvarkòs kal perà akpýwv Tv èm- 
péňerav TY cis ròv dvõpa õreióvros, TOOoÔTOV 
ånéoxev êreivn pidavðpwnias kal Àoyiopâv dvôpw- 
mivaw ğaTe TOV uèv vekpòv aùr” avykararàetoot 
mévre Ñuépas, Tpopiv õè öÀiyny xopnyĝoat, mpòs 
aġrò póvov otoyaopévnv Tò Súvacba THV åtvyíav 
2 éveyreîv. ó òè ’ApiÀkas d åroyvoùs TÒV ÈK Tis ike- 
cías čÀcov åveßóņoev è êmpapTupópevos Aía E Eéviov 
kal heoùs Toùs emonrteúovras Tà kar’ avôpærovs, ðs 
àvri kadis xápros TiS òperħopévns ånodaußáver 
Tipwpias únèp ãvðpwnov. où ùv éféherne TÒ Eñv, 
eire Sarpoviov Twòs ¿ħeýoavros, cite Kal Taùrto- 
3 párov napáðo£ov ÈveyKŐVTOS Pońberav. êayárws 
yàp aùToî Srareévov id TE Tv åropopàv T 
danmò ToÎ vekpoĝ kal Th öàqv kakovxíav, TÖV oike- 
TÕV TeS TÕV KATA TÙV oikiav ônyýcavró TIOL TÒ 
ywõpevov. ot è puoonovypýoavres Toîs Snuápxois 
mpoońyyeav. seiwvjs © obv ris öuóTNTOS pave- 
TnS, ot &pxovrtes dvekaàécavrto Toùs `ÅrıÀlovs kal 
map’ ôAíyov bavárov kpiow mpoébyrar* ós katar- 
oyúvovot TÀ “Põunr Srqmedýoavro è Tiv áppór- 
Tovoav map aùrõv Ańpeobos Tuuwpiav el BÀ, mâcav 
émpéàciav morýoovrat TÕV aiyuaàótwv. ot Sè rti 

1 So Valesius: orpoġis mapabeions P. 
2 So Dindorf: åveyópevos P. So Valesius: aùroîs P. 
4 So Dindorf: mpocéĝykav P. 


BOOK XXIV. 12. 1-3 

were forced to make do by contorting their bodies 
like coiling serpents. Later, when they had been 
deprived of food for five days, Bodostor died of 
despair and privation. Hamilcar, however, being a 
man of exceptional spirit, held out and clung still. to 
hope, desperate though he was. But although he 
repeatedly pled with the woman and recounted with 
tears the care he had lavished upon her husband, she 
was so far removed from any feelings of kindliness 
or considerations of humanity that for five days she 
shut the corpse in with him, and though she allowed 
him a little food her sole aim was to enable him 
thereby to endure his wretched state. When finally 
he despaired of winning pity by supplications, he 
cried aloud and called upon Zeus Xenios ? and the 

gods who watch over the affairs of men to witness 
that instead of a due return of kindness he was re- 
ceiving punishment beyond human endurance. Yet 
he did not die, whether because some god took pity 
on him, or because chance brought him unexpected 
assistance. For when he was at the point of death 
as a result of the effluvia from the corpse and his 
general maltreatment, some of the household slaves 
recounted to certain persons what was going on. 
They were scandalized, and reported it to the tri- 
bunes. Since in any case the cruelty that had been 
revealed was shocking, the magistrates summoned 
the Atilii and very nearly brought them to trial on a 
capital charge, on the ground that they were bring- 
ing disgrace upon Rome ; and they threatened to 
exact fitting punishment from them if they should 

not bestow all possible care upon the prisoners. The 

1 Which Hamilcar this was is uncertain. 
2 “ Protector of strangers.” 



LNTPÌ modà katapeppápevor, tòv èv Boŝóoropa 
kaúoavres ånéorerav Tùv Téġpav toîs ovyyevéo., 
ròv è 'Apiàrav èk ris karovyias àvéìaßov. 
(Const. Exc. 2 (1), pp. 261-262.) 
13. "Ore ó Bdpras, nebh mapeyevýðnoav mpòs 
aùrov oi npécoßes rôv ‘Pwpaiwv perà roô Dé- 
akwvos kal tàs cvvlýkas àveyivwokov, péypi év 
riwvos osna’ ws È ğkovoe Tá Te ôTmÀa mapa- 
SiDóvar kal Toùs aùropódovs, oùk kaprépnoev, &AX 
ekéÀevoev dmiévai TÀV TayioTnv: Čromos yàp ëy- 
gev elvat uôňov årolavetv payópevos Ņ piňopvyý- 
oas npooðéćacðai mpôâfiw rovelðiorov, kal traôr 
eiDws Týv Túyņv mpòs Toùs êykaprepoðvras Toîs 
Sevoîs aùropodoðoav kal peyioryv aróðeikiw ris 
àveàmiorov ueraßoàñs nmapeoxnuévyv Tv mepi ròv 
’AriNov ovupopáv. (Const. Exc. 4, p. 352.) 
14. Ekoci réooapa érn moàeuhoavres oi ‘Pw- 
paor Kapynõoviovs, Aràúßarov Sè Sexkaerñ ypóvov 
moopkýoavtes, mpos dAAńÀovs SieAúlnoav. 
(Exc. Hoesch. p. 509 W.) 


BOOK XXIV. 12. 3—14, 1 

Atilii rebuked their mother sternly, cremated the 
body of Bodostor and sent the ashes to his kinsmen, 
and brought Hamilcar relief from his dire distress. 

13. When the envoys of the Romans, together 
with Gesco,! came to Barca and read the terms of the 
agreement, he remained silent up to a certain point. 
But when he heard that they were to surrender arms 
and hand over the deserters, he could not restrain 
himself but ordered them to depart at once. He was 
prepared, he said, to die fighting rather than agree 
through cowardice to a shameful act; and he knew 
too that Fortune shifts her allegiance and comes over 
to the side of men who stand firm when all seems 
lost, and tħat the case of Atilius had provided a 
striking demonstration of such unexpected reversals. 

14. åfter the Romans had been at war with the 
Carthaginians for twenty-four years and had held 
Lilybaeum under siege for ten years, they made 

1 Gesco was in command of the Carthaginian forces at 
Lilybaeum at the close of the war; cp. Polybius, 1. 66. 


241 B.C. 

241 B.C. 


1. "Orè ‘Erikovpos ó hiàóoodos èv” tais èm- 

fd i: O N $ A K t AÀ + > 2 
yeypauuévais? úr’ abro Kvupiais Adčais drepývaro 
ròv uèv ðikarov Biov drápayov úrndpyew, ròv ĝè 
dòikov mÀciorns rapaxĝs yéuew, Bpaye? mavreðs 
Aóyw moàdv Katt dành voôv mepidaßfòv kai rò 
oúvoàov Šuvduevov tùy kakiav rv åvôpæmwv õtop- 

8 a Ti) e ` S , 4 À 5 a ao 

où uóvov Toîs iðorars AAAA kal aùroîs? ovààýßpònv 
čûveaı kal Sipos kal Pacidedot ràs peyioras årep- 
yaterar ovußopás. 
(Const. Exc. 4, p. 352; Exe. Hoesch. p. 509 W.) 
2. "Ori oi Kapynðóvior mept ris Zikeàias ueyá- 
ovs dyðvas kal rwõúvovs ýropeivavres kal mpòs 
‘Pwpaiovs eikoci térrapa éry cvveyôs ĝianoàe- 
uoavtes où ThÀkovrtwv énepabnaav arvynuádtTaw® 
owr” ó móàeuos aùroîs airios úrfpéev ð mpòs Toùs 
dôiknhévras úr arv pmobopópovs. ånroortepň- 
aavres yàp Toùs operouévovs poboùs roîs dÀàoel- 
véow map’ oàlyov aùrijs Ts hyepovias åa ral TÎs 
warpiðos éorephlnoav. oi yàp dðıxnhévres, piobo- 
1 "Or: omitted in H. 2 èm H. 
3 êmiypaġopévas V. t kal omitted in H. 
$ aùroîs omitted in H. 



1. Epicurus the philosopher, in his work entitled 
Principal Doctrines, declared that whereas the just 
life is unperturbed, the unjust is heavily burdened 
with perturbation. Thus in a single brief sentence 
he encompassed much true wisdom, which has, more- 
over, in general the power to correct the evil that is 
in man. For injustice, as it is a very metropolis of 
evils, brings the greatest misfortunes not only upon 
private citizens, but 'also collectively upon actual 
nations and peoples, and upon kings.! 

2. Though the Carthaginians had endured great 
struggles and perils over Sicily and had been con- 
tinuously at war with the Romans for twenty-four 
years, they experienced no disasters so great as 
those brought upon them by the war against the 
mercenaries ? whom they had wronged. For as a 
result of defrauding their foreign troops of the arrears 
of pay that were due, they very nearly lost their 
empire and even their own country. For the mer- 

1 See Book 21. 1. 4a and note. The quotation from Epi- 
curus is number 17 in the colection. 

2 Also called the “ Truceless War.” The only complete 
account is given by Polybius (1. 65-88), whom Diodorus 
follows closely. 

€ So Valesius: aðiypárær P. 
7 So Salmasius, Valesius : ĉoor P. 


or 237 B.C. 



$ópoi mapayppa droorávres taîs oydras on-r 
popaîs mepiéßadov tv Kapxnèóva. 
(Const. Exc. 2 (1), p. 262.) 
“Yråpxov yàp ot perà Kapynõðoviwv ortparev- 
oápevor "IBnpes, Keàrtoi, Baàeapeîs, Aißues, Doi- 
vikes,! Aiyvorivot, kal puééànves Sodor ot kat 
oraciacav? (Exc. Hoesch. p. 509 W.) 
3. “Ori oit Kapynõórior étanéorerňav mpos Toùs 
dmoordvrás kKkýpuka, Tùův TÖV vekpðv avaipeow 
ailroúpevot. ol Õè mepl Tòv Lróvõtov HyeuOveS èm- 
Teivovres Tv dnmobnpiwow où uóvov åvreîrov mepi 
Tis rapis, dAd kal &yTmeAoavTo uNkéT. mÉuTEW 
uNòéva kýpvka mept unðevòs mpòs aŭtToús, ws TÄS 
aùrĝs koàdoews yevnooévys* TÖ mapayevopévw. 
eis è rò Àornmòv evopobéryoav tÕv aiypaótwv 
roùs èv Kapynõoviovs rs aùris roúrois dčioðv 
tıuwpias,? roùòs è ovuuayovras toîs Poivéı 
Kapynðóva. ot pèv oðv mept ròv Lróvõiov Nye- 
uóves ià rs eipnpévns doeßeías kal wpórnrTos 
Úrerépovro Thv ià Tis hiàavbpwrias otparņnyiav 
roð Báprka. Torov ròv Tpórov `Apiàkas Svoypn- 
oroúpevos T. wpóTyTi kal aùròs ùhvaykábero ris 
diàavðpwrias ts eis? troùs aiypaàwrtovs dnro- 
orvan, Thv Sè tipwpiav nmapanànoiav èmirbéva 
Toîs nmoreooðor. Siórep Tos dÀokopévovs alki%ó- 

1 Alfves, Poivixes] APvugpoivıexes Wesseling. 
2 So Wesseling : Aiyvoriror H. 
3 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : etraciav H. 


BOOK XXV. 2. 1—3. 1 

cenaries thus cheated suddenly revolted, and thereby 
brought Carthage into the direst distress. 

Those who had served in the Carthaginian forces 
were Iberians, Celts, Balearic Islanders, Libyans, 
Phoenicians, Ligurians, and mongrel Greek slaves ; 
and they it was who revolted. 

3. The Carthaginians sent a herald to the rebels 
to negotiate for the recovery of the dead bodies.! 
Spondius and the other leaders, with intensified 
brutality, not only refused the request for burial but 
forbade them ever again to send a herald about 
any matter whatsoever, threatening that the same ? 
punishment would await anyone who came. They 
also decreed that henceforth all captives who were 
Carthaginians should incur. the same penalty as 
these, while any who were allies of the Phoenicians 
should have their hands cut off and be sent back thus 
mutilated to Carthage. Hence, by such impiety and 
cruelty as I have described, Spondius and the other 
leaders succeeded in undermining Barca’s strategy 
of leniency. For Hamilcar himself, though distressed 
by their cruelty, was in this way forced to abandon 
his kindness to prisoners and to impose a like penalty 
upon those who fell into his hands. Accordingly, by 
way of torture, he tossed to the elephants all who 

1 The rebels had cruelly tortured and put to death Gesco, 
their late benefactor, and seven hundred prisoners (cp. 
Polybius, 1. 80 and, for the events of the present chapter, 
81-82). Polybius calls the rebel leader Spendius. 

2 ie. the same as that inflicted on Gesco, as Polybius 
makes clear. ` 

á So Dindorf: yevopérns P. 

& rıuwplas Salmasius, Valesius : ras (s. acc.) truwpias P. 

ê rs eis Salmasius: øorparņyíav rùv eis P, pèv rūs eis 
Valesius, Vulgate. ; 



ig m~ D 
evos mapeppintei tais Onpiois, W$ &v karanaroú- 
" ee a 2 r a a » o7 
2 "Or oi ‘Innakpivo? kal oi Irvkaîoi àréornoav 
1 A U h3 lg pa > ld 
kal roùs dvàdavcovras tàs módes éppujav åraßovs 
~ ~ A A 
karà tÕv Teyâv, kat tos napa Kapynõoviwv 
npeoßeúcacı mepi tis Tv vekpôv åvarpéoews dvT- 
émnTov nepi Ts Tapĝs. 
(Const. Eze. 2 (1), pp. 262-263.) 
hi bi A 2 2 ? T À "~ 
4. Atò kal Tois anoortáras où% Ĥrrov moopkeî- 
obat ouvéßaiwev ù nmoMopkeiv ià rò oravibew 
+ bi fa ` 2? 3 A ` 7 
2 Buvéßawe ðè raîs èv róàuas aùroùs uù Àeire- 
ohar tÕv moàepiwv, ca Sè tràs drmeplas TÕv hye- 
! z ,? SA ` r4 a 
uóvæv peyda Pàdrreoßhar. Sð kai róre ovvðeîv 
S3 3 9 CUS a , e57 e ` s 4 
r’ èr abris tis neipas Aikny ónreppoàùv ëxou 
5 + 9 A 3 a bi las 
GTpaTRyÀ® oúveois bwrs anrepias kat Tppis 
(Const. Exc. 4, pp. 352-353; róre ovvðeîy to end, 
Exc. Hoesch. p. 510 W. =Chap. 4. 3 Dind.) 
hJ h3 ld e 3 2 3? ~ 
5. Tò yàp aruóviov, ws čorke, Taúryy duopiv 
TÂv doeßnudárwv aùroîs éðikaiwoev. 
v hi lA > A Ed r e 
2 "Ori ròv Xróvõiov dveoravpwoev ’Apiàkas. ò 
Sè Mdlws 'Avvißav ecis ròv aùròv oravpòv aty- 
udàwrov Àaßòv nmpooàwoev, ore Sokedv Tv 
r L EJ 7 3 hJ ` 3 7 ` 
TýxNV ČoTep êrirnões évadag Tàs eùyuepias kal 
tàs Ñrras dmovépew Tos mept tù avbpwrivnv 
púow hoeßnkóow. 
3 "Or: al úw ródecs ovðeuiav adopu) eîyov Tpòs 

1 So Valesius : aikigópevor ipepo P. 
2 So Dindorf (Irrarpıvol Valesius) : maxpıivol P. Büttner- 
Wobst suggests “Irrarpira (cp. Polybius 1. 70. 9; 73. 3). 

3 èoriv H. 


BOOK XXV. 3. 1—5. 3 

were taken prisoner, and it was a stern punishment 
as these trampled them to death. 

The inhabitants of Hippo and Utica revolted and 
cast the men of the garrisons down from the walls to 
lieunburied ; and when envoys arrived from Carthage 
to take up the bodies, they blocked the move to bury 

4. And so it came about that the rebels, because 
of the scarcity of food, were as much in the position 
of men besieged as of besiegers.! 

In courage thèy were fully the equals of the 
enemy, but they were seriously handicapped by the 
inexperience of their leaders. Here again, therefore, 
it was possible to see in the light of actual experience 
how great an advantage a generals judgement has 
over a layman’s inexperience or even a soldier’s un- 
reasoned routine. 

5. For it was a higher power, apparently, that ex- 
acted from them this retribution for their impious 

Hamilcar crucified Spondius. But when Matho 
took Hannibal prisoner, he nailed him to the same 
cross. Thus it seemed as if Fortune of set purpose 
was assigning success and defeat in turn to these 
offenders against humanity.ë 

The two cities 4 had no grounds for negotiating a 

1 This refers to the rebels’ siege of Carthage ; cp. Polybius, 
1. 84. 1. The following passage is taken almost verbatim 
from Polybius, 1. 84. 5-6. 

2 Cp. Polybius, 1. 84. 10. 

3 Cp. Polybius, 1. 86. 4-7. 

s Hippo and Utica, which refused to surrender (Polybius, 
1. 88. 1-3). 

4 örepoy)v čyer H. 
5 orparņnyıx) H, Polybius 1. 84. 6, orpariwru) V. 


Sdàvoiww ià rÒ pù) karadedoirnévat oiow èhéw 
Boàás. oğrw karà tàs åpaprias peydàņ ëye 
Srahopàv ý perpiótys kal Tò” pnõèv úrèp ävôpwrov 

(Const. Exc. 4, p. 353 ; last sentence, Exc. Hoesch. 
p. 510 W. =Chap. 5. 4 Dind.) 

6. Merà è rhv èk ıkeàlas ènavaywpnow ot 
piohoġópoi Kapxynðoviwv èravéorņoav aùroîs ŝtà 
ToaŬvras aitias. Únèp TÕv innmwv rÂôv Îavővrwv èv 
Zikeàlg kal rÕv ofayévrav dvðpðv Tıuàs Úrep- 
Badàoúoas . . è kal ênoàéuņoav črn téocapa kal 
Lîvas Técoapas. oġdovrai Sè únò Apika roô 
Báprka otparņyoĝ, ôs kal êv Xıxeàíg eis rToùs 
“Pæwpaiovs åvõpikôs èkparúvaro.* 

(Exc. Hoesch. p. 510 W.) 

7. [Emi rocoto yàp ý voos Swvoudoðn r 
tÕv kaprnôv åplovig wore Kapynõoviovs Üorepov 
aùénÂévras èmÂvuioa rs výoov, kaè moàoùs 
áyðvas Kal kıvðúvovs úrnèp aùris dvaðéfasða:. 
GÀÀà mepi pèv roúrwv èv rtoîs oikelors ypóvois 
avaypáipopev.] (Diod. 4. 29. 6.) 

8. “Or: '`Apiàkas ó kal Bdpkas moàààs ral peyd- 
Àas ypeias mapaoyópevos" Ti maTpiðt KaTÀ uèv Thv 
Eexeàiav èv TÔ mpòs ‘Pwpaiovs moàéuw, karà Sè 
Thv Apúnv, te Tùv dróoracwv oi polboġópoi kal 
Aipves momoáuevot ovveîyov èv moMopria tùv 
Kapynóva. ém’ duporépois yàp Toîs moàćéuors 

1 oğrw tõv kaŭTà tàs åpaprias õvrav peyáàny H. 

2 H omits rà. 

3 Wesseling supplies ånýrovv, but as Rhodoman notes the 
lacuna must be extensive. 


BOOK XXV. 5. 3—8. 1 

settlement, because from the first onslaught they had 
left themselves no room for mercy or forgiveness. 
Such is the great advantage, even in wrongdoing, of 
moderation and the avoidance of practices that are 
beyond the pale. 

6. After their withdrawal from Sicily the mer- 
cenary forces of the Carthaginians rose in insurrection 
against them for the following reasons. They de- 
manded excessive compensation for the horses that 
had died in Sicily and for the men who had been 
killed . . . and they carried on the war for four 
years and four months.: They were slaughtered by 
the general, Hamilcar Barca, who had also fought 
valiantly in Sicily against the Romans. 

7. [This island ? gained such fame for the abun- 
dance of itscropsthat at a later time the Carthaginians, 
when they had grown powerful, coveted it and faced 
many struggles and perils for its possession. But we 
shall write of these matters in connection with the 
period to which they belong.] 

8. Hamilcar, surnamed Barca, performed many 
great services for his country, both in Sicily, in the 
war against the Romans, and in Libya, when the 
mercenaries and the Libyans rose in insurrection and 
held Carthage under siege. Since in both these wars 

1 Polybius (1. 88. 7) says three years and four months. 
Livy (21. 2) has “ per quinque annos.” 

2 Sardinia. Cp. Polybius, 1. 79; 1. 88. 8-12; 3. 10; 
3.28. In 240 s.c. the Carthaginian mercenaries on the island 
revolted, and two years later Rome forced Carthage to cede 
her the island. 

4 Hoeschel, Rhodoman suggest éarpareģoarto for erparé- 
vato. p 
5 õ kal. . . mapaoyópevos Valesius: xal ô. . . mapacyó- 

pevor P. 


roúrois êmpaveoráras mpáčeis katepyaoduevos kal 
lè a 
moàTevóuevos èuppóvws ıkaias ámoðoyis èrúy- 
A A y 4 
yave mapà nâo roîs moàlrais. úorepov è perà 
A 7 A $ b 2 Eg 
riv karávow roô kara tův Aipúnv modépov 
ovorņoduevos érapeiav rv movnporádrwv avłpw- 
mwv kal êk roúrwv dbpoitwv Kal èk rõv \aġúpwv 
3 2 y $ e A e ~ Ea lA 3 
agpedelas, ért Sè avròv pôv tais mpáéeow ava- 
vóuevov kal oùs eis Õnuokoriav rat nÀńÂovs dpé- 
keav mapeorhoarto TÒV ÒÑuov éavr® mapaðoðvat 
Tiv orparnyiav óàņs rs 'IBnpias) eis xpóvov 
åópiorov.? (Const. Exc. 2 (1), p. 263.) 
9. “Ori oi èv Keàrot trois mÀàýbeow övres mod- 
z ` r 3 a , ` 
Àaràdoiot kal meppovnuatiouévo? tTÕ fpáoer kal 
Cay 3 Ea Á 
raîŭs dàkaîs karanreppovņnkórws Šiņywvíčovro, ot 
Sè mepi ròv Bádprav Tò roô màńhovs Arès raîs 
àperaîs kal raîs èunmepiais ènepõvro oplo- 
ps R , 7 
cachar. ot èv oĝv nâow éofav éu põvws mept 
m~ 2 3 
Trovrwv Peßovàeðohai, h è rúxyņn map éàriðas 
$ 2 A z A A A Ed z 
eßBpdßevoe ras mpdćeis kal rò okov dðúvarov 
cÎvar kal êmrivðvvov mapaðótws katrwphwoev. 
(Const. Exc. 4, p. 353.) 
10. 'Auiàxas è orparnyýoas karà Kapynèóva 

1 So Walton: Após P. 
2 So Herwerden : dàiyiorov P, dàdyiorov Dindorf. 

3 kal neġpovņpariouévor Dindorf: karanepovnuariouévoi V. 
4 So Dindorf: eħdeirès V. 


1 The MS. says “ command over all Libya,” This reading 
might seem to be supported both by the vague orparņnyńýoas 
xarà Kapxnôóva of chap. 10 and by the statements of Appian 
(Hisp. 4; cp. Hann. 2) that after the Libyan War Hamilcar 
got himself appointed general, jointly with Hanno, on the 


BOOK XXV. 8. 1—10. 1 

his achievements were outstanding and his conduct of 
affairs prudent, he gained the well-deserved appro- 
bation of all his fellow citizens. Later on, however, 
after the conclusion of the Libyan War, he formed a 
political group of the lowest sort of men, and from 
this source, as well as from the spoils of war, amassed 
wealth; perceiving, moreover, that his successes 
were bringing him increased power, he gave him- 
self over to demagoguery and to currying favour 
with the populace, and thus induced the people to 

put into his hands for an indefinite period the military c. 237 B.c. 

command over all Iberia.: 

9. Since the Celts ? were many times over more 
numerous, and because of their daring spirit and 
bold deeds had grown very arrogant, their attitude 
throughout the struggle was one of contempt, whereas 
Barca and his men sought to remedy their deficiency 
in numbers by bravery and experience. That their 
plans were soundly conceived was generally agreed, 
yet it was Fortune who beyond their hopes presided 
over the course of events and unexpectedly brought 
to a happy issue an undertaking that appeared im- 
possible and fraught with peril. 

10. When Hamilcar was placed in command at 

occasion of a Numidian revolt. Polybius, however, expressly 
states (2. 1. 5; 3. 10. 5) that Hamilcar left for Spain imme- 
diately after the Mercenary War. Diodorus has followed 
Polybius closely up to this point, and while the end of chap. 8 
shows some infiuence of an anti-Barcid tradition alien to 
Polybius, the statement later in chap. 10 that Hamilcar sent 
Hasdrubal home from Spain on the occasion of the Numidian 
revolt would suggest that on the point at issue Diodorus and 
Polybius were again in agreement (cp. also Book 26. 24). 

2 These Celts (possibly Celtiberians) are the same as those 
mentioned in the next fragment. They were mercenaries of 
the unwarlike Tartessians. 



Ai hi fá z 4 2 * ‘H À t 
Taxù riv marpiða nùénoe, kal eis ras ‘Hparàelovs 
ordas kal eis rà ['dòepa kal eis ròv 'Qkeavòv 
karénàevoev, čori è rà ['áðepa mós åmoicos 
Doivikwv: kerat Èv cis TÀ ČOXATA TIS OLkovuÉVNS 
karà aùròv ròv 'Qkeavóv, pov ëxovoa. mode- 

fd Ly t} Ti T z3 + 
uýoas sè” IBnpas kal Tapryoiovs perà ‘Ioroàatiov 
ortparnyoð” trv Keàrôv kal TtoÔ dðeàho aùrToĵ 

t A ? ka bj bi 2 > Li 
mavras kartékoļev, èv ols Kal tToùs úo dõeàpoùs 
oùv äàdois êmipaveordrois hyeudo kal TpoyiÀiovs 
tôvras nmapaàaßàv éračev els tàs lðias otTparıids. 

2 °Ivðóprys è madw dlpoísas mevrakıapvpiovs, kal 
npiv noàéuov tpareis kal puya eis Àódov twd, 

$ A e 3 3 À A * [A 
kal moàopkyleis úr 'Aulàka kal vuktròs maw 
puyar, TÒ mÀeîoTov aùroĵð katekórmy, aùròs ğè 
'Ivòőóprys kal twypias eiphn. ôv Tupàóoas 
'Apikas kal Tò oôpa aikıgápevos åveoTaúpage' 
roùs è dAdovs aiypaàwrovs vras uupiwv TÀeciovs 
3 7 ` ` Fi a a3 + 
àméàvoe. moàààs Sè módeis TÅ mebo? nmpoonyd- 

3 yero, Toàààs Õè kal karanoàeuýoas. ’Aoðpovßas 

A t ki kd + w A m 
Sè ó yaußpòs Apuiàkov neppheis mapà toô ky- 
ôeorot eis Kapynòóva eis módceuov rôv Nopdðwv 
râv ènravaorádvrwv Kapyņnõðoviois karékopev kra- 

7 , VON 7 e ` 
kioyiàlouvs, Gwypias è édaßev SioxiÀlovs, oi òè 
Àorol eovàdðnoav hópous reàćcavres.t ó &è 
’Apikas mept TIV 'IBnpiav AGI Todds úno- 
Táčas ëKTioe TóAv peyiorny, kaàécas aùrův èk 
Tis toô tórov béoews "Arpav Aevkýv. ’Apiàkas 

1 So Wesseling : Tapreciovs H. 

2 xal after orparņyoð deleted by Hoeschel. 

8 So Rhodoman: rebâ H. 

¢ So Rhodoman (in marg.): reàésavras H, reàésovres 
Hoeschel, Rhodoman (and Vulgate). 


BOOK XXV. 10. 1-3 

Carthage he soon enlarged the empire of his country 
and ranged by sea as far as the Pillars of Heracles, 
Gadeira,! and the ocean. Now the city of Gadeira is 
a colony of the Phoenicians, and is situated at the 
farthest extremity of the inhabited world, on the very 
ocean, and it possesses a roadstead. Hamilcar made 
war on the Iberians and Tartessians, together with 
the Celts, led by Istolatius and his brother, and cut 
to pieces their whole force, including the two brothers 
and other outstanding leaders; he took over and 
enrolled in his own army three thousand survivors. 
Indortes then raised an army of fifty thousand men, 
but before the fighting even began he was put to 
flight and took refuge on a certain hill; there he 
was besieged by Hamilcar, and although, under cover 
of night, he again fled, most of his force was cut 
to pieces and Índortes himself was captured alive. 
After putting out his eyes and maltreating his person 
Hamilcar had him crucified; but the rest of the 
prisoners, numbering more than ten thousand, he 
released. He won over many cities by diplomacy and 
many others by force of arms. Hasdrubal, the son-in- 
law of Hamilcar, having been sent by his father-in- 
law to Carthage to take part in the war with the 
Numidians who had revolted against the Carthagi- 
nians, cut down eight thousand men and captured 
two thousand alive ; the rest of the Numidians were 
reduced to slavery, having formerly paid tribute.? 
As for Hamilcar, after bringing many cities through- 
out Iberia under his dominion, he founded a very 
large city which, from its situation, he named Acra 

1 Latin Gades, the modern Cadiz. 
2 Or perhaps “ were subjugated and made to pay tribute.” 
See critical note. 



Sè Edi ri móde mapakaðýuevos kat moopkâv, 
Tò nÀcîorov orpádrevpa kal toùs èħéhavras eis 
napayeipacias èv ti Ór aùroô kriobeion móde 
Aevi "Akpa ånooreias, perà Tõv Àormâv mapé- 
uewe. ovvekponbýoavros è roð `Opioocôv Pao- 
Acws roîs moMopkovpévois, Šóàw hiàiav ouvbépevos* 

4 kal ovppayýoas črpeev °Apíiàkav. Toúrov &è 
geúyovros, Toîs vioîs kal roîs ġiàois Thv cwrnpiav 
kareskeðaoe Št dAAns óðo0 èkkàivas' karağıw- 
kóuevos yàp nò toô Paoiňéws eis morapòv péyav 
oùòv TÔ imnw éupàs nò toô peúparos Sie$lápn 
únò roð imnov. oi è mepit rov Avvifav kal 
’Agòpovßav roùs vioùs ĝeowlnoav eis ryv Aevrhv 

5 'ApiÀkas èv oĝv, kaiep moàÀoîs ëreot mpóTepov 
rs ioropias &onep èmrágiov Tòv rov mawor. 

(Exc. Hoesch. pp. 510-511 W.) 

11. “Ori `Acòpoðvßas palav mpakrıkwrépav op- 

cav tĝs Bias rùv èmeikeav mpoékpive Tùv eiph- 
vyv TOÔ mToépov. 

2 Aò nâca ġ? mós del rà mapayyeàdópeva hido- 
nevoroðoa kal raîs iadDopévais phuas perá- 
pedos ooa noààñs dywvias ênànpoðro. 

(Const. Exc. 4, p. 353.) 

12. °Aospoúßas è ó yaußpòs Apika pabðòv 

toô knòcoroô rò dkàýpnpa, Tayéws dvačevfas 

mpòs rhv Aevriv “Akpav ÑAbev, ëxwv npia màéov 
1 So Dindorf: ovvemiðéuevos H. 

2 vâca h Dindorf: only 77.. now legible in V ; mâosa Mai. 
3 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : dràýrpepa H. 


BOOK XXV. 10. 3—12. 1 

Leucê! While Hamilcar’ was encamped before the 229/8 s.c. 

city of Helicê ? and had it under siege, he sent off the 
greater part of his army and the elephants into winter” 
quarters at Acra Leucê, a city of his own foundation, 
and remained behind with the rest. The king of the 
Orissi,* however, came to the aid of the beleagured 
city, and by a feigned offer of friendship and alliance 
succeeded in routing Hamilcar. In the course of his 
flight Hamilcar contrived to save the lives of his sons 
and his friends by turning aside on another road ; 
overtaken by the king, he plunged on horseback into 
a large river and perished in the flood under his steed, 
but his sons Hannibal and Hasdrubal ¢ made their 
way safely to Acra Leucê. 

As for Hamilcar, therefore, although he died many 
years before our time, let him have from History by 
way of epitaph the praise that is properly his. 

11. Hasdrubal, having learned that fair dealing is 
more effective than force, preferred peace to war. 

The entire city was constantly agog for news, and 
since every rumour that spread brought a change of 
heart, anxiety was universal.’ 

12. Hasdrubal, the son-in-law of Hamilcar, immedi- 229/8- 

ately upon learning of the disaster to his kinsman 
broke camp and made for Acra Leucê ; he had with 

1 “ White Citadel,” the modern Alicante. 

2 Perhaps Ilici, the modern Elche, a few miles south-west 
of Alicante. 

3 The Orissi are probably identical with the Oretani of 

4 Hamilcar had both a son and a son-in-law named 

5 This sentence may refer to Rome on the eve of the Gallic 
War of 225 B.c.; see below, chap. 13, and cp. Polybius, 
2. 23. 7. 



Pa e 2 koy Sè ` > 8 4 L N 4 
TÔv ékaróv. oros è orparņyòs dvayopevleis óró 
-re To àaoð kat Kapynõoviwv mevrarıouvpiovs 
euneipouvs meķoùs ovvéeće ral imnes éfakioyi- 

Alous, eàéġavras è Sıakosiovs. moàeuhoas Õè 
~ Oo a 1 7 1 : 
mpôrov tov `Opiooôv Paoiàéa karéohaće mávras 
Toùs alriovs tis 'Apiàka puyis.? mapédaße õè 
tàs móàas aùrðv oùŭoas Hðeka ral macas? Tàs 
nóàces 'IBnpias. ypas ðt Bvyarépa Bacdéws 
’IBýpov úno návrov rv IBýpwv avnyopeúðn 
orparņnyòs aùrokpárwp. lev ékmoe nmapahadaoc- 

d SÀ 4 x. Né K ðó $ 
giav nów, Ņv mpooņnyópevoe Néav Kapynòóva, ral 
E À + € l4 A kd ld + 
érépav nów vorepov, Qéàwv rv '`ApiÀra Súvajuv 
Úneppivai. Kal èorparevoev ékakiopupiovs, inmeîs 
3 + ? [a + e A p3 
òkrakioyiÀiovs, eàépavras iakociouvs. Úmò ĝè 

nj fa ? A 3 Ed z y 
oèkérov èmPovievleis eoġáyn, orparnyýoas ëTď\ 

13. Keàrai? è perà Tañarôv karà ‘Pwpaiwv 
AN pe >20 , 7 À ` S 
móàcpov ovviřav dðpoicsavres” àaòv pupidðas 
elkoot, kat mpôrov èv nmóàecpov èvikyoav' ral 
Seúrepov npooßaàðvres èvikņoav, aveîov è ral 
A pA e l kig id A ki pi 3 H 
ròv éva ‘Pwpaiwv ürarov. ‘Pwpaîoi Õè kal aùrot 
» ~ x e A p e $ p 
ëyovres mebõv pupidõðas éfðouýrkovra, imméwv &è 
énrtakiouupiovs, trv úo noàéuæov ýrrypévwv 
‘Pwpaiwv,? TÔ TpiTw Touw rarTà kpåros éviknoav 

1 So ed. Bipontina : xkaréoġaye H. 

2 'ApiÀka ġvyfs Hoeschel, Rhodoman : dpikayis H. 

3 So Rhodoman : râsav H. 

4 yuvaîka čoye after ŝè deleted by Dindorf. 

£ Hoeschel, Rhodoman would insert dyœwv mečoùs ftear 


ê Keìrai H, Keàrot ed. Rhodoman, Kéàrar Dindorft, 

BOOK XXV. 12. 1—13. 1 

him more than a hundred elephants. Acclaimed as 
general by the army and by the Carthaginians alike, 
he collected an army of fifty thousand seasoned 
infantry and six thousand cavalry, together with two 
hundred elephants. He made war first on the king 
of the Orissi and killed all who had been responsible 
for Hamilcar’s rout. Their twelve cities, and all the 
cities of Iberia, fell into his hands. After his marriage 
to the daughter of an Iberian prince he was pro- 
claimed general with unlimited power by the whole 
Iberian people. He thereupon founded a city on the 
sea coast, and called it New Carthage ; later, desiring 
to outdo Hamilcar, he founded yet another city. He 
put into the field an army of sixty thousand infantry, 
eight thousand cavalry, and two hundred elephants. 
One of his household slaves plotted against him, and 
he was slain after he had held the command for nine 

13. The Celts and Gauls, having assembled a force 
of two hundred thousand men, joined battle with the 
Romans and in the first combat were victorious. In 
a second attack they were again victorious, and even 
killed one of the Roman consuls.! The Romans, who 
for their part had seven hundred thousand infantry 
and seventy thousand cavalry, after suffering these 
two defeats, won a decisive victory in the third en- 

1 C. Atilius Regulus. The events are narrated more clearly 
and amply in Polybius, 2. 23-31. The death of Regulus and 
the defeat of the Gauls both occurred in the same battle, at 
Telamon in Etruria. The figures given for the Roman forces 
reflect the census of Italian manpower, recorded by Polybius 
(2. 24); the actual army was of course much smaller. 

7 So Post: dĝpoicavres oúrņéav H. 
8 tôv . . . Popaiwv]| Herwerden would delete the whole 
clause. Hoeschel, Rhodoman suggest év úo è modépois KTÀ. 


225 B.C. 


‘Pwuaîor Kal dveîov pupidðas TéÉocapas Kal ToÙS 
úroàolmouvs èlæypnoav, wore kal ròv péyioTov 
aùrôv Paoıàéa éavroð lepioar Tòv Tpáyxņnàov, Tòv 
Sè Seúrepov aùroð LÕvra dva! èk è rovrov 
roô dvõpayaðńýuaros åvðóraros yevőuevos Aui- 
Aos? xaréðpaue rùv yæpav rv PTadarðv kat 
Keàrôv, kal Tods móde kal ppoúpia ele, kat 
dpeielas mods èrìńpwoe riv ‘Poun. 

14. ‘Iépwv ðè ó Paoıieùs Luvupakóons eis ròv 
Keàrixòv módcepov ‘Pwuaiois otrov dréoreide Bon- 
Bâv ‘Pwpaiois, of kai Thv TiuNy Aabe perà Thv 
TOÔ Toàéuov katdàvow. 

15. Merà õè rhv opayhv ` Aoðpovßa roô Kapyn- 
Sovíov dvapyxías oðons ròv peitova viov Apika 
’Avvißav orparņyòv èxeiporóvnoav. Zakavbaiwv 
Sè ý róùs moMopkovuévn úrò `Avvißa, ovvaya- 
yóvres Tà lepà kal rtòv ypvoòv kal àpyvpov Tòv 
èv roîs oikois Kal Tà TÕv yvvukÂv kõoma kal vo- 
ria kal åpyúpia, ywveðoavres čpičav yaàkóv kal 
uóABõov, kal äypnorov moroavres TÒv ypvoòðv 
kórņoav, moàoùs è kal aùrot poveósavres. ai 
Sè yvvaîkes rà rékva poveðoacat éavràs Š? dy- 
yóvns* årémvičav. oðtws dKkepðĵ Tv nóv map- 
éÀaßev °Avvipas. ròv è `Avvißav ‘Pwpaîot mpòs 
Sixyv airýoavres Š? ðv mapnvópnoe kal uù 

1 So Herwerden, Hertlein : morĵjoar H. 

2 So Wesseling: Alpos H. 

3 kai added, apparently, by Hoeschel. 

gests eis 7à iepà Tov. i 
4 So Hoeschel: Sd yóvns H. 


Rhodoman sug- 

BOOK XXV. 13. 1—15. 1 

gagement. They slew forty thousand men and took 
the rest captive, with the result that the chief prince 
of the enemy slashed his own throat and the prince 
next in rank to him was taken alive. After this 
exploit Aemilius,! now become proconsul, overran 
the territory of the Gauls and Celts, captured many 
cities and fortified places, and sent back to Rome an 
abundance of booty. 

14. Hiero, king of Syracuse, coming to the aid of 
the Romans, sent grain to them during the Celtic 
War, and was paid for it after the conclusion of the 

15. Since after the assassination of Hasdrubal the 
Carthaginian there was no one in command, they 
chose as general Hannibal, the elder son of Hamilcar. 
The people of Zacantha,? whose city was under siege 
by Hannibal, collected their sacred objects, the gold 
and silver that was in their houses, and the ornaments, 
earrings, and silver pieces of their women, and melting 
them down put copper and lead into the mixture ; 
having thus rendered their gold useless they sallied 
forth and after an heroic struggle were all cut down, 
having themselves inflicted many casualties. The 
women of the city put their children to death and 
hanged themselves. The occupation of the city, 
therefore, brought Hannibal no gain. The Romans 
requested the surrender of Hannibal to be tried for 

1 L. Aemilius Papus, the other consul of 225 s.c. His raid 
on the Boii preceded his triumph (Polybius, 2. 31. 1-6), 
which, according to the Fasti Triumphales, he celebrated as 
consul, not as proconsul. 

2? Lat, Saguntum. In contrast to the account given here, 
Polybius (3. 17. 10) says that the fall of the city brought 
Hannibal much booty and many prisoners. Livy (21. 14-15) 
manages to combine the two versions. 


221 B.C. 

219 B.C. 


Aaßóvres módepov ròv 'Avvpaikòv rañoúpevov 
čorqoav. (Exc. Hoesch. pp. 511-512 W.) 

16. “Ore ó npeoßúraros rôv èr rûs ‘Pæuns èk- 
neuphévruv nmpeoßevrâv v TÔ ovveðpiw tÕv 
Kapynõoviwv Seifas ri yepovoig ròv rKóÀàmov 
éno gépen? aùroîst kal Tùv eipvnv kait tòv 
nóàepov: amoàekjew oðv roúrwv ònórepov äv ot 
Kapynõóvior Bovàņnbðow. ro è rôv Kapxn- 
Soviwv Paoıàéws eimóvros moreîv aùròv örórTepov 
äv Boúňorro, én, Tòv móàepov éin. Tv õè 
Kapynðoviwv ot mAerovs eùbùs dveßónoav Séyeoðba. 

17. “Ort qi xarà tùv QùixtTõpeňav mów èk- 
moMopknlévres ovvéßvyov eis ràs iias oikías èri 
Tékva Kal yvvaîkas, Tv ėoyáryv map aùrôv 
Anypópevor Tépiv. ène? Tis ote téppjis Toîs 
amoàÀvpévois el p) drpva kal TÒ TeÀevraîov èv T® 
tiv rôv avyyevðv domaca; Tara yàp Toîs 
áTuyoðov čyewv Tivà oke? kovpiopòv TAV AKÀNpy- 
uárwv. oi èv ov mÀeîorot Tàs oikias EuTpý- 
cavtes mavokÌ perà trÂÔv ovyyevðv karepàéyðnoav 
Kal rov emi Tis ias éorias Tápov éavrtoîs neor- 
gav, Tivès Õè eùpuyotdrws roùs iovs mpoaveóvres 
éavroùs emikaréoßačav, aipeTrwTepov TOV aŬTÖXELpA 
Odvarov únoňaßóvres roð ià røv rmoàepiwv pef’ 
ÚBpews ouvreñovpévov. (Const. Exe. 4, pp. 353-354.) 

1 After xóìàrov V has of mapà toô mpeoßevros ‘Pwpaiwv 
yevópevori mps Tù yepovoiav tv Kapyņðoviwv Àdyor, recognized 
by Dindorf as an intrusive marginal note and deleted. 

2 So Dindorf: epńýġioav V. 

3 So Mai: gépe V. 

4 So Walton (cp. Polybius 3. 33. 2}: aùròv V, aúròv Din- 
dorf. 5 åġíņu Dindorf. 

8 êneð) Wifstrand, who makes the sentence a question ; 
e ô} V. 7 So Boissevain: doracp.. V, d&oraouós Mai 

BOOK XXV. 15. 1—17. 1 

his lawless acts, and when this was refused embarked 
on the “ Hannibalie ” War. 

16. In the senate-chamber of the Carthaginians 
the eldest of the envoys sent by Rome showed to the 
senate the lap of his toga and said that he brought 
them both peace and war, and would leave there 
whichever the Carthaginians wished. When the 
suffete 1 of the Carthaginians bade him do whichever 
he wished, he replied, “ I send on you war.” Straight- 
way a majority of the Carthaginians cried aloud that 
they accepted it. 

17. The men of Victomela, having been forced to 
yield their city, hastened home to their wives and 
children to take pleasure in them for the last time. 
For indeed, what pleasure is there for men who are 
doomed to die save only tears and the last parting 
embraces of family and kindred, whereby, as it seems, 
such hapless wretches do gain some ease from their 
misfortunes ? Be that as it may, most of the men 
set their houses ablaze, were consumed in the flames 
together with all their household, and raised for 
themselves a tomb above their own hearths ; others, 
again, with high courage killed their families first 
and then slew themselves, considering a self-inflicted 
death preferable to death with outrage at the hands 
of their enemies.? 

1 Literally “ king.” 
Polybius, 3. 33. 1-4. 

2 If, as is probable, Victomela is identical with Victu- 
mulae, in Liguria, this fragment belongs properly to Book 26, 
between chapters 2? and 3. According to Livy (21. 57) the 
capture of Victumulae came in the winter of 218/7 B.C., 
some time after the battle of the Trebia, but see G. de 
Sanctis, Storia dei Romani, 3. 2. 99 f., on the doubtful 
historicity of this part of Livy's narrative. 

The narrative is based closely on 


218 B.C. 

218/7 B.C. 


18. Toúrov èrirporos ° Avriyovos kataorabeis ò 
Anuqrpiov rpare? Mareðóvav éry úderka, rkarà 
Sè Aródwpov ër èvvéa. 

(Georgius Syncellus, p. 508 Dind.) 

19. °Avvißas, ós Aóðwpos ypdher kat Aiwv dpa, 

oòv roúrois Aiovýcios ò “AMkapvaocóbev, 

fv orparnyòs Tv ureàðv, vios è roô 

Soris Apiàkas oúuracav ete rhv ° IBnpiav, 

Sódors embeuévwv õè rreiverar rõv `lBýpwv. 

Tòv návra ToÚTOV yàp oTpaTòv heúyew keňeú- 

` A A e N A A 
kal npoonàakévras roùs vioùs kal ovvħaveîv 
, , z a ey 
udoriéų mapwodpevos ovupeúyeiw Tois éré- 
> ld A A~ + e 
Avvíßav mevrekaiðerka rv ypóvwv Úmnpy- 
’Acôpovßav è ðvæðera, ròv Àóhov, Tùv 
A mA A M ” » 
åpas aùroð rs kepañs rois Ifpnpow é- 
/ 2 3 $ 3 9 ki A e D e 
navrwv © IBýpwv èr aùròv œs eîyov òpun- 

e $ ? lA kg lÒ lS 
ol heúyovres éswtovro TUYXAVOVTES AQELAS. 
os è owlévra ròv orparòv elbe, oTpageis 
» v 
Aorròv orovõdget unè aùròs "Ifnpot kparq- 
lg ~ 2 
èmikeruévwv òè opoðpôs kvràdbev rõv Iú- 
hi G 3 + ? Z hf 3 “~ 
Tòv immov dkpaTéoTtepov ¿Àdoas TOV oikeîov 

BOOK XXV. 18. 1—19. 1 

18. Antigonus,! son of Demetrius, was appointed 229-221 s.o. 

his ? guardian and ruled over the Macedonians for 
twelve years or, according to Diodorus, for nine. 

19. Hannibal, as Diodorus, Dio, and Dionysius of 
Halicarnassus all record, was general of the Sicels ? 
and the son of Hamilcar. This Hamilcar had con- 
quered the whole of Iberia but was killed when the 
Iberians treacherously set upon him. On this occa- 
sion he ordered his whole army to flee, and when his 
sons—Hannibal, aged fifteen, and Hasdrubal, aged 
twelve—clung to him and desired to share his death, 
he drove them off with whips and made them join the 
others in flight; then lifting the crest and helmet 
from his head he was recognized by the Iberians. 
Since all the Iberians, just as they were, rushed to 
attack him, the fugitives gained a respite and escaped. 
As soon as Hamilcar saw that the army was safe he 
turned about and strove against his own defeat by 
the Iberians, but when they pressed hard on every 

side he spurred his horse furiously and dashed into 

1 Antigonus Doson, son of Demetrius the Fair. 

2 The young son of Demetrius II, the future Philip V. 

3 Here, as in Book 23. 16, Tzetzes confuses the Cartha- 
ginians and Sicels. 

VOL. XI a 165 



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kal ovvraylévres oúuravres otpar® nmet@ 
Kal oTOÀW, 
nA A y e + + LA 
énta kal éBõouýkovra mànlúos pvpidðes 

BOOK XXV. 19. 1 

the waters of the Iber? River. As he sped on some- 
one struck him with a javelin; though he was 
drowned, stili his corpse was not found by the 
Iberians—and that was his object—for it was swept 
away by the currents. Hannibal, the son of this 
heroic man, served under Hamilcar’s son-in-law, and 
with him ravaged all Iberia to avenge his father’s 

Meanwhile the Auùsonian Romans after many re- 
verses had defeated the Sicels and had laid upon 
them the stern injunction that no one might retain 
even a sword. Hannibal, at the age of twenty-five, 
without the consent of the senate or of those in 
authority, brought together a hundred and more 
impetuous and spirited young men and lived by 
plundering Iberia, the while he constantly increased 
the size of his band. As its numbers passed beyond 
the hundreds and ran into the thousands and into the 
tens of thousands, and, though assembled thus with- 
out pay or bounties, when it became at last a great 
army of stalwart warriors, then straightway this was 
revealed to the Romans. One and all they arrayed 
themselves for war on land and sea, and seven 
hundred and seventy thousand strong they strove to 

1 The river is probably not the Ebro, but the Taber or 
Tereps, the modern Segura (or its tributary, Tarafa), near 
Ilici: see critical note. 

1 Perhaps Táßepos or Tépeßos (cp. Ptolemy, Geog. 2. 6. 14). 



nirvos irknv éomevðov roùs Puredoùs èk- 

oi Bikedot © ikérevov mavoaoĝari Tòv °’ Avvi- 

LÀ mavreàðs tà Liked åpõnv anophapein. 

o è mapeis roùs Oédovras ral Àéyewv kat 

i Aaßpágew S A h 

oùk dvapeiwas TYY Oppyy ekeivwv TÖV 

uóvos êk nmdávrwv ikeàĝðv ywpe mpos 

dvwlev mopevóuevos `Aàmavõv òpéwv, 

kal roúrwv Tà vocioßoàa kal mérpas kara- 

èv E&E punoiv èpnénrwke Táypaoi TÔÕV 

èv ıadópois udyaişs è ToúTrwv mToddoùs 

’Aospoúvßav è ròv aðeàfòv ékapaðóreı 

Ss Sıaßàs rà õpea rañra rà TÕv ’Aàriwv 

hpépais mevrekaiðeka npoohyyičev Avvißa 

åywv kat nàñbos orparıâs. Ö yvővres oi 

Àaðpaiws émbéuevot Torov èv dvarpoĝor, 

tùv kepaàv © èvéykavres èréppujav °Av- 

ó è Opyvýoas, œs èxpv, ròv aðeàdòv rov 

ia kl ~ E E a 
Čorepov ávrerdčaro ‘Pwuaiois êv rats Kav- 

BOOK XXV. 19. ı 
destroy the Sicels root and branch. The Sicels be- 
sought Hannibal to desist, lest they perish utterly. 
He suffered such as were so inclined to talk and 
bluster, and without waiting for the aforesaid Romans 
to attack, one man alone of all the Sicels he moves on 
Haly and over the Alpine mountains makes his way. 
Where access was difficult he cut his way down rocky 
cliffs, and in six months had met the Roman forces. 
In various battles he slew large numbers of their 
men. But he kept waiting and watching for his 
brother Hasdrubal, who, after crossing the Alps in 
fifteen days, was approaching Hannibal leading a 
mighty army. Having discovered this the Romans, 
attacking secretly, slew him,! then brought the head 
and cast it at the feet of Hannibal. After he had 
duly mourned his beloved brother, Hannibal later 

arrayed his forces against the Romans at Cannae ; 

1 Hasdrubalľ’s invasion of Italy and death in battle actually 
occurred in 208 s.c. On the tradition that he was summoned 
to Italy in 215 B.c. see Hallward in Cambridge Ancient 
History, 8. 60, n. 1. 




~ £ 
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dõvpopévas npooðpapeîv vaoîs roîs èv tÅ 


BOOK XXV. 19. 1 

the Roman generals were Paullus and Terentius. 
Cannae is a plainland of Apulia, where Diomedes 
founded the city of Argyrippa,! that is, in the Greek 
tongue, Argos Hippeion. This plain has belonged 
to the Daunians, thereafter to the Iapygians, then to 
the Sallentians, and now to the people whom all men 
call Calabrians ; it was furthermore at the boundary 
between Calabrians and Lombards that the great 
battle between them broke forth. On the occasion 
of this fearsome battle there was a dreadful earth- 
quake, which made mountains split asunder, and 
showers of great stones poured from heaven, but 
fighting hotly the warriors were unaware of any- 
thing. Finally, so many Romans fell in battle that 
when Hannibal, the general, sent to Sicily the rings 
of the commanders and other men of distinction, it 
was by pecks and bushels that they were measured. 
The noble and prominent ladies of Rome thronged 

weeping to the temples of the city and cleansed the 

1 Arpi. There was a prophecy that the Romans would be 
defeated in the “ plain of Diomedes ” ; cp. Zonaras, 9. 1. 

2 Tzetzes seems to haye borrowed these portents from Dio’s 
account of the battle of Trasimene ; cp. Zonaras, 8. 25. 

21 So Walton : °Apyvpinnmas. 2? Kaħafpôv Dindorf!. 



bi A A Cad e “~ + e 
kal raîs Îpiġiv taîs éavrõv kaĥaipeiw En 
€ A Ca ` A z A 
borepov kal pryfjvar è kat ovos Kal Bap- 
Acubavðpnodons nmavreàðs ris ‘“Pwpatðos 
u ` 1 3o oa ? á ` 
nws uù) mpóppi%ov aùrðv ėkhauviobf Tò 
+ 2 e e + ~ + > 
róre © ġġ ‘Poun, mavreàðs ndvrwv ávnpn- 
EA g A € * + 
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e + 3 eyz Cas + 
ot yépovres © éķóuevoi Toîs TaÚTņs mponv- 
A N ? 7 y e a 
TÅv ovupopàv wúpovto Tv neprabeoráryv: 
Toùs napióvras © Ñpovro uý noŭ tis [ôv 
+ £ pad ki e 7 
roaúrys tróre ovuģopâs tů» ‘Puny kara- 
2 ta EN z 2 2 
Avvißas karņnpéàņoe raúryy êykarackápa 
vikas kal nőrTois kal tpubais favels dupàùs 
TmpòsS TOTO, 
y 2 A [4 0 LA ‘P 7 a 
čor àv ovvýyðņ ortpárevpa “Pwpaiwv Ttoîs 
+ A 3 + A h] t t 2 
TóTe TpirrÂs aneipxn Šè mpòs “Pæpnv èfop- 
y 3 ~ bd + ` SÀ f) 
aiġvns èk tis aiĝpias yàp xddaţa opospw- 
N ? 2 ld D l A 
Kal yvóßos èyywwópevos cipye mopelas ToĝTov. 
Úorepov è phovoúuevos Toîs Xixedots `Avvi- 


BOOK XXV. 19. ı 
statues with their hair ; later, when the Roman land 
suffered a total dearth of males, they even consorted 
with slaves and barbarians, that their race might 
not be wiped out root and branch. At this time 
Rome, when absolutely all its men were lost, stood 
wide open for many days, and the elders sat before 
its gates, bewailing that most grievous calamity and 
asking those aio passed by whether none at all was 
left alive. Though Rome was then gripped by such 
misfortunes, Hannibal neglected the chance to raze 
it to the ground, and showed himself too sluggish for 
such action by reason of victories and drinking and 
soft living, until the Romans again had an army of 
their own levied. Then he was thrice balked in his 
attacks on Rome, for suddenly out of a clear sky came 
hail most violent and a darkness that hindered his 
advance. At a later time Hannibal, now regarded 

with envy by the Sicels, ran short of food, and when 



èv aitov ypelg yeyovüs, kal uù) OTEAÀSvTÆV 

Ò npiv yevvalos vikNTÀS Ù u® veviknuévos 

dvyàs dro Ernrmiwvos yiverar toô ‘Pwualov 

kai Xiredois mapairios cewhs mavwàebpias. 

aùròs ðè pdápuakov mæv Ivýoket mpòs Bı- 


Tpos T xæpiíov Aißvocayvy kañoúpevov r 

Sokâv Qaveîv eis Aißvosav marpa Tùv 

Ñv yàp `Avvißg Tis ypnouòs oŭTw mov ye- 
AißBvosa kpúper Bôdos ’Avvißa Séuas. 
(Tzetzes, Hist. 1. 700-802.) 

BOOK XXV. 19. 1 

they sent none, that once noble conqueror, himself 
now conquered by starvation, was put to flight by the 
Roman Scipio, and was the occasion for fearful de- 
struction to the Sicels. He himself died by drinking 
poison in Bithynia, at a place called Libyssa, though 
he had thought to die in his own Libyan land. For 
Hannibal had a certain oracle, which ran somewhat 
like this: “ A Libyan ? sod shall cover the body of 

1 Or perhaps “ was driven into exile.” 
2 In Greek the adjective has the same form as the name 

of the Bithynian town. Cp. Pliny, H.N. 5. 43. 148: “ Fuit 
et Libyssa oppidum, ubi nunc Hannibalis tantum tumulus.” 



1. Oùre mors oŭre avyypaßeùs oğre Aos 
Teyvirys ovðeis mapayyeàlas twòs àoyixhs Õúvaraı 
nâo. Toîs dvaywøokovot rarà nmâv ebapeorioar 
dvnri dè púcer, räv ws èmrerevyuévy yévnrar 
où Ôvvaròv épikéoðat rS åpéurmTov mávrov 
eùapeorýoews. oŬrte yàp Debias, uáora rebav- 
pagpévos èm tÅ trÕv èiepavrivov äyaàudtTwv 
karackevi, oùre Ipaćiréàņs ó karauičas čkpws 
roîs AùDivors čpyors tà tìs puys nmáðn, oğčre 
 Areààñs ) Happáoios of toîs èumepikôs kerpa- 
pévois ypöpaci mpoayayóvres? eis årpórarov Tův* 
twypapıxiv tTéyvnv, oŭčrws èmérvyov èv roîs čpyois 
ÖTE karà nv äueurrov èmbelachat rò TiS 
êuneiplas ånoréàeopa. Tis yàp êmihavéorepos TÖV 
pev momrõv ‘Opýpov, trõv è pyrópwv Anpo- 
olévovs, rÕv è eù Beßiwkórwv 'Apiorelĝov ral 
Eóiwvos; dA pws rais roúrwv eò$nuiais kaÌ 
Õuváueci mpooĝàbev ó peuhóuevos kal tàs ayvoías 
2 éàéyywv* Àćyos. ävðpwrot yàp övres kal raîs tÂv 
êyxeipovpévwv únepoyaîs èmiruyydvovres, uws ĝt 
Tv avbpwrivy? doĝéverav ŝiémimrov év modos. 

1g 7 
r. . . kataokevĝ Rhodoman: tiv.. . karaoreviv H. 



1. Neither the poet nor the historian nor indeed 
any eraftsman in literary form can in all respects 
satisfy all his readers; for human nature, even 
though earried to the highest degree of perfection, 
cannot succeed in winning the approval of all men 
and the censure of none. Pheidias, for example, was 
admired above all others for the fabrication of ivory 
statues; Praxiteles in masterly fashion embodied 
the emotions in works of stone ; Apelles and Par- 
rhasius by their practised skill in blending colours 
brought the art of painting to its peak. Yet not one 
of these men attained such success in his work that 
he could display a product of his skill in all respects 
above censure. Who, for instance, among poets is 
more illustrious than Homer ? Who among orators 
than Demosthenes? Who among men of upright 
life than Aristeides and Solon? Yet even their repu- 
tations and talents have been assailed by criticism 
and the demonstration of mistakes. For they were 
but human, and though they achieved pre-eminence 
in their professions, yet through human frailty they 

2 So ed. Wesseling: mpocáyovres H, npodyovres Hoeschel, 

3 årpórarov týv ed. Wesseling: åkporárņyv H, drpótarov 
Ioeschel, Rhodoman. 

4 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : édeyyov H. 

5 So ed. Wesseling : drbpwnivwv H. 


čare ydp twa trv dvôpwriwv’ hıàdphova kal 
pikpócoģa, Tà maparéprovrta pèv Tà KaÀŬs Eyovra 
TÔv èmireàcolévrwv, npoonàekóueva è rois èr- 
Õcyopévoirs Õiaorpopýv riva kai mÂaviv péupw, 
eé ðv hiotiodvrar Sià ris rv Awv kanyo- 
pias Tùv iDiav aùfoew eunepiav, ayvooðvres őri 
râca ðúvapus oùr r TAs &Adorabeias aobeve?,? dÀX 
3 ék tîs Dias ééews hewpeirar. Bavudocie ÕèÈ dv tis 
ris Toraúrys aßeàrepias tù eis rà paña dio- 
noviav, Òt Ñs tives mepõvrTat Taîs karà TÕv AÀAAwv 
Bàacpnuiais iðiav eùðotiav dropépeohðar.” elol yáp 
rwes, olua, púcest okaóryrie BàdmrTovoat, kab- 
dámep ekkaiovoat TÀ KAÀQ TÕV yevvyuáTwv mdyvat 
Kal yióves. kal yàp Šta? Tv dvraúyerav TÎS kaŭTà 
TV xiva Àevkóryros dpavpovpévy ý öğus Tis 
dákrpiBoñs Bewpias àmoorepeîrat, kal mpoupéces 
àávôpørmwv afıóàoyov uèv čpyov oŭre Bovàdpevar 
Õpâv oŭre vvdpevat, Tà Sè úrò Trv &ÀÀwv meron- 
péva ĝtagúpovot. Stò xp) roùs eô dpovoðvras roîs 
piv ða emuéiciav karwphłwkóow’ dperĝs? anro- 
pepiteiw ròv čnawov, Toîs òè omaviws karophoôci 
u) ocvkoġavreiv avbpwnrivns púoews rv aobéverav. 
mepi pèv oûv TÕv Baokaiveiv èmiryõevóvrwv ikavòv 
huîv eiphobw. (Exc. Hoesch. pp. 512-513 W.) 
2. “Ori 'Avvißas v púoset udyıpos, kal TÑ TÔv 
moàepikÂv Epywv ék maboss Telpa Terovyuévos kal 
1 So Dindorf: drðpórwv H. 
dňonaleias dobeve?] ådàdotpias åobeveias Wurm. 

3 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : èmpépeoĝar H. 
4 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : ġýcews H. 



BOOK XXVI. 1. 2—2. 1 

failed in many cases. Now there are certain paltry 
fellows, full of envy and wise in petty things, who 
dismiss all that is excellent in any achievement but 
fasten upon whatever admits of distortion or plausible 
censure. Thereby, through their denunciation of 
others, they aspire to enhance their own skill, failing 
to realize that infirmity of talent is not the result of 
external influences, but that, on the contrary, every 
talent is judged in and for itself. We may well 
marvel at the industry which such foolish minds 
expend upon trivialities in their attempts to win a 
good name for themselves by reviling others. It is 
the very nature of some people, I think, to be stupidly 
mischievous, just as it is the nature of frosts and snow 
to blast fine young crops. Indeed, just as the eye is 
dimmed by the dazzling whiteness of snow and loses 
its power of exact vision, so there are men who 
neither will nor can themselves achieve anything of 
note, and who therefore of set purpose disparage the 
accomplishments of others. Hence men of good 
understanding should award to those who by diligent 
efforts have won success the praise due to excellence, 
but should not carp at the human frailties of those 
whose success is small. So much, then, for those who 
make a practice of evilspeaking. 

2. Hannibal was a born fighter, and having been 
reared from boyhood in the practice of warfare and 

1 Or, accepting the emendation of Wurm: “failing to 
realize that every talent is judged, not by the infirmity of 
others, but by its own soundness.” 

5 èv after &ıà deleted by Dindorf. 

6 yp) added by Hoeschel, Rhodoman. 

? rois . . . karwpĝwrsow Hoeschel, Rhodoman: roòs 
<.. . kaTrwphwkóras H. 

8 So Wurm: pery H. 



àùv elye trpipiv tõv moàeukõðv ayæavwv. keyo- 
pnynpévos ĝè úro ris púoews åyyiwoig kal memor- 
Lévos? ortparņnyıciv perv ià Tis mToàvypoviov 
mept TÒv moàepov dokýoews peydàas ¿àriôas eÎyev 
èv éavrô. (Const. Exe. 2 (1), p. 263.) 

3. "Or `Avvißas mpòs rùv Tto Sıkrárwpos 
Paßiov oúveow dvreunyavópevos eis mapáračıv 
aùròv mpoùkadeîro, kal roîs tis Ôerias òvelðeow 
emepâro ovvavaykáģew eis Thv tà uáXNS rpiow 
ovykaraßaivew. œs ĝè oùk čmebev, ó Sfuos tÕv 
‘Pwpaiwv ¿Bàaoghue ròv ĉikrádrwpa kai maba- 
ywyov emka? aùròv wvelôibe Tùy Ôeiàlav: ó ôè 
tùv ÝBpw atapáyws kal Baléws? čġepev. i 

(Const. Exc. 4, p. 354.) 

Kaldrep yàp abAnTÀs dyaßòs moàùðv xpóvov 
xepadernrýoas* émi TÒV åyðva karavtĝâ éuTepiav 
Leyáànv kal ĝúvapıw merormpévos* 

(Exc. Hoesch. p. 513 W. ; cp. Suidas, s.v. xepa- 

"Ori roô Mivvriov ýrryÂévros úro roð? ’Avvißov, 
ek trv dmorteàeoudrwv rò mavrwv èkpiby Mu- 
výKkios uėv ågpocóvy kal åmepig Ttoîs ÖÀors ênTai- 
KOS, Pápios ôè å åyxwoíg kal dperf) otparņnyıkf) Stà 
mavròs mpovevonuévos Ts dopadeias. 

(Const. Exe. & (1), p. 263.) 

1 So Reiske: mermovņnuévos P, nepireroipévos Herwerden. 
2 årokaĝv Herwerden, Dindorf*t. 
3 So Nock (cp. Latte, Philologus, 87 [1932], 272, on Julian, 
Epist. 30): .apews V, Bapéws Mai, mpágws Herwerden. 
4 yepañeintýoas xypóvov Suidas, xpóvov xyermaeirrýoas H. 


BOOK XXVI. 2. 1—3. 3 

having spent many years in the field as the com- 
panion of great leaders, he was well versed in war 
and its struggles. Nature, moreover, had richly 
endowed him with sagacity, and since by long years 
of training in war he had acquired the ability to 
command, he now had high hopes of success. 

3. As a countermeasure to the shrewd policy of 217 s.o. 

Fabius the dictator ! Hannibal challenged him again 
and again to open combat, and by taunts of cowardice 
sought to compel him to accede to a decision by battle. 
When he remained unmoved, the Roman populace 
began to criticize the dictator, called him “ Lackey,? ” 
and reproached him with cowardice. Fabius, however, 
bore these insults calmly and with self-possession. 

Like a good athlete he entered the contest only 
after long training, when he had gained much ex- 
perience and strength.* 

Once Minucius t had been worsted by Hannibal, 
everyone decided after the event that his total failure 
was the result of folly and inexperience, but that 
Fabius, by his sagacity and his ability as a strate- 
gist, had shown throughout a prudent concern for 

1 Q. Fabius Maximus, chosen as dictator after the Roman 
disaster at Trasimene. His policy of studied inactivity won 
him the abusive title of “ Cunctator,” which only later was 
converted into a term of praise. 

2 Literally “ pedagogue,” because, it was said, he followed 
Hannibal about like the slaves who escorted children to and 
from school: cp. Plutarch, Fabius, 5. 

3 Suidas refers this to Fabius. 

4 M. Minucius Rufus, magister equitum and then co- 

dictator with Fabius. He was saved from total disaster only 
by the intervention of Fabius : cp. Polybius, 3. 104-105. 

ë So Wesseling : rerompévwv H. 
€ So Salmasius, Valesius : rôv P. 



4. Myvóðoros è ó Iepivlios ràs ‘Edànviràs 
+ y ? + $ 
mpayparteias čypapev v BißBiois mevreraiðeka, 
Eooos ôè ó ° Hàeîos? rà mepl 'Avvipav ëypapev èv 
BBàiois énrá. ; 
5. Karà è ‘Pwpaiovs ) Àeyedv mevrakıoyiàol 
eiow. (Exc. Hoesch. p. 513 W.) 
6. "Or? púocei oi dvðpwror rañs pèv eùnpepiais 
TpooTpéXOVOL, T è TÖV nTALOdVTWV? TÚXN Ovvenmi- 
(Const. Exc. 4, p. 354; Esc. Hoesch. p. 513 W) 
2 Tiy yàp róyyv eùueráßoñor* oðoav póoet tayò 
Tùv evavrtiav ceiodéew peraßoàńv. 
(Exe. Hoesch. p. 513 W.) 
7. "Orn Awpipayos å rv Airwàðv oTtparnyòs 
> ~ + A k A A LA 
doepi ouvereàécato mpâćw: rò yàp mept Awswvyv 
pavreîov ovàńoas, évémpņnoe tÒ iepòv mÀùv ToÔ 
onko.’ Const. Exc. 2 (1), p. 264. 
nkoù, . P 
8. “‘Póðov yàp Ýnò cepot peydàov katarmTw- 
+ 7e + e : 2 A. 3 3 4 
beions, ‘Tépwv ó Zvparoúoios éðwrev eis oikoðouhv 
ToÔ reiyovs dpyvpiov EÈ trdàavra kal dpyvpiovs 
AéBnras déoàóyovs ywpis To vopioparos kal 
dréàcrav Toîs orrnyoîs màoiots. 
1 So Wilamowitz, Keil: "Ios H, Aaxeĝatuóvios Jacoby. 

2 H omits "Or: and reads ġúoe: pèv dvðpwroi Taîs etņpepiais. 
3 So Hoeschel, Rhodoman : gfacávrwv HV (V omits tôv). 
1 guvemribecĝhar H. 

5 So Dindorf: yvuyùv dperdßoàov H, 

8 So Vulgate: oixoô P; Dindorf? has oèxo?. 

7 Wurm suggests karanobeions. 
8 àpyvpíov S” Hoeschel, Rhodoman : ápyvpioùs H. 


BOOK XXVI. 4. 1-8. 1 

4. Menodotus of Perinthus wrote a Treatise on 
Greek History in fifteen books ; Sosylus of Elis wrote 
a History of Hannibal in seven books.! 

5. The Roman legion consists of five thousand 

6. Men naturally rally to the banners of success, 
but join in attacks on the fortunes of the fallen. 

Fortune is changeable by nature and will swiftly 
bring about a reversal of our situation. 

7. Dorimachus,? the Aetolian general, perpetrated 219 s.c. 

an impious deed, for he plundered the oracle of 
Dodona and set fire to the temple, except for the 

8. For since Rhodes had been laid low by a great 
carthquake, Hiero of Syracuse gave six talents of 
silver for the reconstruction of the city walls and, in 
addition to the money, gave a number of fine vases 
of silver; and he exempted their grain ships from 
the payment of duty.* 

ł For Menodotus cp. Jacoby, FGH, no. 82; for Sosylus, 
no. 176, and for a discussion of his ethnic, Keil, Philologus, 
87 (1932), 263-264. 

2 Polybius (3. 107. 10-11) sets the normal figure for the 
infantry of a legion at about 4000, but says that in times of 
crisis 5000 might be used. 

2 Dorimachus of Trichonium, who with Scopas instigated 
the War of the Allies, or Social War, fought by the Aetolian 
League and its allies against Philip V of Macedon and the 
Achaean League (220-217 8B.c.). In the arrangement of his 
work Diodorus here follows Polybius, who, after carrying 
the Hannibalic War down to Cannae (216 r.c.) in Book 83, 
reverts in Books 4 and 5 to the affairs of Greece. For the 
raid on Dodona cp. Polybius 4. 67. 1-4. 

4 According to Polybius (5. 88. 5-8) the gifts of Hiero and 
Gelo had a total value of 100 talents. The earthquake, which 
destroyed the famous Colossus, occurred probably in 227 or 
226 B.C. 



9. “H võv Šè kadovuévy Pirrónrods kard Tù 
Qerraiav Plrriðes Ofar êkañovro. 
(Exc. Hoesch. p. 513 W.) 
10. “Ori xarà rhv Kanóny nporeleions Bovàñs èv 
ekkànoig kowĝ Ti mpakrtéov ei nepi Ts åmooTtd- 
oews, ènérpepav oi Karvnvol yvøuny ånophvaoðar 
TÔ npocayopevopévy Ilaykúàw Iaúkw. ó ðè ék- 
tòs TÕv hpevôv yeyovàs ĝıà ròv `Avvißov póßov 
öuoge Tois moiros Diórporov ópkov. čpnoe yáp, 
el rv ékaròv éàrniða iav elyev èv roîs ‘Pwpalotis, 
oùk àv ueréorn npòs Kapynõoviovs’ võv è pavepâs 
oons tis TÕv moàeuiwv úrepoyhs kal roô kivúvov 
Taîs múdais éhpeorôros, dvaykañov eîvat raîs Únep- 
oyaîs elkew. ToT Š TÔ Tpónw návrwv gvyka- 
rabeuévwv npooribeoðar roîs Kapynõoviois . . 
(Const. Exc. 4, pp. 354-355.) 
11. “Ore ý roð `Avvißov Súvaıs moùv ypóvov 
tis rôv Kauravðv eððaruovias anàorws unàn- 
obeîca peréßaàe raîs àywyaîs eis rToùvavriov: 
tpugis yàp avveyoûs kal paars evs kal púpwv 
mavrolwv kal navroias tpophs? moàuréàea? ùv pèv 
dàkùvt kal ovvi rõv ĝewðv égéàvoev Ýropovýv, 
Tà Šè owpara ral ras? puyàs eis yuvukwðn kal 
rpuhepàv aleo peréornoev. Á yàp avbpwrivy 
húois riv pèr” dovvýðn? trÕv nóvwv dorņnow kal 
1 So Mai: V now shows only ngykvàw ... rw. 
2 tpus H. 3 moàvredelas P. 4 paňaciy H. 

BOOK XXVI. 9. 1—11. 1 

9. What is now called Philippopolis * in Thessaly 217 ».c. 
was formerly called Phthiotic Thebes. 

10. When the question of revolt was brought for- 216 s.o. 
ward at a public assembly in Capua and the course 
of action to be taken was being debated, the Capuans 
allowed a certain Pancylus Paucus ? to express his 
opinion. Fear of Hannibal had driven him out of his 
mind, and he swore to his fellow citizens a peculiar 
oath. If, he said, there were still one chance in a 
hundred for the Romans, he would not go over to 
the Carthaginians ; but since, in fact, the superiority 
of the enemy was manifest and danger now stood at 
their very gates, they must perforce yield to this 
superiority. In this way, all having agreed to join 
forces with the Carthaginians . . . 

11. After the army of Hannibal had for some time 216/5 v.c. 
greedily taken their fill of the riches of Campania, 
their whole pattern of life was reversed. For constant 
luxury, soft couches, and perfumes and food of every 
sort, all in lavish abundance, relaxed their strength 
and their wonted ability to endure danger, and re- 
duced both body and spirit to a soft and womanish 
condition. Human nature, in fact, accepts only with 
distaste the unaccustomed practice of hardships and 

2 The city was captured by Philip in 217 s.c. during the 
War of the Allies, and was resettled under its new name with 
Macedonians : ep. Polybius, 5. 99-100. 

2 The accepted form of the name, as given by Livy (23. 
2 ff.), is Pacuvius Calavius. He was at this time the chief 
magistrate, medix tuticus, at Capua. 

5 ömopoviy éćéàvoe H. 
] € tàs omitted in H. P bi 
ý yàp] 9 pèv yàp H, óte h V. Dindorf deletes èv here. 
8 uèv added by Dindorf. 
? owl V. 


Diairav ebred Svoyepôs* mpooierat, Tùv Õè pa- 
arovyv kal tpufiv éroiņws? Õuóket. 

COrt  . . . peréornoev, Const. Exc. 2 (1), p. 264 ; 
Ttpvġñjs to end, Exe. Hoesch. p. 514W. ; last sentence, 
Const. Exc. &, p. 355.) 

12. Iowiàn é tis dvwuañia karteîye tàs móÀcs, 
ós äv Tis ópovoias ðeðpo kåkeToe Aaußavoúons tàs 

2 "Or raîs rôv mpayuarwv peraßoàaîs Kal tàs 
tôv piìwv eùvoias Oewpeîv čorw ovuueraßad- 

3 "Or ai tôv åyaððv dvõpðv àperat kat mapà 
modelos évioTe Tuyxávovor TuÌS. 

4 "Orn moal yuvaîkes kat maphévoti kal maiðes 
eeúbepot auveínovTo Toîs Karvnvoîis õià TV dmo- 
piov TÎS Tpopis' kal yàp ó móàepos è éviore Bidterar 
TOÙS KATA TÙV eipývyv È êv Toà oeuvórnri tôvrTas 
únouéveiw váćia TÍS ALKAS TAOYOVTAS. 

(Const. Exc. 4, p. 355.) 

13. ”°Avvíßas yàp karovyíg Tof kal tràs mõàes 
tis Bperrias? napadaßòv torepov kaè rhy Kpótwva 
ele kal rò ‘Púyiov moNoprýowv. dro ðvopðv 
yàp apfduevos rat rôv ‘Hparàcewrâv ornàðv 
nâcav tÔv ‘Pwpaiwv ywpav vnérate mày ‘Põuns 
kal Nearóàcws, moàeuýoas éws Kporævns. 

(Exc. Hoesch. p. 514 W.) 

14. “Ori rv ‘Pwpaiwv ó ’Avvißas ToàÀà kary- 
yopýoas eis ©uórnTa kal movņpiav, pâàov è” 

1 ŝvoyepès V. 2 óuoiws H. 

3 So Dindorf, deleting ‘Pæpns: ‘Pæpns Bperravias H, 
‘Pouns kal Bperrias Hoeschel, Rhodoman. 


BOOK XXVI. 11. 1—14. 1 

meagre diet, whereas it takes eagerly to a life of ease 
and luxury.* 

12. The cities ? shifted and floundered as the weight 
of public opinion tipped the scales now this way, now 

Even the goodwill of friends may be seen to change 
with changing circumstances. 

The virtues of good men sometimes win them 
honour even among enemies. 

Many women, unmarried girls, and freeborn boys 
accompanied the Capuan forces because of the short- 
age of food.? War does, in fact, sometimes compel 
those who in times of peace live in high dignity to 
endure conditions from which their years should 
exempt them. 

13. Wreaking widespread devastation as he went, 
Hannibal also took over the cities of Bruttium, and 
later captured Croton and was about to invest Rhe- 
gium. Having set out from the west and the Pillars 
of Heracles, he brought into subjection all the terri- 
tory of the Romans except for Rome and Naples, and 
he carried the war as far as Croton.*t 

14. After having denounced the Romans at length 
for their cruelty and dishonesty, and especially their 

1 Cp. Livy, 23. 18. 10 ff. 

2 Presumably the cities of Italy, after the Roman defeat 
at Cannae and the defection of Capua. 

3 This fragment might more appropriately be placed before 
chap. 17 (cp. Appian, Hann. 36; Livy, 25. 13). 

4 The Hoeschel fragments end here, and as a result the 
division into books is uncertain until the Photius fragments 
begin in Book 31. The division followed here is that estab- 
lished by Dindorf. 

í kai added by Hoeschel, Rhodoman. 
5 §¥ added by Herwerden. 


212 B.o. () 

216/5 B.0. 


úrepnhaviav, Toùs TÕv ovykànrtikðv vioùs kal ovy- 
yeveîs ékàéćas dméoßaćev, raúryv nmapà To ovv- 
eôplov apfpdvaw Tipwpiav. 

2 "Ori ó `Avvißas dàdotpuórara Õiakeipevos mpòs 
‘Pwpaiovs èk trôv aiypaàwrwv èmÀéćas rToùs 
eùlérovs eis povouayiav ovvéevćev. dðeàßoùs pèv 
àôeàgois, marépas è vioîs, avyyeveîs ğè ovyyevéci 
povopayeîv ġváykaģev. čvÂła ù ðikaiws äv Tis ToÔ 
Lèv Qoivkos éuioņyoe Tùy ©pőTTa, tÕv &è 
‘Powpaiwv eÎaúpace ryv eùoéßerav kal Thv èv Toîs 
ôewoîs únmopovýv tre kal kapreplav. mupòs? yàp 
aùroîs mposayopévov kal kÉVTpwV, ETL è yaňerw- 
TåTwv nànyðv, oùğðeis Únmýkovoe mpoceveyrkedv Tàs 
xeîpas Toîs dvaykarotdTois: mávres yàp eyer 
mapaorýpara Àaßóvres vanénmvevoav raîs åvdy- 
kas, dlikrovs éavroùs mpýoavtes TiS mpocaňàń- 
ov? magovias. 

15. “Or Téiwvos ral ‘Tépwvos trôv Bacidéwv 
Kkarà Thv Pureàiav rereàceurykórwv év Xupakovoats, 
‘Tepwvúuov è rv åpximy Čraðeðeyuévov kat Tùv 
HAkiav õvros åvrimaÑos, oùk elyev ý Pacideia ròv 
npoornoópevov déióypewv. ið kal TÒ pepákiov 
Taîs rÕv koàdkwv mpòs yápiv òpuÀias EÉETpATN 
npòs tpupiv kal dkoàaciav kal tupavvikÌv ©pó- 
Tyra. ènereàeîro yàp yuvaikôv Ùfpeis kal ros 
mappnoig xypwpévovs TÕv hiwv drnékrtewev kal 
ToAAÔv dkpiTws oùcias ðyuevoev kal Toîs mpòs 
xápw ópoðov wpeiro. TÒ pèv oðv mpõToV èr- 
nkoàovler èk TÕv öyAwv picos, era kal êmpovàia 

1 So Salmasius, Valesius: mpòs P. 

2 So Dindorf? (in Addenda) : mpòs dààńàars P, mpos dààńàovs 
Salmasius, Dindorf*, 

BOOK XXVI, 14. 1—15. 1 

arrogance, Hannibal singled out those who were the 
sons and kinsmen of senators, and in order to punish 
the senate, put them to death. 

Because of his deep hostility to the Romans, 
Hannibal selected suitable prisoners and paired them 
off for single combat. He compelled brothers to 
fight against brothers, fathers against sons, kinsmen 
against kinsmen. Here, indeed, there is just cause 
to detest the savage cruelty of the Phoenician, and to 
admire the piety of the Romans and their steadfast 
endurance in so grievous a plight. For though they 
were subjected to fire and goads and were most 
cruelly scourged, not one of them consented to do 
violence to his kindred, but all in an access of noble 
devotion expired under torture, having kept them- 
selves free from the mutual stain of parricide.? 

15. Upon the death at Syracuse of Gelo and Hiero, 
the rulers of Sicily, and the succession to the throne 
of Hieronymus,? who was a lad in his teens, the king- 
dom was left without a capable leader. As a result 
the youth, keeping company with flatterers who 
courted him, was led astray into luxurious living, 
profligacy, and despotic cruelty. He committed out- 
rages against women, put to death friends who spoke 
frankly, summarily confiscated many estates, and 
presented them to those who courted his favour. 
This behaviour brought in its train first the hatred 

1 This chapter refers to the fate of the Romans taken 
prisoner at Cannae, whom the senate refused to ransom : cp. 
Appian, Hann. 28, and Livy, 22. 58-61. 

2 Hiero died in the early summer of 215 B.C., a few months 
after his son, Gelo. Hieronymus, the son of Gelo, and 
grandson of both Hiero and Pyrrhus, was about 15 years 
old at this time. He reigned for thirteen months. Polybius 
(T. T), without exonerating him, says that his crimes were 
greatly exaggerated. 


215 B.O. 


E i “m ~ * 3 4 ? ~ 
Kat ó Tots movnpoîs ðvvdorais eiwhws érakodovletv 

2 "Or perà rhv ‘Tepwvúpov reàcurhv oi Xuparov- 
3 Le kd 3 + 2? 7 ` 
oror éÀĝóvres eis ékkàņoiav è&pmpisavro toùs ovy- 
yeveîs ToÔ Tupávvov koàdoai kal tàs yuvaîkas 
e a a > + > Eas N y ez > 
òpoiws Toîs avpaow åveàeîv, kat unòè pitav åro- 
Arev Tupavvikis ovyyeveias. 

16. "Ore rò cpa To Beurpwviov Máywvos 
dnooreiàavros mpos `Avvißav, ot pèv otpariÔrTat 
Keipevov ópõðvTes éßówv kataTépvew kai katà pép 
Sraohevõovijoa ó è ’Avvißas pýoas où mpoońrew 

~ ka 3 + “~ 
Tv òpyùv cis avaiobnrov oôpa èvaroriheohai kal 
A kd ~ 4 Ea + 
Aaßov mpò ddhaàuðv Tò Tis Túyys åðnàov, dua ĝè 
kal Qavpačwv Tv dperův roð &vðpós, mouteoðs 
m~ ? + zi + > A: ` 
tadis hÉiwoe ròv rereàeurykóra. avaňéćas è tà 
A 3 ~ i: 
To owuaros dort kal piàavbponws mepioreiias 
? 4 A e + 
danéoreiàev cis TÒ TÕv ‘Pwpaiwv orparóreðov. 
(Const. Exc. 2 (1), pp. 264-265.) 
La Ld A e A 2 e z 

17. “Ore ġ rôv ‘Pwpaiwv oúyrànros, ws hkovoe 

tv Kanóny nepieiànupévyv mavrayóðev reiyei 
P r z p3 1 ` o 

irAð, vopigovoa .<gpov čoeobat tùv čÀwow 

a 3 7 > z ` y > ` 

pws où ĝieTrýpnoev duerálerov tTův čxðpav, dňàà 

¥ Eas 

Sià rù ovyyéverav è&fpnoiocavro nmpò taktis huépas 

toùs peralepévovs trôv Kaunavôv dløovs elvat. 

D h [4 4 

hs ù) nmapanéppavres Tv piùavôpwriav ot Kap- 
A A y bd >A rd + + 2 

navoi kal Tv map `Avvißou yevopévyy Bońberav 

1 vágıov čoeoðaı Mai; Boissevain suggests eŭmopov čoeoðar 

or où ypovioeoĝai ; \rapòv čoeoba: Post. 
2 i... yenoopévn Bonbeig Herwerden. 


BOOK XXVI. 15. 1—17. 1 

of the populace, then a conspiracy, and finally the 
downfall that usually attends wicked rulers. 

After the death of Hieronymus, the Syracusans, 214 s.c. 

having met in assembly, voted to punish the whole 
family of the tyrant and to put them all to death, 
men and women alike, in order to uproot completely 
the tyrant stock.! 

16. Mago sent the body of Sempronius ? to Hanni- 
bal. Now when the soldiers saw the corpse, they 
raised a clamour and demanded that it should be 
hacked apart and flung piecemeal to the winds. 
Hannibal, however, declared that it was not seemly 
to vent one’s anger upon a senseless corpse, and con- 
fronted as he was by evidence of the uncertainty of 
Fortune, and at the same time moved by admiration 
for the man’s valour, he granted the dead hero a 
costly funeral. Then having gathered up the bones 
and bestowed them decently, he sent them to the 
Roman camp. 

17. When the Roman senate heard that Capua had 
been completely invested with a double wall, they 
did not persist in a policy of unalterable hostility, 
even though the capture of the city now appeared 
(imminent ?}. On the contrary, influenced by ties 
of kinship, they decreed that all Campanians who 
changed sides before a fixed date should be granted 
immunity. The Campanians, however, rejected the 
senate’s generous proposals, and deluding themselves 

1 This fragment (15. 2) is misnumbered 16 in Dindorf’s 
last edition (followed by Büttner-Wobst in the edition of the 
Const. Exe.) 

2 Ti. Sempronius Gracchus, consul in 215 and 213 B.C., 
was killed in 212 B.c. while in command of two legions of 
slaves enrolled after Cannae: see Polybius, 8. 35, and Livy, 
25. 16-17. Mago was Hannibal’s brother. 



2 ? Lg Y 9 HÒe y À 
yYuyaywyovuevot TOTE ueTevóņoav öT oùðèv öpeos 
iv" perapedcîobar. (Const. Exc. 4, p. 355.) 

18. [Qavudoai © äv ris eikórws roô TeyvitTov 
A 3 o 7 4 ? ? z ? X ps 3 
Thv èrivorav où uõvov v toúrois, dÀÀà Kal év 
dÀÀois moois kal ueltooi Saßeßonpévois Kara 
3 oa 4 ed z e £ pA td Ea 
mi thv “Apxyiuhõovs HAkiav EAbwuev arpıfpôs 
Siééruev.] (Diod. 5. 37. 4.) 
e >A AÒ e A ` ? A 
O `Apyiuýðns ó cofòs pnyavņntůs èreîvos 
Pa d + D [4 2 
T® yévet Dupakoúsios, V YÉPWV YEWLÉTPNS, 

e z hj ? ?, 
ypõvovs Te éßðouýkovra kal névre mapeňaúvwv. 
oris eipydoaro Todds unyavixàs Švvápes 
kal Ti Tpordorw pnxavĝ xepl ug kal uóvy 
mevrepvpiopéðiuvov kalĝelàkvoev óÀkdða. 
kat roð Maprkéàov orparņnyo morè è rtôv 

~ + ` n, Z 4 
ti Bupakoúoņ katrà yv mpooßáovros kal 
` hi A a D: ld r 2 
twàs èv mpôrov pyyavaîs dveíàkvoev óÀkdĝas, 
kal mpòs TÒ Lupakoúciov Teîyos peTewpiocas 
> + lA A A + > 2 
aùrávðpovs má T Bvb karéneunev abpóws. 
Mapkéňov & droorýoavros pkpóv Ti TàS óÀkd- 
e t lA e A ? 
ó yépwv náv dravras mow? Lupakovolovs 
+ ’ + e 7 
perewpibew Súvacðaı Àílovs åpaćıaíovs, 
% 4% LA fA ld ` e ld 
kal ròv kabéva néurovra Bvbiteiw tràs óàkdõas: 
ós Mápredàos © dréornoe Bony ekeivas réćov, 
éÉdywvóv Ti kádromtpov érékTývev ó yépwv' 
Likpà Toraîra károrrpa Îels rerparàâ ywviais 

BOOK XXVI. 17. 1—18. 1 

as to the aid received from Hannibal repented only 
when repentance was of no avail:1 

18. [A man may well marvel at the ingenuity of 
the designer, in connection not only with this in- 
vention but with many other and greater ones as 
well, the fame of which has encompassed the entire 
inhabited world and of which we shall give a detailed 
and precise account when we come to the age of 

Archimedes, the famous and learned engineer and 
mathematician, a Syracusan by birth, was at this time 
an old man, in his seventy-fifth year. He constructed 
many ingenious machines, and on one occasion by 
means of a triple pulley launched with his left hand 
alone a merchant ship having a capacity of fifty 
thousand medimni. During the time when Mar- 
cellus the Roman general, was attacking Syracuse 
both by land and by sea, Archimedes first hauled up 
out of the water some of the enemy’s barges by means 
of a mechanical device, and after raising them to the 
walls of Syracuse, sent them hurtling down, men and 
all, into the sea. Then, when Marcellus moved his 
barges a bit farther off, the old man made it possible 
for the Syracusans, one and all, to lift up stones the 
size of a wagon, and by hurling them one at a time 
to sink the barges. When Marcellus now moved the 
vessels off as far as an arrow can fly, the old man then 
devised an hexagonal mirror, and at an appropriate 
distance from it set small quadrangular mirrors of the 

1 Cp. Livy, 25. 22. 11-13. 
2 Archimedes. 
3 M. Claudius Marcellus. 

1 őr oùôèv . . . v Dindorf, Herwerden : rav oùĝèv . .. 

joav V. 


kwoúpeva Aemilio Te Kai Tat yiyyàvpioss, 
"m, + 5. “~ 
pégov èkeîvo téĝeikev åkTivwv TÕV HAlov 
peonubpwis kal Bepwĝs Kal XEpEpLwTÁTNS. 
dvakàwuévwv è Àoiròv eis roro rÕv drTivwv 
EEafis ipe popepà mup%òNs Taîs dàkdot, ; 
kal Taúras åneréhpwoev ék pýkovs Točoßódov, 
oùtw vik ròv Mdpreàdov rais unyavaîs ó yépwv. 
H hi kI A A 7 
éàeye Ôè kat Awpiort pwvfi Lvupakovoig, 
~ ~ 4 È k A z fa 
Ig Bô kal yapıotiwv Tàv yåv kwow nâoav; 
oĵros karà Aidðwpov Tis Lupakoúons TaúTys 
E ` A M T bd 2 ka 
mpoðórov mpos ròv Mápredàov dðpóws yevouévns, 
»# kd 
eite karà Tov Aiwva ‘Pwpaiois mopônlbeions, 
A préuðt TÕv modTrõv róTe mavvvxi%óvrwv 
Torovtotponws tébvnkev óró tiwvos ‘Pwpaiov. 
s ` / 7 z 
e kekvas Sıdypaypa pnyanóv Ti ypáhwv 
tis $è ‘Pwpaîos moras eÎàkev aiyuadwriwv. 
ó è roô laypáuuartos ÖÀos ÛTÁPYWV TÕTE, 
7 e 8 À 3 ò A EÀ * 3 ~ 
ris ó kaĝléàkwv oùk eiðws édeye mpòs ékeivov, 
2 $ > Y A + f 
AróoTqbs, ð dvôpwne, tToî raypáuparós pov. 
e a A AI 
os © eke roðrov, ovorpapeis ral yvoùs 
‘P A ba 
wuaîov eÎvat, 
Y A 3 A 
Bósa Tè unydvnud tis rÕv éuðv por ĝóTw. 
ó è ‘Pwuaios mroņnleis eùbùs keîvov kreive, 
dvôpa capov kai yépovra, aruóviov Toîs čpyois. 
3: 7 b3 P. “~ A ki ia 
ebpývnoe ðè Mápreños ToÎTo paĝov eùléws, 
Àaunpõs Te ToÕTov čkpuev ev trdhois Toîs ma- 

1 For a more sober account of the military inventions of 
Archimedes »see Polybius, 8. 3-7. Sir Thomas Heath, 
Archimedes (London, 1920), 6, says: *‘'Fhe story that he 


BOOK XXVI. 18. 1 

same type, which could be adjusted by metal plates 
and small hinges. This contrivance he set to catch 
the full rays of the sun at noon, both summer and 
winter, and eventually, by the reflection of the sun’s 
rays in this, a fearsome fiery heat was kindled in the 
barges, and from the distance of an arrow’s flight he 
reduced them to ashes. Thus did the old man, by 
his contrivances,! vanquish Marcellus. Again, he 
used to say, in the Doric speech of Syracuse : “ Give 
me a place to stand and with a lever I will move the 
whole world.” Now when Syracuse was, as Diodorus 
relates, suddenly betrayed to Marcellus, or according 
to Dio, sacked by the Romans while the citizens were 
celebrating a nocturnal festival of Artemis, this man 
was killed by one of the Romans, under the following 
circumstances. Engaged in sketching a mechanical 
diagram, he was bending over it when a Roman came 
upon him and began to drag him off as a prisoner of 
war. Archimedes, wholly intent on his diagram and 
not realizing who was tugging at him, said to the man : 
“Away from my diagram, fellow !”?” Then, when the 
man continued to drag him along, Archimedes turned 
and, recognizing him for a Roman, cried out : “ Quick 
there, one of my machines, someone ! ” The Roman, 
alarmed, slew him on the spot, a weak old man, but 
one whose achievements were wondrous. As soon 
as Marcellus learned of this, he was grieved, and 
together with the noblemen of the city and all the 

set the Roman ships on fire by an arrangement of burning- 
glasses or concave mirrors is not found in any authority 
earlier than Lucian (second century A.D.); but there is no 
improbability in the idea that he discovered some form of 
burning mirror, .g. a paraboloid of revolution, which would 
reftect to one point all rays falling on its concave surface in a 
direction parallel to its axis.’ 



‘4 A > + À A A A “P ? t 
cùv roîs àpiorois moùrôv kat Toîs “Pwpatois 
òv Òè dovéa To dvõpós, olar, medéret kTeiver. 
bi e 2 
ó Alwv kal Abðwpos ypapet Tùy toropiav. 
(Tzetzes, Hist. 2. 103-149.) 
19. Ardõwpos ó ioropikòs Terpároàiv not Bupa- 
Eas ~ K ~ 
koúsas év ols dġoporo? ° Avrióyeirav Tv mpòs T 
3 # a Z 2 
Opévty raîs Xvpakoúsais. 
(Scholiast on Strabo, 6. 2. 4, pp. 429-430 Kramer.!) 
20. "Ori rv Evpakovoiwv perà Thv dÀwow TÅS 
3 e ? 
nóàcws dravrnoavræv Mapkéààw uef’ ikernpias, 
2 J 
rõv pèv èàcevlépwv ën ocwuárwv peiceoĝar," tàs 
Sè krýoes dndoas Siaprácew .* 
(Const. Exe. 2 (1), p. 265.) 
“Ore oi Ewpakovoior à meviav åmopobvres 
k S 
popis perà thv Ààwow éavroùs wpoàóyovv elvat 
t m 2 ` 
Sovdovs, önws npalévres tpoġhs peraàdßwot mapà 
TtÔv òvyoauévwv. oðrw ToÎîs êmtakóot Lupa- 
1 e z ` a 2AA À , agé 
kovgioris Ņ) Túx%N mpòs Tos dAÀots AKÀNPHH 
Y 3 5 A 
TtyÀxaúryy èréornoe ovpopàv wore davri tis 
Sopévns edevlepias ékovoiws aipeîohar Sovàeiav. 
ka 4 4 e z 3 À £ 3 S 
21. "Ore Bkimiwv Toùs )povs ATovoas éne 
1 Berlin, 1844-1852. 2 So Herwerden : ġeicacha: P. 

3 So Herwerden : &apráou P. 
4 So Dindorf: åxàņpðópaci V. 

1 The four sections of the city were the “ Island ” (Ortygia), 

BOOK XXVI. 18. 1—21. 1 

Romans gave him splendid burial amid the tombs of 
his fathers. As for the murderer, he had him, I fancy, 
beheaded. Dio and Diodorus record the story. 

19. Diodorus the historian, in his comparison of 
Antioch on the Orontes to Syracuse, says that Syra- 
cuse is a tetrapolis.* 

20. When, after the fall of Syracuse, the inhabitants 212 s.o. 

approached Marcellus as suppliants, he ordered that 
the persons of all who were freeborn were to be 
spared, but that all their property was to be taken 
as booty. 

Being unable to procure food after the capture 211 s.o. 

because of their poverty, the Syracusans agreed to 
become slaves, so that when sold they might receive 
food from those who purchased them. Thus Fortune 
imposed upon the defeated Syracusans, over and 
above their other losses, a calamity so grievous that 
in place of proffered freedom they voluntarily chose 

‘21. By his release of the hostages Scipio * de- 209/8 s.c. 

monstrated how time and time again the virtue of a 

Neapolis, Achradina, and Tyche. Strabo, however, says 
(270) that Syracuse was “ in ancient times ” a pentapolis. 

2 Cp. Livy, 25. 25. 6-7. Marcellus seized part of the city 
in 212 s.c. but completed its capture only in the next year. 

2 Cp. the complaints of the Sicilians preferred against 
Marcellus in 210 s.c. (Livy, 26. 29-30, especially 26. 30. 9-10). 

+ P. Cornelius Scipio, the great Scipio Africanus, who at 
the time of his appointment to the command in Spain was 
only 25 years old. Torn from its context the sense of the 
present passage is not certajn, and the Greek is perhaps 
corrupt. The hostages are probably Spaniards held by the 
Carthaginians, whom Scipio released after his capture of 
Nova Carthago in 209 s.c. By this and other diplomatic 
acts Scipio won over a number of native princes, whose 
willingness to recognize him as king the Roman general 
rebuffed (cp. Polybius, 10. 38 and 40). 

VOL. XI H 197 


Seitaro ws modàdkis évòs dvòðpòs dpeTù) mposérarrte 
ovààýBðnv eis ðn PBaodeîs. 

22. “Ori ô  IvðBéàns ó Keàribnp ovyyvøuns 
Tuyæv mapa Lrimiwvos kapòv eúpov emirýðerov 
madw eékavoe móepov. oŬTw yàp ol TOÙS Tov- 
poùs eÊ morwovres mpos TÔ Tv yápw àmroßañeîv 
dyvooðot modeuiovs éavrðv moàÀdkis cwuarto- 
TOLOÛVTES. (Const. Exc. 4, pp. 355-356.) 

23. "Ori Kapynõðvioi karaàúoavres tròv Aıßvròv 
mõàcpov, TÒ Trv Mikaravðv Nopdðĝwv čÂvos oùv 
aovàànghévras dveoraúpwcav. Šıómep oi TovTwV 
anóyovor Ts eis Toùs marépaşs wuóTNTOS dva- 
puvyokóuevoi yademwrarot Toîs Kapynõoviois 
moàéwot kabeorýkeicav. 

24. “Ori oùk erace Tùv ToD avõòpòs aperńv, pnp 
ù To `Aospovßov, dvemońpavrov, aààa qow: 
Åv yàp viòs `Auiàkov roô Bápka pèv èmKaàov- 
pévov, peyiorņnv ðè óav éosynkóros rv kaf 
éavróv' kal yàp èv TÔ Lixeùk® Tmoàéuw uõvos rÔv 
hyeuóvwv modÀdkis éviknoe ‘Pwuaiovs kat Ttòv 
eupúňov. kabeàwv móàceuov mpôros ießißace úva- 
wv es 'Ifnpiav. rToroúrov & œv martpòs oùk 
dvdćtov éavrov mapeiyero Tis èkeivov óns” öpo- 
Àoyovpévws yàp ăpioros v oTpPaATNÀATNS åTdvTwV 
Kapynõðovíwv perà rov dôeàdov ’Avvißav: Ŝiò kal 
Tv èv 'IBypiq vváduewv ’Acðpoúpav raréňrev 

1 A chieftain of the Ilergeti, a people north of the Ebro, 
who with his brother Mandonius had come over to the 
Roman side after the capture of Nova Carthago. For the 


BOOK XXVI. 21. 1—24. 1 

single man has been able summarily to impose kings 
upon nations. 

22. Indibeles 1 the Celtiberian, after winning for- 206 b.c. 

giveness from Scipio, again kindled the flames of war 
when a suitable occasion presented itself. For in- 
deed, those who benefit knaves, in addition to wasting 
their favours, fail to realize that ofttimes they are 
actually raising up enemies for themselves. 

23. The Carthaginians, after bringing the Libyan 
War? to an end, had avenged themselves on the 
Numidian tribe of the Micatani, women and children 
included, and crucified all whom they captured. As 
a result their descendants, mindful of the cruelty 
meted out to their fathers, were firmly established 
as the fiercest enemies of the Carthaginians. 

24. He °! did not leave unrecorded the great ability 
of the man (I mean, of course, Hasdrubal), but on the 
contrary affirms it. For Hasdrubal was the son of 
Hamilcar, surnamed Barca, the most distinguished 
man of his time, inasmuch as in the Sicilian War 
Hamilcar was the only leader who repeatedly de- 
feated the Romans, and after bringing to an end the 
Civil War,4 was the first to carry an army across to 
Spain. As the son of such a father, Hasdrubal proved 
himself not unworthy of his father’s fame. It is 
generally agreed that next to his brother Hannibal 
he was the finest general in all Carthage ; accordingly 
Hannibal left him in command of the armies in Spain. 
He engaged in many battles throughout Spain, con- 

reyolt see Polybius, 11. 31-33, who calls the chieftain 
2 That is, the Mercenary War : cp. above, Book 25. 2-6, 
3 Polybius, whose encomium of Hasdrubal is given in 11. 2. 
4 The Mercenary or Libyan War (Book 25. 2-6), repeatedly 
called duġúňos by Polybius. 



I Bnpiav kal ŝià mavròs èr rÕv idatrrwudrwv dva- 
Aaupdvwv tràs õvvdueis moods Kal mavrolovs 
Úrépeiwe kivðúvovs, kal eis Týv peoóyeiov åmoĝtw- 
Xleis dià rv iðiav åperùv peydànv jiporce Súvapuv 
Kal mapeyevýðn map’ eàriðas eis Iraàlav. 
(Const. Exc. 2 (1), pp. 265-266.) 
2 "Ori ó `Aoðpovßas el pèv kal tv Túyyv čoye 
avvemiÀaupavouévyv, ópooyovuévws oùk äv )ðvvý- 
Onoav oi ‘Pwpaîor mpòs roôrov dua ral mpòs 
’AvvißBav aywvicaohai. Siómep xp) Tv åperùv 
Tåvõpòs ééerdbewv ovk èk TÕv amoreàeoudrwv ÀN’ 
ek rs mpos kal tóàuņs. rtoúrwv pèv yàp 
cvppaivet troùs mpárrovras elvat kupíovs, èkeivwv 
Sè rv róxnv čyew é£ovolav. 
(Const. Exc. 4, p. 356.) 

BOOK XXVI. 24. 1-2 

stantly building up his forces after each reverse, and 
he stood firm in the face of frequent and manifold 
dangers. Indeed, even after he had been driven 
back into the interior, his outstanding personal quali- 
ties enabled him to bring together a large army, 

and contrary to all expectations he made his way into 207 s.c. 


If Hasdrubal had enjoyed the assistance of Fortune 
as well, it is generally agreed that the Romans could 
not have carried on the struggle simultaneously 
against both him and Hannibal. For this reason we 
should estimate his ability not on the basis of his 
achievements but of his aims and enterprise. For 
these qualities are subject to men’s control, but the 
outcome of their actions lies in the hands of Fortune. 

1 Where he met his death at the battle of the Metaurus. 



1. “Ore Náßiıs ó trúpavvoşs rðv Aakeðarpoviwv 
dveîàe Iléàora ròv Avkoúpyov pèv toô Baoideú- 
gavros vióv, maia è Tv Arkiav õvra' edÀaßeîro 
yàp pý mote ô maîs mapayevnleis™ eis hÀArxiav dro- 
karaorhon TÅ martpiðı Tv éàevhepiav, meppovn- 
patiopévos ià Tv eùyéverav. aùròs è ToÙs 
xapieordrovs TÕv Äakreðarpoviwv êmiÀeyópevos àv- 
ýpet Kat piolopópovs mavrayólev roùs yerpiortovs 
ovvýyaye púñakas Ts bvvaoreias. ÒióTep èk mav- 
tòs TőmTov ovvéppeov eis Tùy Lrapryy tepóovàot, 
põpes, Àņortai, katáðikot favárov. doepôs yàp 
Tv Tupavviða mepirormoduevos ÛTò uóvwv ToÝTwV 
NAmE Beßarórara Typnlýocoba. 

(Const. Exe. 2 (1), p. 266.) 

2 "Or Nápis ð ó TÕv Aareðarpoviwv Týpavvos Toà- 
ààs Tipwpias Emevónoe mpos Toùs ToÀiTaS, vopibwv 
T TÌS marpiðos TaTewÓoEL TÀV idiay aùgńoew 
Svvaoreiav. dvùp yáp, olar, mTovnpòs Tvyæv éġov- 
cias oùk etwhe pépeiw Tùy eùtrvyiav kar àvôpwrov. 

2. “Qv yàp péyioros tepeùs Nvaykdčero uù) pa- 

1 napayevnleis] mapayevópevos Valesius, Vulgate. 

1 Nabis gained control of Sparta some time after the death 
of Machanidas at Mantinea in 207 B.c. Of royal blood, he 
was the most radical of the revolutionaries who arose in 



1. Nabis, the tyrant of Sparta, put to death Pelops, e. 207 ».c. 

the son of the late king Lycurgus, who was at this 
time still a boy. This was a measure of precaution 
lest when he came of age the youth, emboldened by 
his noble birth, should some day restore his country’s 
freedom. Nabis peërsonally selected and put to death 
those Lacedacmonians who were most accomplished, 
and gathered from all sides hirelings of the basest 
stamp to defend his régime. As a result temple- 
robbers, thieves, pirates, and men under sentence of 
death streamed into Sparta from every direction. 
For since it was by impious deeds that Nabis had 
made himself tyrant, he supposed that only by such 
men could he be most securely guarded. 

Nabis, the tyrant of Sparta, devised many forms 
of punishment ? for the citizens, in the belief that 
by degrading his country he would enhance his own 
position. Indeed, when a knave comes to power he 
is not, I think, likely to bear his good fortune as a 
mortal should. 

2. As pontifex maximus he was obliged by reason of 205 ».c. 

Sparta. Despite our uniformly hostile accounts, it is clear that 
he enjoyed broad popular support. The account is based on 
Polybius, 13. 6-8. 

2 Including the notorious Image of Apega (named for his 
wife), an instrument of torture similar to the “ Iron Maiden ” 
cp. Polybius, 13. 7. 



kpàv tis ‘Põpuns åroorâchar Sa ryv tôv iepôv 
èmiuéàcav. (Const. Exc. 4, p. 356.) 

2a. Oŭrw karà rv Aoðwpov ioropiav kal Eri- 
miwv ò oTparnyòs Toîs Tporos TÕV ZixeNwróv 
mpoéðnrev Ñ oTparebew peT aùroî eis Apóny À 
Toùs imrovs kal Toùs oikéras mapaĝoðvai Toîs uer 

(Œustathius, Commentary on the Iliad, Book 23, p. 

3. "Orn Kpûres vavoiw énta nmeiparevew ènmi- 
Baàðuevor rv màeóvrwv èìjorevov oùk ðÀiyovs. 
ò kal rõv èunópwv dbvuoúvrwv, ‘Póðiot mpòs 
aŭúroùs táðikýuaTa vopisavres Née mpòs Toùs 
Kpfras nóàeuov èfńveykav. 

4. “Ori Iànuývos ó karaoraĝeis Aorpôv ýye- 
uav napà Xririwvos doefùs ðv roùs ris Pepoe- 
póvņns Îņoavpoùs dvaocrácaşs ka tà ypýuara 
ovàńoas dnýveyke. trÕv è Aokpôv dyavarrovv- 
Twv èm rovrois kal Thv rÔv ‘Pwpaiwv dvakaàov- 
pévov miotw, úo TÕv yidpywv puoonovnpeiv ènt 
Toîs aða npooenrohbnoav. roro è Empar- 
Tov oùk ènmi roîs ywopuévois dyavakroðvrtes, AAN 
emi TÔ TÒ pépos p) eiànpévar rôv oeovàyuévwv 

2 xpnuárwy eykañoðvres TÔ MAqunvio À Tayù ð 
aùroîs ånraow dlav ts movņnpias enébnke rò 

1 olxéras] Dindorf suggests óràaopods (cp. Livy, 29. 1). 

2 Ed. Stallbaum, Leipzig, 1827-1830. 

è So Valesius: màņppeànpa (s. ace.) P, aùr tò màņnupéinpa 

1 This refers to P. Licinius Crassus Dives, who was chosen 

BOOK XXVII. 2. 1—4. 2 

his religious duties not to absent himself from the 
vicinity of Rome.! 

2a. In like manner Scipio, according to the account 
of Diodorus, set before the Sicilian aristocrats the 
choice of joining him in the expedition to Libya ọr of 
handing over to his men their horses and slaves.? 

3. With a fleet of seven ships the Cretans began 
to engage in piracy, and plundered a number of 
vessels. This had a disheartening effect upon those 
who were engaged in commerce by sea, whereupon 
the Rhodians, reflecting that this lawlessness would 
affect them also, declared war on the Cretans. 

4. Pleminius, whom Scipio had appointed as 
governor of Locri,’ tore down the treasure houses of 
Persephonê, for he was indeed an impious man, and 
he plundered and carried off their wealth. The 
Locrians, deeply outraged by this, appealed for pro- 
tection to the pledged word of the Romans. More- 
over, two of the military tribunes affected to be 
shocked at the offence. Their behaviour, however, 
was not motivated by any indignation at what was 
occurring ; on the contrary, it was because they had 
failed to receive their share in the plunder that they 
now brought charges against Pleminius. Divine 
Providence speedily inflicted upon one and all the 
punishment that their wickedness deserved. For 

as Scipio’s colleague in the consulate for 205 sB.c. in order to 
give Scipio a free hand as military commander. Livy 
(8. 38. 12) says only that the pontifex mavimus was re- 
stricted to Italy, and, in fact, Crassus was assigned the 
region of the Bruttii as his province. 

2 Cp. Livy, 29. 1. 

3 After the city had been recovered from the Carthaginians. 
Q. Pleminius, as legatus pro praetore representing Scipio, 
had led the liberating attack. The story given here is told 
in greater detail by Livy (29. 8-9 and 16-22). 



Sarpóviov. kal yàp, EmpavéoTaTov Tôv KATÒ TV 
 Iraàíav i iepõv Tor elvai Àéyerari kal tà mavTòs 

3 áyvòv rò TrÕv êyywpiwv trernphoba. kab ôv yàp 
kupòv Hýóppos èx ris Zixeàlas Srefibate tràs 
Õvvdpes cis? Aokpoùs kal únò TÕv oTpatriwrtÊv 
dmarroúpevos Toùs pmoboùs ġvaykdoby Še dropiav 
dpachðaı Tv ypyuárwv, katà Tòv ëkmTÀovv ènmi- 
yevņnbivar mveúuara paow, ğoTe erów mavr 
vavayhoat TtoðTov. TÒv Õè Húppov Seroiðaový- 
cavta TÀ beòv SiÀdoaobar kal uù npórepov 
åneàbeiv ws dmekaréoryoe Tà xphuarta. 

4 Oi sè xÀíapyot TpooToroúpevor poonovnpeîy 
npoloTavTo TÕV Aoxpõv kal ròv Iànuýveov kakôs 
éceyov kat Siryv ènDhoewv Hreiovv. Tréos er} 
mÀcîov Tris Àobopias npoßpawoúons cis xeîpas 
Alov. ot öt xAlapxor ToÔTOV bóvres* èm yọ Tá 
Te ÖTa nepiérpayov* aùroĵð kal Tùv piva, mpòs Sè 

5 rovrois kal Tà yelàn ĝiéoyioav. ó Sè Hànpývios 
ovňMaßav Tods yiùápyovs kal Õeiwaîs aikiats mepi- 
Bada Srépherpev. Á Sè oúykànros rv ‘Pwpaiwv 
òà Tyv iepoovàíiav où perpiws éðeoðauóver ot 
òè åvrinoTevópevot TÔ Drrmiwv karpòv eúpóvres 
oixeīov bra poris kaTqyópovv aùroĵ, AéyovTes ös 
ånò Ts êkeīvov yvæuns dravrta nénpayev ð* Hàq- 

6 uývios. ń Sè TúykÀANToS åméorere Tpeopevràs å åyo- 
pavópov kal ðúo ðņudpyovs, el uèv eČpwow àTò 
karà tdos dyayeîv aùròv els ryv ‘Puny, el &è 
uý, ¿âv aùròv ĝafıßdteiw ras vvdpeis els Thv 

1 So Valesius : 'Fraàías P. 

2 es added by Salmasius, Valesius. 


BOOK XXVII. 4. 2—6 

indeed this temple of Persephonê is said to be the 
most renowned in all Italy and to have been kept 
inviolate by the men of the land at all times. So, for 
example, when Pyrrhus brought over his forces from 
Sicily to Locri and, faced with his soldiers’ demand 
for pay, was driven by lack of funds to lay hand on 
the treasures, it is said that such a tempest arose as 
he was putting out again to sea that he and all his 
fleet suffered shipwreck ; Pyrrhus, smitten with fear 
and awe, thereupon made propitiation to the goddess, 
and delayed his departure until he had restored the 

The tribunes, to resume, with a pretence of right- 
eous indignation now stood forth as champions of the 
Locrians, and began to inveigh against Pleminius 
and threaten to bring him to justice. The railings 
growing apace, they finally came to blows, and the 
tribunes, having knocked him to the ground, bit off 
his ears and nose and split open his lips. Pleminius 
put the tribunes under arrest, subjected them to 
severe torture, and did away with them. The re- 
ligious fears of the Roman senate were strongly 
aroused by the pillaging of the temple ; moreover, 
the political opponents of Scipio, having found a 
suitable occasion for discrediting him, charged that 
Pleminius had acted throughout in accordance with 
his wishes. The senate sent out an aedile and two 
tribunes of the people as commissioners, with orders 
to bring Scipio post-haste back to Rome if they 
should find that the sacrilege had been committed 
with his approval; otherwise, they were to allow 

s kataßaàóvres Herwerden. 
4 So Hertlein : meprérpoyov P, nmepiérpwyov edd. 
& nérpayev ô) So Dindorf (after Reiske) : : menpayévar P. 


204 B.O. 


Apúnv. roúrwv è karà Tùv óðòv övrwv, ó 
Zrniwv peranemfpápevos ròv HMànuýviov ëSnoev 
eis dàvow kal mepi Tùy yuuvaciav Ñv tÕv Svváuewv. 
Toi òè õýpapyoi Trara Îavudoavres ènryvecav ròv 
Ermiwva. eis è ‘Poun årayhévros ro Hàn- 
Lpriov, roôrov ġ) oúykànros eis puàaryv årébero, 
kab Ñv aùròv reievrjoat ovvéßn: riv Sè oùotav 
aùroô kafiépwoe kal tà mpoocedeinovra TÔv 
iepoovàņĝévrwv ypnuárwv èk To Šnpociov mpoo- 
beîoa ri Oe kabrépwoev. è&fnpiocaro Sè kal roùs 
Aorpoùs èdevlépovs elva, kal tÔv otpariwrÂv 
Toùs Eyovrds ti TÔv Tis Öépocws? ypnuárwv, èàv 
uÀ karaĵbôow, evõyovs evar Îavárov. 
(Const. Exc. 2 (1), pp. 266-267.) 
8 "Ore perà rò ynhiobiva rà karà Mànuýviov 
piàodpovoðvres Toùs Aokpoùs ot trà moààà tÔv 
davaĵnudrwv ýprakóres kal Îewpoðvres tv tÕv 
xiAdpywv kal roô Màņunviov Tiuwpiav èrm. ŝero- 
Sarpoviav êvémirrTov. oŬrws ó ovveðws ti paðàov 
éavTÂÔ oiwnwpévny åvaðéyerar Tyrwpiav, käv TÓXN 
Sradeànlws rovs dAovs. SÒ mownàaToúpevoi TAS 
puyàs rò OeTov éfriaorópevor éppintovv TÀ xph- 

1 rõv ris Dépoews Büttner-Wobst: rs Dépoews P, tôv 
Depasis (or Depoepárrys) Valesius, rôv ris Depoegórys Din- 


BOOK XXVII. 4. 6-8 

him to transport his armies to Libya. While the 
commissioners were yet on the way, Scipio sum- 
moned Pleminius, put him in chains, and busied 
himself with training his army. The tribunes of the 
people were amazed at this,! and praised Scipio. As 
for Pleminius, he was taken back to Rome, placed in 
custody by the senate, and, while still in prison, 
died ; the senate confiscated his property and, after 
making up from the public treasury any deficiency 
in what had been stolen from the temple, dedicated 
it to the goddess. It was also decreed that the 
Locrians should be free, and that any soldiers posses- 
sing property belonging to Phersis ? should, if they 
failed to restore it, be liable to death. 

After these measures concerning the Pleminius 
affair had been voted as a gesture of goodwill to- 
wards the Locrians,: the men who had stolen most 
of the votive offerings and who now perceived the 
retribution which had befallen the tribunes and 
Pleminius fell a prey to superstitious fears. Such is 
the punishment that one who is conscious of wrong- 
doing suffers in secret, even though he succeed in 
hiding his guilt from other mortals. So now these 
men, tortured in spirit, cast away their plunder in an 
effort to appease the gods. 

1 Rumour had it that Scipio's behaviour was “ un- 
Roman ” and that he had allowed military discipline to 
relax: cp. Livy, 29. 19. 10-13 and 29. 22. 1-6. 

2 Phersis is probably an authentic form of the divine 
name: cp. F. Altheim, Archiv f. Religionswissenschaft, 27 
(1929), 45. 

3 This is the probable sense of the passage, which seems 
to have suffered excessive and inexpert condensation. As it 
stands in the Greek, the phrase “ being well disposed towards 
the Locrians,” is made to agree with “ the men who had 



5. "Ori rò pedos év Tots olkeilois Tiléuevov kar- 
poîs eviore yiverar peydàwv åyalôv airov. 
(Const. Exc. 4, p. 356.) 
6. “Ori ó Erimiwv mapayevnlévrwv mpòs aùròv 
rõv nepi Lófaka rò uèv npôrov ùv ròv čvõpa 
Scðeuévov Edrpvoe, Aoyibópevos Tv máar morè 
pakapıopévnv aùroð Bacıeiav, uer’ oàlyov Sè 
xpóvov rpívas åvðpámwa ġpoveîĉv èv roîs eÙTUyý- 
pao enéraćev aùðròv Aðoat kal thv lav oryvÀv 
dnéðwre kal Tùv &AAnv åroħovðiav yew ovv- 
exópnoe: tnpðv è avròv év! edevhépa? puvàarf 
piàavlpórws dpiňet ral moàdkis éri Seînva map- 
cÀaußávero. (Const. Exc. 2 (1), pp. 267-268.) 
2 "Ori Ekmiwv ròv Xópaka ròv Bacıdéa alyudìw- 
rov àafòv kal Seðeuévov Avgas davðpórws 
opie aèróv™: ero yàp Sev rÅv èmÌ roô moàépov 
ëxbpav uéxpt To veâv puàdrrew, cis ĝè TÚXNV 
aixudàwrov dvôpòs PaciNéws yeyovóros unôèv et- 
apaptávew dvðpwrov övra' èfop yáp, ós čoike, 
TÒV avłpómwov Biov vépesis tis beoô, Ñ Tods Úrėp 
ävðpwrov gpovoðvras raxyòè ris bias dohevelas* 
Úromuvýoket. ið kal ròv Erriwva ris oùk äv 
emawéoew hewpõv mpòs ròv karè trv nodeulwv 
póBov kararànkrikòv yevópevov, rò è toô mpòs 

1 é& added by Salmasius, Valesius. 

2 So Dindorf: édevbepig P. 
3? aùr® Dindorf. 
4 So Dindorf: doeßpeias V. 

BOOK XXVII. 5. 1—6. 2 

5. A lie told in the proper circumstances is some- 
times productive of great benefits.! 

6. When Syphax? and the others were brought 203 s.c. 

before him in chains, Scipio promptly burst into 
tears at the sight, as he thought of the man’s former 
prosperity and kingly state. After a short time, in 
keeping with his resolve to practise moderation even 
in the midst of success, he ordered Syphax to be 
loosed from his bonds, gave him back his tent, and 
allowed him to retain his retinue. While still holding 
him prisoner, though in free custody,’ he treated him 
with kindness and frequently invited him to his 

Scipio, having taken King Syphax prisoner, re- 
leased him from his bonds and treated him with 
kindness.t The personal enmities of war should, he 
felt, be maintained up to the point of victory, but 
since a prisoner’s lot had now befallen one of royal 
rank, he himself, being but human, should do nothing 
amiss. For there is, it would seem, a divine Nemesis 
that keeps watch over the life of man and swiftly 
reminds those whose presumption passes mortal 
bounds of their own weakness. Who then, with an 
eye to the fear and terror that Scipio inspired in the 
enemy, while his own heart was overcome by pity 

1 This may refer to Scipio’s false representations to his 
troops that Şyphax had requested Roman aid in Libya; 
cp. Livy, 29. f4. 4-7. 

2 King of the Masaesyli in western Numidia. Though 
earlier at odds with Carthage, he later became her ally and 
was a determined opponent of the Romans. 

3 The libera custodia of the Romans : see note in Vol. II, 

. 487. 

p 4 This sentence is apparently the excerptor’s summary of 
the preceding fragment. The rest of the excerpt probably 
followed without a gap. 



rods Ņruxnróras éàéov týv puyv ýrrópevov; ós 
èni nodd yàp elwbaow oi mpòs toùs åvrirarro- 
uévovs ġoßepoè? mpòs roùs ónomeoóvras ůndpyew 
Lértpior. ÕiÒ kal rayòù roô Dóharos ó Dririwv TS 
ceis aùrov èmeelas èkouloaro Xdpw. 
(Const. Exc. 4, pp. 356-357.) 
T. "Ori Zopórpa ý mpórepov uèv Macavaoon, 
erà è rara ovvoikýoaca Départ, rò Sè reňev- 
Taîov mdv eis ovppiwow? eMboôoa Sià rùv aly- 
pawoiay’ rô Macavdoon thv re öjuv ĝv empenhs 
kal roîs rpórois mowiàn kal nâêv etounpeúoaobat 
õvuvapévn. ooa şè Kapynõoviwv ouupayist mpoo- 
ékeTo ùrapoĝoa kal eouévy kab’ huépav råv- 
pòs rws ånoorf ‘Pøpns: Åv yàp ý yuvi õevâs 
pórarpis. & Ò) ywwokwv ó Iópač dńwoe Tô 
Ekiriwn mept ris yvvaikòs kal mapekedevoaro 
pvàdárreoðai. roúrois è oúußġwva kal AaÀlov 
Àéyovros, ó Drimiwv eréàevoev yew mpòs éavròv 
TV yvvaîka. mapairovuévov Šė roô Macavdooov * 
mikpórepov enénànéev. ó Sè edhaßnbeis èréħevoev 
amooTtéàdew Toùs mapaàņpouévovs: aùròs Sè raped- 
baw eis riv okny páppakxov Bavdoruov Ti yuva 
doùs? mieîv yvdykaoe. 
8. “Ori Eririwv ià Tov mpòs Toùs èntukóras 

1 Büttner-Wobst suggests the addition of oùòx after yàp. 
2 So Valesius: oúußaow P. 


BOOK XXVĪÍ. 6. 2—8. 1 

for the unfortunate, could fail to praise such a man ? 
It is generally true, in fact, that men dreaded by 
their opponents in combat are apt to behave with 
moderation towards the defeated. So on this occasion 
Scipio soon won from Syphax gratitude for his con- 
siderate treatment. 

7. Sophonba,! who was the wife first of Masinissa, 
then of Syphax, and who finally, as a result of her 
captivity, was reunited with Masinissa, was comely 
in appearance, a woman of many varied moods, and 
one gifted with the ability to bind men to her service. 
As a partisan of the Carthaginian cause she daily 
urged and entreated her husband with great impor- 
tunity to revolt from Rome, for she was, indeed, 
deeply devoted to her country. Now Syphax knew 
this and informed Scipio about the woman, urging 
him to be on his guard. Since this tallied with the 
advice of Laelius as well, Scipio ordered her brought 
before him, and when Masinissa attempted to inter- 
cede, rebuked him sharply. Warily, Masinissa then 
bade him send his men to fetch her, but went himself 
to her tent, handed his wife a deadly potion, and 
forced her to drink it. 

8. By his compassion towards those who had 

1 The daughter of Hasdrubal Gisgo, elsewhere called 
Sophoniba or Sophonisba. According to Zonaras (9. 11) 
she was betrothed to Masinissa but then, for reasons of state, 
married to Syphax. Livy (80. 12. 11) implies that she first 
met Masinissa when he took her prisoner at Cirta. For the 
story of her death see Livy, 30. 13. 8-15. 8. 

3 ùv alypaàwolav] So Vulgate: rõv alypañórwv ed. 

4 So Vulgate: ovppayòs ed. Büttner-Wobst. 

$ So Valesius (Maoo-): Magaváooy P. 

€ Soùs (ĉtĝoùðs Salmasius) added by Dindorf. 



édcov Beßaiav čoxe rv Macavdocov ovupayíav eis 
ànavra tòv perà rara ypővov. 

9. “Ore `Avvipas ovykadeodpevos Toùs ovuda- 
yous dńAwoev aùroîs s dvaykalóv otv aùròv 
Siaßfvar cis Apóny, kai ESwrev éfovoiav aùrôv 
roîs Bovàouévois aùr® ovorpareveiw. čviot pèv 
eiavro thv per™ 'Avvißov idac, roîs & èxo- 
Lévois? tis èv 'Iraàig povis mepiorýoas thv úva- 
uw rò pèv mpôrov rois orparwrTais EÖwWKEV 
efovolav, et tiva Boúàowro Àaußdvew èE aùrôv 
Sodàov: roùs cè Aorroùs karéohačev, àvðpas uèv 
mept Õeopupiovs, inmovs? è mepi Tpioyiàíovs kal 
Tv dnotvyiwv dvaplðunrov nàñlos. 

10. "Ori aùrópodoi Abov mpòs ’Avvißav inneîs 
TETpAKIOYİNOL. OTOL sè rof Bópaxos mrtTaisavros 
npòs Macavdoonv hoav aheorykőres. ò ðè öpyı- 
oleis aùroîs mepiéornoe Tùv úvajuv kal mdávras 
karakovricas Štéðwke ToÙs tmmovs ToÎîs peT’ aùrot 
OTPATLÓTALS. (Consi. Exc. 2 (1), pp- 268-269.) 

11. “Ori ot Kapynðóvioi* oiroðeias eumecoúons 
oi kayékrat TÖV noùrõv émÂupoðvres Asar TÅv 
eiphvnv npoerpéjavro Tòv fjuov emnàcõoat Taîs 
vavol kal tòv oîrov eis Àpéva kopioat. ts ÔÈ 

l uer added by Valesius. 

2 So Büttner-Wobst: sè popévois P, hõouévois T... 
povi Reiske, éopévors rhv . . . povhy Hertlein. 

3 So Dindorf (cp. Appian, Hann. 59): inrmeis P. 
4 toîs Kapynõoviors Dindorf. 

1 Livy, 30. 15. 9-12, describes his efforts to console the 
inpetuous Masinissa. Masinissa, now in his mid-thirties, 


BOOK XXVII. 8. 1—11. 1 

blundered,! Scipio rendered the alliance with Masi- 
nissa secure ever after. 

9. Hannibal, having called together his allies, told 
them that it was now necessary for him to cross over 
into Libya, and offered any who might wish it his 
permission to accompany him. Some chose to cross 
with Hannibal; those, however, who were set on 
remaining in Italy he encircled with his army, and 
having first given his soldiers leave to take anyone 
they wished as a slave, he then slaughtered the rest, 
some twenty thousand men, as well as three thousand 
horses and innumerable pack animals.? 

10. Four thousand cavalry, men who after the 
defeat of Syphax had gone over to Masinissa, now 
deserted to Hannibal. Ín an access of anger, Hanni- 
bal encircled them with his army, shot them all down, 
and distribùted their horses to his own soldiers.? 

11. Carthage being hard pressed for food, those 
citizens who were disgruntled and desired the abro- 
gation of the treaty of peace * incited the populace to 
attack the ships and bring into port the cargo of 
provisions. And though the senate forbade them to 

was to remain the loyal friend of Rome and the implacable 
foe of Carthage till his death in 149 s.c. As king of Massylian 
or eastern Numidia, he was the hereditary enemy of his 
neighbour Syphax. 

2 Cp. Livy, 30. 20, and Appian, Hann. 59. The story of 
the massacre is probably fictitious, or at least grossly 

3 Cp. Appian, Pun. 33. 

4 The treaty was dictated by Scipio and accepted by 
Carthage in the autumn of 203 B.c. While the peace terms 
were being ratified in Rome, Hannibal returned to Africa, 
followed by Mago. The peace party in Carthage was then 
overtħrown, and the attack on the Roman supply ships 
anchored in the Gulf of Tunes was the signal for a renewal 
of hostilities. 



yepovolas oùk dons Asar tàs ovvlýkas ovðeis 
enýkrovoe: Thv yàp koriav ëpagkov oùk ëyew ðrTa 
2 Tò kakòv åyaboð mapeixero pavraciav* 
(Const. Exc. 4, p. 357.) 
12. “Ore Eriniwv anéorede mpòs Kapxnõoviovs 
npéoßeis, oi SÈ öyàor map’ ôàiyov aùroùs åveîdov. 
oi è ovvéoet Siadépovres roúrovs èfýprnacav kal 
LeTà Tpiýpwv èčénemhav. ot è Snpokoroðvres év 
Kapyņnõóvı ròv vaŭðapxov napekeňeúoavrto, Tav at 
maparéwhacai Tpiýpeis àvaorpéjwow, émnÀeðoa 
Toîs mpeoßevrais kal mávras karaoĥáćat. ô kat 
yéyovev' ol è karadvyóvres èm tv yīv Še- 
obbnoav npòs ròv Eririwva. Tò Sè Oelov Toîs 
åoeßioar Bovàopévois Tayéws éveðeiéaro Tùv. avroð 
Súvapıv. oi yàp eis ‘Põpnv ånoorañévres mpeo- 
Beural rôv Kapynõoviwv åvaorpépovres rò yer- 
uâvos karnvéyðnoav eis ròv rv ‘Pwpaiwv 
vaðoraĥðuov? ôv àvayðévraw èm ròv Drimiwva 
kal návrwv Bodwrwv àpúvaoĥłar roùs doeßeîs, ó 
Exmiwv oùrk ëpn Sev mpárrew å Tois Kapy- 
Sovlois èykaħìoðow. oror uèv ov àpebévres 
Sieowbnoav eis thv Kapxnõóva, Bavpáčovres Tův 
Trôv ‘Pwpaiwv eùoéperav. 
(Const. Exc. 2 (1), p. 269.) 
2 “Or rôv Kapynõoviwv mponpaprnkórwv eis ‘Pw- 
paiovs, rò yeuðvos è dvaylévrwv norè mpòs 
Ekiriwva kal ndavrwv Powvrwv åuúvaoĥai Toùs 

1 This passage is followed in V by another version of 
216 i 

BOOK XXVII. 11. 1—12. 2 

violate the agreement, no one paid heed : “ Bellies,” 
they said, “ have no ears.” 

Wrongdoing bore the semblance of right. 

12. Scipio sent envoys to the Carthaginiáns,! and 
the mob all but put them to death. Men of wiser 
counsel, however, rescued them and sent them off 
with an escort of triremes. But the leaders of the 
mob at Carthage urged the admiral? to attack the 
envoys at sea after the escorting triremes turned 
back, and to kill them all. The attack took place, 
but the envoys managed. to escape to the shore, and 
made their way safely back to Scipio. The gods 
swiftly made manifest their power to the wilful 
sinners. For the Carthaginian envoys who had been 
sent to Rome were driven by a storm on their return 
voyage to the very place where the Romans lay at 
anchor; and when they had been brought before 
Scipio there was a general outcry to retaliate on the 
oath-breakers. Scipio, however, declared that they 
must not commit the very crimes of which they were 
accusing the Carthaginians. Accordingly the men 
were released and made their way in safety to 
Carthage, marvelling at the piety of the Romans. 

The Carthaginians, having previously wronged the 
Romans, were on a certain occasion driven by a 
storm into the hands of Scipio. Though there was a 
general outcry to retaliate on the oath-breakers, Scipio 

1 To demand redress for the attack on the ships: cp. 
Polybius, 15. 1-2; Livy, 30. 25; Appian, Pun. 34-35. 

2 Hasdrubal, whose fleet was stationed near Utica: cp. 
Polybius, 15. 2. 

chap. 11. 1: öre rôv rayexrðv énbvpovvrav Aoa rùv eiphvny 
Kal TÑs yepovoias oùx ewons Aoa ràs owvbýras oùbðels ünrýrovoe' 
Tùy yàp Koràlav čġaorov oùk čxew OTa. 

2 So Salmasius, Valesius : đoraðpov P. 



doeßeîs, ó Xririwv obk ëpy ev mpdrrew å toîs 
Kapynõoviois êykañàoĝow. 

13. "Orte rà uèv kaàà mecat mávrwv, oluat, 
Svoyepéoraróv éarıvi ó Sè mpòs xápiv Àóyos ðewòs 
napacrioar pavraciav To ouupépovros, kàv èr 
oÀélpw Aéynrar r@v Povàevopévwv. 

14. '`AAX où kady roîs pev màois ådnavras vikâv, 
úr Sè ris mpòs Toùs? dkàņnpoðvras pys ýrrâ- 
obar, kal mkpórara pooðvras Toùs Ùnèp åvôpwrov 
ġpovoðvras, ev raîs eùrvyíais aùrToùs Taîrta mpat- 

a m~ t 
Tew å roîs Aois eykañoðvres Tvyyávovoit. TóTE` 

Ai 3 A m“ 3 e fA A 3 2 
yàp dànôÀs ràñpós otw ý ófa rÕv eùruxnkórwv, 
Örav ó kparôv Tùv eùruyiav pépy kar dvôpwrov. 
èmpléyyerar yàp čkaoros mi Ti Toúrwv puveiq 
Sidri rÅs vins ónápyovow diot, Toîs è êmiAabo- 
uévois rÅs avłpwrivņns púoews ó ġôõvos avri- 
káðyrar \vpawópevos Tv TÕv eùrvyovvrwv Šóćav. 
oùðèv ydp sri uéya? ròv ékovoíws Únmominmrovrta 
goveðeiv ovðè Îavpaoròv ddavioar Tòv TÕv TVX- 
kórwv ßiov. oùk àóyws yàp ot ToroîTot TVy- 
yávovow dðoias, Šrav TàS kowàsS TÕV AKÀNpPOVVTWV 
karaġvyàs avupôoi, tis dvipwmivņs dobeveias 

15. “Ort mporepe? toîs dvbpærois ris pèv Ti- 
pwpias eùepyecia, Tis è wuóTnTos ýt mpòs Toùs 
entaikóTas êmelketa. 

2 "Ori ow Tis eùpooðoav EXEL TV TÓXNV, TOCOŬTW 
X , a ` í yo 7 , 
põňov evAapeîola xP trv tòv àvðpæmwov iov 

emiokonoboav vépeow. 

1 7o added by Herwerden. 2 oùs added by Herwerden, 
3 obðèv . . . péya Dindorf: oùðè . . . perà V. 
4 toòs after ġ deleted by Mai. 

BOOK XXVII. 12. 2—15. 2 

declared that they must not commit the very crimes 
of which they were accusing the Carthaginians. 

13. To persuade men to a noble course of action is, 
in my opinion, of all things the most difficult, whereas 
words designed to please have wondrous power to 
suggest a semblance of advantage, even though they 
lead to the ruin of those who adopt such counsel.! 

14. There is no honour in conquering the world by 
force of arms only to be overcome by anger directed 
against hapless wretches ; nor yet in nursing a bitter 
hatred against the overweening if in prosperity we do 
the very things ourselves for which we blame others. 
Glory is the true portion of those who win success 
only when the conqueror bears his good fortune with 
moderation. When such men are mentioned every- 
one remarks that they are worthy of their laurels, 
but envy dogs those who forget their common mor- 
tality, and taints the glory of their success. It is 
no great thing to slay the suppliant at one’s feet, no 
wondrous exploit to destroy the life of a defeated 
enemy. Not without reason do men win an ill repute 
when unmindful of the frailty of all things human 
they abolish the refuge that is the common privilege 
of all unfortunates. 

15. An act of kindness avails men more than re- 
venge, and gentle treatment of a fallen foe more 
than savage cruelty. 

The more favourable the tide of fortune, the more 
one must beware of the Nemesis that watches over 
the life of man. 

2 This and the following excerpts seem to be derived from 
the speeches of various parties in the Roman senate, and 
perhaps in part from those of the Carthaginian envoys. Cp. 
in general the debate at Syracuse in 413 s.c. over the 
Athenian prisoners (Book 13. 20 ff.). 



3 "Or oùðèv mapà dvôpómois oùre kakòv oğrte 
àyalòv éorņkuîav yet Thv Tádé, TÎS TúxNS orep 
ènirnões TÁVTA pPETAKWOŬVONS. Siò kal Tpoońket 
TÒ TOÀÙ ppóvnpa kartaTıibepévovs èv toîs dAAoTpiois 

åràqpýuaoť Tòv Bov efaopaditeoba Biov: ó yàp 
Toîs ÈmTULKOOW emeLkÕS xpnoápevos ÒikaroTdTys 
äv êv Taîs To Ríov perTapodaîs TÚXOL Tovwpias. 
Tapà èv ov rToîs ékTòs etwbe Toîs ToLoŬToIS 
deiuvnoros ênakodovbeîv čmawos, mapà è roîs ef 
nalodow ) kar dčiav tĝs eùepyesias pvàdrreolai 
xápis. kal yàp äv dorpaTaTós Ts ðv ééov 
TÚXN, peTapoiàe Sà rù eùepyeoiav kal Ttayò 
yiverar ġûos, é éavT® peppópevos. 

16. “Ori ĝe? Tapà Toîs eù dpovoðoi tàs pè hiàias 

alavárovs únápyew, tàs Sè ExIpas elvai Ovyrás. 
oùTw yàp páNoTa ToÙs èv eùvooûvras ovufphoera 
mÀeiortovs yevéolar, roùs Sè dotpiws Siarerpévovs 

2 “Ori roùs hyetohaı Bovàopévovs ræv dàÀwv oùy 
oŬtw roîs ÀÀois Úrmepéyev dvaykaîov ws êmieikeig 
kal perpiórnTe Šel vikâv dravras. ó pèv yàp èk 
TOÔ kpateioba póßos pioeîoha moreî TOÙS kpatoĝv- 
TAS, į Sè eis ToÙS ÚrTwpévovs” eùyvwpooúvy Tîs 
eùvoias airia yivopévn Beßaiws ovvéģet tàs Ñye- 
povías., Siórrep è$ cov npovooúpela TiS maTtpios, 
èm Tocoĝrov eùàaßnyréov å ävýkeotóv TiL kal arànpòv 
mpâêa katà Tõv éavroùs ékovoiws mapaĝıðóvrwv. 
mâs yàp Toùs pèv úreppañoúoas avupopaîs mepi~ 
megóvras éàeeî, käv unõèv mporýkwoi, roùs Õè 

1 So Dindorf : åràņpópao V. 
2 70ô kpareîoba: after ýrrwpévovs deleted by Dindorf. 
3 ouwége: Dindorf. 


BOOK XXVII. 15. 3—16. 2 

In the affairs of men nothing remains stable, 
neither the good nor the ill, since Fortune, as if of 
set purpose, keeps all things in constant change. It 
becomes us, therefore, to put aside our high conceits,, 
and profit by the misfortunes of others to make our 
own lives secure ; for the man who has used the fallen 
gently most richly deserves whatever consideration 
he himself meets in the vicissitudes of life. Undying 
praise commonly attends such men even from those 
not affected, and those who have actually received 
the favour cherish a feeling of gratitude such as it 
merits. Even a bitter enemy, in fact, if he find 
mercy, is transformed by the act of kindness, and 
straightway becomes a friend as he sees his own 

16. The intelligent man should see to it that his 
friendships are immortal, his enmities mortal. Thus 
most surely will it ensue that his friends will be 
legion, while those who are iil disposed will be fewer 
in number. 

It is less essential that men who aspire to exercise 
authority should be superior to their fellows in other 
respects than that they should altogether surpass 
them in clemency and moderation. For whereas the 
fear engendered by conquest makes the conquerors 
an object of hatred, consideration for the defeated is 
productive of goodwill, and will be a stable bond of 
empire. It follows from this that the greater our 
concern for the future welfare of our country, the 
more we must beware of taking some harsh and irre- 
mediable action against those who have made volun- 
tary submission to us. For everyone pities those who 
have succumbed to overwhelming misfortunes, even 
though there be no personal bond, and everyone hates 



Ûnrepnpdvws raîs eùrvyiais ypwpévovs mocî, räv 
túxwow övres oúuuayov äváyet yáp, olat, Tò 
npaybèv ékaoros mpòs éavròv kal ovvayavakreî 
roîs Ņkànpnkóoi, phovôv rañs rôv karoplwodvrwv 

17. “Or: örav mós êmonuoráry nmacôv oğtws 
åvnàcðs dvapnaobi, róre Šù kal põdàov ý mepi 
Tovrwv Ýróànjis ĉia mdons ëpxerar Tis oikovpévns. 
où yap oŭrws Toùs eÔ mpáfavras ravres mawo- 
aw os ToÙs àvyuépws xpnoapévovs tToîs Únonecoĝ- 
aw ópoàoyovuévwSs puooĝow. 

2e "Ori Tv Èdopévny cùrvyiav mapà beoð pù pépew 
avbpwnivws mov kakv elwhev aïrov yive- 

3 “Ori rois trù» Tóny uù ġépovoi kar ävðpwrov 
ikav) mâsa npóßacıs èri Tò yeîpov peraßaàeîiv. 
opâre ov prore roùs dneyvwguévovs vôpas 
åáyaboùs yevéoðaı morowpev. rat yàp Tà erdd- 
Tatra TÕV Çğwv ëyovra uèv avaorpopùv evye, 
avykàeobévra òè cis orevòv tónov åniorws aywvi- 
terav rai Kapyyðóviot tràs uèv éàniðas ris ow- 
Tnpias ëyovres úroywpoðow, dmoyvõvres è nâv rò 
Sewòv úropevoĉow* év raîs páyais. Örav yàp kal 
heúyovoi kal uayouévois Únoreipevov Ñ Teievrâv, 
ó perà Šóéns Oávaros roô uer aloyúvns? aiperó- 
Tepos kpibýoerar map’ aùrtoîs. 

4 "Ori ó Bios moààà éyet napdõoča. Švorvyoðvras 
uèv ov mapapdňeohat yp) Kal troñs peyiorois 
Kiwvõúvois Onpâobar Tův napaßo`ńv? ovt kañòv è 

1 So Herwerden: úropévovow V. 
2 tiv after aloyúóvņs deleted by Dindorf. 

3 peraßoàńv Bekker, Dindorfs. 
4 où added by Herwerden. 


BOOK XXVII. 16. 2—17. 4 

those who make arrogant use of good fortune, even 
though they be allies. Each of us, I suppose, regards 
whatever is done as though it were done to him ; he 
shares the resentment of the unfortunate, and be- 
grudges the prosperity of the successful. 

17. Whenever a city of the highest renown is thus 
pitilessly ravaged, then indeed do the current notions 
about these people! spread even more readily 
throughout the world, since men are never so ready 
to agree in praising noble actions as to join with one 
accord in hating those who behave savagely towards 
a fallen foe. 

The failure to carry with due moderation what- 
ever good fortune the gods grant usually produces 
many ill consequences. 

Any occasion whatsoever is sufficient to prompt a 
change for the worse when men are unable to carry 
their good fortune with due moderation. Be warned, 
then, and see to it that we do not force these men, 
made desperate, into a display of bravery. Why, 
even the most cowardly beasts, which turn and run 
if a way be open, put up an incredible struggle when 
cornered ; in like manner the Carthaginians continue 
to give way as long as they retain some hopes of 
safety, but once driven to desperation will stand and 
face any possible danger in battle. If death lies in 
store for them whether they flee or fight, death with 
honour will seem to them preferable to death and 

Life is full of the unexpected. ĮFn times of mis- 
fortune, therefore, men should take risks and pursue 
their venture even at great peril. But when the 

ł Probably the Romans, though the word could also be 
neuter, “‘ these matters.” 



TÀv TúxŅv eùpooðgsav čyovras* aŬroùs eis rò Tapd- 
Boñov ôðóvar. 

5 "Ori obeis hyeTohat Svvduews? TÕv kròs Svva- 
oreias Àayav érépois ékovoiws èkywpeî. 

18. “Ori årvyiav dðıkias màeîorov hyoðuar Sia- 
gépei kai õeîv ékarépw roúrwv olkelws mpoopépe- 
olav rara ydp orv eô Bovàevopévww åvðpôv. 
ò pèv oðv mraloas èv T® unõèv dpapre uéya 
õixaiws äv karapóyort mpòs Tv kowòv Toîs åKÀN- 
poño čàeov, ó è péyiora doeßýoas kal rò ù 
Aeyóuevov &ppqra npòs pw kal duóryrTa mpádčas 
aùròs aŭròv dréorņoe Toravrys hidavôpwnias’ où 
yàp Õuvaròv rò’ eis érépovs œpòðv yevőuevov èv 
pépet mraicavra Tvyyáveiw èàéovs, oùôè ròv olkrov 
eé avôpónwv rò raf’ aúròv uépos äpavra rata- 
devye mi tråv trÔv wv émweikerav. Ŝikarov 
yáp orw, ôv raf’ érépwv tis vópov člyre, ToÚTWw 

2 "Ori ò roùs kowods èxôpoùs rèp ánávrwv Tipw- 
pyoduevos ŠĵÀov ws Kkowòs àv edepyérys vopitorro, 
kal kalánrep ol Tà Õewwórtepa TÕv Iypiwv dvarpoôv- 
Tes Õs eÔ moioðvres TÒv kowòv Biov èrnaivou tvy- 
xávovow, oŭTws oi rv Kapxņõðoviwv œuóryra ka 
Tò Onpðåes ris avəpwrnóryros koàdoavres ðuo- 
Àoyovuévws reúčovrar Tis peyiorns óéns. 

1 eùpooñoav éyovraşs Wurm : eùbòs dvéyovras V. 
2 Suvápews] ðvvápevos Wurm. 


BOOK XXVII. 17. 4—18. 2 

stream of fortune flows smoothly, it is not well to put 
oneself in jeopardy. 

No one who has won control over a foreign people 
willingly resigns to others the command of his army.1 

18. There is a vast difference, to my mind, between 
misfortune and misdoing, and we should deal with 
each of them in the way that is appropriate to it, as 
befits men of wise counsel. So, for example, a man 
who has blundered but yet has committed no great 
wrong may justly take refuge in the compassion that 
is extended to all unfortunates. On the other hand, 
the man who has sinned deeply and who has perpe- 
trated deeds of violence and brutality that are, as 
they say, “ unutterable,” puts himself wholly beyond 
the pale of such human feelings. It is impossible 
that one who has proved cruel towards others should 
meet with compassion when he in turn blunders and 
falls, or that one who has done all in his power to 
abolish pity among men should find refuge in the 
moderation of others. To apply to each the law that 
he has set for others is no more than just. 

One who in the name of the whole people has ex- 
acted vengeance from the common foe may, quite 
clearly, be considered a public benefactor. Just as 
those who destroy the more dangerous beasts win 
praise for contributing to the welfare of all, so now 
those who have curbed the savage cruelty of the Car- 
thaginians and the bestial strain in humanity will by 
common consent gain the highest renown. 

1 The text is difficult and possibly corrupt. The passage 
may refer to Scipio’s reluctance to see another conclude the 
peace that he had won (cp. Livy, 30. 36. 11). 

3 òv added here by Madvig, and deleted after yevópevov 



"Ori róTe ékaoros dvõpeiws Úmouévet ròv rivðv- 
vov ôte Ñ TOÔ vixâv ÈÀmis éorw úrokerévy' ó õè 
mpoeðws éavròv rryônoóuevov év TÔ pacu ral 
puy rv owrnpiav yer kepévnv. 


(Const. Exc. 4, pp. 357-360.) 

BOOK XXVII. 18. 3 

Everyone faces danger bravely when the hope of 
victory is well founded, but for one who knows in 
advance that he will be defeated safety lies only in 
flight and escape. 

1 So Dindorf: õrav V. 



1. “Ore Dirros ð rv Makeðóvæv Pacideùs 

Araia ðv Ailtwàóv, avè ÀPO 1 
pxov Tòv Aitrwàóv, ävðpa Toàunpőv, meisas 
7 pÁ Ea ~ Ed 
nerpareðew ¿Dwrev aÙT®' vaðs etkoor npocérače 
è ràs èv výoovs þopoñoyetv, Toîs è Kpnot mapa- 
Bonbeîv èv T® mpos ‘Poðiovs moàéuw. oros? Sè 
kaTa tas vroàas Toùs pèv európovs eàńoreve, TAS 
Sè výoovs AeņnàatrÔÙ dpyúpiov eioenpartrero. 
< Pai 

2. Ore Pirros ò rv Makeðóvwv Paoıdeùs 
e 2 A > a 
Hpardciðnv rwa Tapavrivov eÎye ue?’ éavroô, 

hi EA 8 A a A ? ~ A~ 

movnpòv dvlpwrov, ôs kar’ iav aùr® AaAÔv Toà- 
Àà A ò A ò Àd A 3 3 + $ 

às kal pevðeis ceaßodàs TÕv év dčrouatı keruévwv 

tá pA £ ` 3? ~ ko 3 la 
piàwv édeye’ réàos ðè els roro Abev doeßeias 
aTe ToùS TmpæTous ToÔ cuveðplov névre àvõpas 
améohaģe. ðð kal rò Àorròv èri TÒ yeîpov aùr 
Tà npáyuara mpoýyero™: moàéuovs yàp oùk avay- 
kalous emavaipovpevos èkivõúvevoev anoßadeiv Tv 
Bacıàciav úrò ‘Pwpaiwv. oùkére yàp oùðeis 
3’ o7 A 7 ” 4 , IQ z 
eróàua trÕv piàwv éyew* mappnoiav oùÙðè ÈmTÀNT- 

1 So Salmasius, Valesius : aùròv P. 
2 So Dindorf: aùròs P. 

3 So Dindorf: rmpoņnyáyero P. 
ê ye] yew Dindorf. 

1 Philip V (221-179 B.c.). 2 See Book 27. 3. 
3 Polybius (18. 54. 10) records that wherever he landed he 


1. Philip, the king of the Macedonians, induced c. 204 ».o. 

Dicaearchus of Aetolia, a bold adventurer, to engage 
in piracy, and gave him twenty ships. He ordered 
him to levy tribute on the islands and to support the 
Cretans in their war against the Rhodians.? Obedient 
to these commands Dicaearchus harried commercial 
shipping, and by marauding raids exacted money 
from the islands.3 

2. Philip, the king of the Macedonians, had by 
him a certain knavish fellow, Heracleides of Taren- 
tum, who in private conversations with the king made 
many false and malicious charges against the friends 
whom Philip held in high esteem. Eventually Philip 
sank so low in impiety as to murder five leading 
members of the council. From that point on his 
situation deteriorated, and by embarking upon un- 
necessary wars he came near losing his kingdom at 
the hands of the Romans. For none of his friends 
any longer dared speak their minds or rebuke the 

set up altars to Impiety and Lawlessness. Holleaux (R.E.G. 
33 [1920], 223 f. = Études d’ épigraphie et d'histoire grecques, 
4. 124 ff.) dates the expedition in 205 or 204, rather than in 
202 s.c. (as its place in the narrative might suggest), and 
considers its mention here incidental to a moral judgement 
on Philip. Dicaearchus was put to death at Alexandria by 
Aristomenes in 196 B.c. 
4 Cp. below, chap. 9, and Polybius, 13. 4. 

VOL. XI I 220 


Tew Ti TOÔ Paoiéws dvoig, meppikws aŭro Thv 
mponéreav. eorpárevoe è émi Aapõdvovs oùðėv 
dôıkovras, kat roúrovs maparáčer vikýoas åveñiev 
e y AJ r 

únèp Toùs pvpiovs. 

3. "Ore Drros ó trôv Mareðóvwv Baoieùs 
xwpis trs mÀàcovečías oðrws únmepńýavos v èv raîs 
eùrvyiais Öare roùs uèv plovs drpirws dno- 
oháćčar, roùs è rdġovs rv mporeredeuvrykótrwv 
kal ToAÀà TÕV iepôv karaokdmrew. °Avrioyos &è 
Tò kata Tùv ° Edvuaia Téuevos roô Aiðs ovàâv èm- 
Baàðuevos mpérovoav Tův kataorpopùův eôpe toô 
Biov, perà mdons ths Švvápews droàópevos. àu- 
pórepor Sè ras aúrôv ðuvdueis dvuroorárovs evar 
vopioavres u napardée: ovvnvaykáoðnoav érépois 
mowîv TÒ mpoorartTóuevov. Š kal TÕs* uèv mept 
aùroùs yevouévns drvyías tràs lðias åpaprias Ņri- 
âvro, rôv &è ovyywpnlévrwov hidavðpónwv ràs 
xáptTas eîyov Toîs êv TÔ kparetv émeikÂs aùroîs 
XPNoapévois. Tovyapoðv worep anò neprypapis? 
TÕv iwy mpáfewv emi Tò yeîpov édpwv Tàs avrôv 
Baoiàeias nò roô Õauoviou mpoayopévas. oi Sè 
‘“Pwpaîot kat róre kal merà rara Šixalovs evi- 
oTápevot Toé ovs kat: TÀcîorov? õpkwv kal onov- 
ðv mowoúpevot Àdyov oùk dàóðyws ovuuáyovs 
eÎyov Toùs Îeoùs év ardoas raîs èmpoàaîs. 

(Const. Exc. 2 (1), pp. 269-270.) 
1 So Salmasius, Valesius : rots P. 

2? So Van der Mey : mapaypaphs P. 
3 So Salmasius, Valesius ;: màelorwv P. 

+ Antiochus IIl, the Great, ruler of the Seleucid kingdom 

BOOK XXVIII. 2. 1—3. 1 

king’s folly for fear of his impetuous temper. He 
also led an expedition against the Dardanians, though 
they had done him no wrong, and after defeating 
them in pitched battle massacred more than ten 
thousand men. 

3. Quite apart from his aggressive ambition, 
Philip, the king of the Macedonians, was so arrogant 
in prosperity that he had his friends put to death 
without benefit of trial, destroyed the tombs of earlier 
generations, and razed many temples to the ground. 
As for Antiochus,! his project of pillaging the sanc- 
tuary of Zeus at Elymaïs brought him to appropriate 
disaster, and he perished with all his host. Both 
men, though convinced that their armies were irre- 
sistible, found themselves compelled by the outcome 
of a single battle ? to do the bidding of others. In con- 
sequence they ascribed to their own shortcomings 
the misfortunes that befell them, while for the 
generous treatment that they were accorded they 
were duly grateful to those who in the hour of victory 
practised such moderation. So it was that, as if 
following a design sketched in their own acts, they 
beheld the decline into which heaven was leading 
their kingdoms. The Romans, however, who both on 
this occasion and thereafter engaged only in just 
wars and were scrupulous in the observance of oaths 
and treaties, enjoyed, not without reason, the active 
support of the gods in all their undertakings. 

from 223 to 187 s.c. For the incident at Elymaïs (187 B.C.) 
see Book 29. 15. 

2 This refers to the battles of Cynoscephalae, 197 s.c., and 
Magnesia, 189 B.c., not to a single engagement affecting 
both monarchs. With the whole passage cep. Polybius, 
15. 20, on the unholy alliance of the two kings to divide the 
Ptolemaic Empire (c. 203/2 ».c.). 



e $ ~ “~ 
4. "Ori où uóvov dv tis èml rÕv rwrikâðv ovp- 
$ kd AJ ~ ~ 
Podaiwv ečpoi? roùs movnpevouévous raîs èk tôv 
F r 
vópwv nuliais mepinrinmtovras, QÀAÀà kal rtôÔv 
Àc A 307 2 3 La 
Baoidéwv roùs dôikois mpaypaoıw êmpBadouévovs 
y ~ 2 
mapa TOÔ Õarpoviov Teuwpias Tuyyávovras. orep 
hJ m ? + 
yàp Toîs èv ðņpokpartiq morTevopévois ó vópos, 
e ~ ? ? + AA $ 
oŭrw rToîs êv egovolais ò Beòs Bpaßevrs yivera 
Tv mparTopévwv, kal ToÎs pèv TÙùV àperův uera- 
A 3 A A Ed ~ y a 
crbtaow oikeîa ris dperñs ënabàa èmriðnor, roîs 
sè A À z pi AAA ? 3 
È Thv nàcovečiav Ņ) twa &ÀÀàņnv kakiav èrmaveio- 
lA 3 3 hJ A Ed 
pévois oùk eis pakpàv Tv mpooýkovoav piorno 
Tıpwpiav. (Const. Exc. 4, p. 360.) 
e F e ~ 
5. "Ore Dirros ó rv Mareðóvwv Bacıdeùs 
f. "~ 
onravigav tpopis où ére tiw úr ”Arraàov 
, m , p m r 
xoópav àeņàarðv péxyp ris trôv Iepyaunvôv 
nódews. karéokape è kal Tà mept rò Iépyauov 
e EA + ~ 
tepd, TO Te Nixnpópiov? moàuredðs kareokevacpé- 
l rààda yàvdàs é 8 : è 
vov kal råa yàupas éyovra Îavpačopévas els 
ZÀ pd 2 > > ~ $ a hi y 
TéÀos mapovnoe.? Ör opyis yàp éywv röv ”Arra- 
? y ~ 
Àov, èrei roôrov où karéìaße mepi roúrouvs rovs 
få h] ~ 
TóTovs, Tòv luov eis rara kareribero. 
(Const. Exe. 2 (1), pp- 270-271.) 
6. "Ore Mdpros Aipiàos droràeúoas els ”Aßv- 
ò l Di ` + A ed 
ov npòs Pi\rrov rà Sesoypéva r ovykàńTw 
A m a 
mept rv ovuuáxywv anýyyeiev aùr. ó ðè 
y 3y A 
épnoev, àv èv èupévwot Taîs ôuoàoyiais “Pw- 
patot, morýoew aùtToùs òplðs, dav è êneußaivwo, 

1 So Dindorf: ečporro V. 
2 So Valesius : rovðevixngópov P. 


BOOK XXVIII. 4. 1—8. 1 

4. Not only, we may note, do those who wickedly 
violate private contracts fall foul of the law and its 
penalties, but even among kings all who engage in 
acts of injustice meet with retribution from on high. 
Just as the law is the arbiter of men’s deeds for the 
citizens of a democratic state, so is God the judge of 
men in positions of authority : to those who seek 
after virtue he grants rewards appropriate to their 
virtue, and for those who indulge in greed or any 
other vice he appoints prompt and fitting punishment. 

5. Driven by the need to obtain provisions, Philip, 
the king of the Macedonians, went about plundering 
the territory of Attalus, even to the very gates of 
Pergamum. He razed to the ground the sanctuaries 
round about the city, and did extreme violence to the 
richly bedecked Nicephorium and to other temples 
admired for their sculptures. He was, in fact, en- 
raged with Attalus and, because he failed to find him 
in that part of the country, vented his spleen on the 

6. Having sailed to Abydus to meet Philip, Marcus 
Aemilius announced to him the decisions of the 
senate respecting the allies. Philip replied that if 
the Romans abided by their agreements they would 
be acting rightly, but that, if they trampled them 

1 Cp. Polybius, 16. 1. The Nicephorium was sacred to 
Athena “ Bringer of Victory,” whose type appears regularly 
on the Attalid coinage. 

2 Cp. Polybius, 16. 34. 1-7. Holleaux (Cambridge Ancient 
History, 8. 164) argues that this mission of M. Aemilius 
Lepidus was coincident with the actual opening of hostilities, 
and was in fact the declaration of war, indictio belli, the 
Roman ultimatum having already been transmitted to Philip 
through Nieanor. 

3 So Wesseling : mapõóvieoe P. 

201 B.C. 

200 B.C. 


Toùs Oeoùs émyjraprupóuevos àpvveioĝat rods åŝl- 
kov Toàépov kaTápyxovrtas. 
(Const. Exc. 4, p. 361.) 

7. “Ore Pirros ó Makeðav èri tàs ’Abúvas 
elav karteorparonéevoev èml rò Kvuvóoapyes. 
Lera è rara tùv 'Akaðnpiav evérpnoe kal Toùs 
Tdous katéokapev, ëre Sè Tà Tepévy rv beôv 
eÀvuývaro. xapiodpevos è TÔ Îvuĝ, kabárep eis 
 Abývas dAX’ oùkx eis rò BeTov etauaprávwv, óró 
èv rõv avôpõnwv kal máar Pàaognpovuevos 
TTE TEÀéws epohin, úno Sè Beðv raxù TÄS poo- 
nkoúons émiriuýocews čTuye, Šia puèv rv iĝiav 
Gpovàiav roîs õdois ohadeis, Sià Sè rv “Pwpaiwv 

(Const. Exc. 2 (1), p. 271.) 

8. "Ori ó inros ovvvohoas Tv åbvulav t®v 
arpariwrõv, ToÚTovs mapalapovvwv ðiðaorev őri 
Tois pèr vixðow oùðèv ToÝTwV yiverat, roîs &è 
katrà Tv rrav anmoÀupévois où ĝiahépeiw órò 
mnàikwv äv tpavudtTwv arobávwor. 

“Ore òs émi modd ceiwbacw ot Toîs rpórois pabor 
Toùs ouvavaotpehopévovs óuolovs éavrtoîs ovykata- 
akevátew. (Const. Exc. 4, p. 361.) 

9. “Ore Diurros hewpv rv Mareóvwv roùs 
màciorovs éavr® yaderðs ëyovras émi TÔ Tòv 
‘“Hpardeiðnv čyew piàov, mapéðwrev aùròv eis Tùv 
pvàakýv. v ðè oros Tapavrīvos èv rò yévos, 
movnpig Sè Únepßfadovon xpúpevos kal ròv 
Dirrov éE êmekoñs Bacidéws meromkòs mpòv 

2 So Herwerden : åuvúvesðai V. 

BOOK XXVIII. 6. 1—9. 1 

under foot, he would call the gods to witness their 
unjust aggression and would defend himself against 

7. On his arrival at Athens, Philip of Macedon 
encamped at Cynosarges, and proceeded to set fire 
to the Academy, to pull down the tombs, and even 
to outrage the sanctuaries of the gods.! By thus 
indulging his anger as if it were Athens rather than 
the gods that he was offending, he now not only 
incurred the utter hatred of mankind, that had long 
reviled him, but also brought down upon his head 
swift and fitting chastisement from the gods. For 
through his own lack of prudence he was thoroughly 
defeated, and it was only through the forbearance 
of the Romans that he met with lenient treatment. 

8. Philip, observing that his men were disheartened, 
pointed out to them by way of encouragement that 
none of these ills attend a victorious army, while for 
those who perish in defeat it makes no difference 
whether their death-wounds are large or small.? 

As a general rule men of base character inculcate 
a similar baseness in their associates. 

9. Philip, perceiving that most of the Macedonians 
were angry with him because of his friendship for 
Heracleides, had him placed in custody.* A native 
of Tarentum, Heracleides was a man of surpassing 
wickedness, who had transformed Philip from a 

1 Cp. Livy, 31. 24. The tombs were those of the famous 
cemetery of the Outer Cerameicus, beyond the Dipylon, 
where many of the finest examples of Attic funerary art have 
been discovered. 

2 Livy, 31. 34, speaks of the terror inspired in the Mace- 
donians, at their first encounter, by the Romans’ use of the 
Spanish sword. 

3 Cp. Livy, 32. 5. 


199 B.C. 

199/8 B.C. 


A 3 ~ [d A y ES A A A 
Kal doeßĝ Túpavvov. Šio Ô) kat mapà nâo. roîs 
Maxeðóot kal roîs “Eààyot úreppañàóvrws ovv 
?: A ` e + 
éBawwe pocîohar ròv “Hparàeiðnv. 

(Const. Exe. 2 (1), p. 271.) 

Chap. 10 : see below, after Chap. 12. 

11. “Ori rv 'Hrepwrôv npéofes meppávrwv 
npòs PiArrov kat Pàauiviov, PÀapivios pèv ğero 
Sev rov Drrov êrywpeiv ánaons tris “‘EMdôõos, 
nws dadpoúpņros Ĥ Kal aùróvopos, åmoðoðvaı Sè 
kal roîs mapeonovònpévois tràs Bàdfas eùðorov- 
uévws. Ó òè épy ðe rà pèv mapà toô marpòs 

3 A t, ra » kd $: 
aùr® ratraàcàceiupéva Beßaiws ëyew, doa è tvy- 
xávet mpoonypévos, êk Toúrwv edyew tàs ġpov- 

2 b ô A ~ À 7 F. 8 3 T. b 
pás, mept ð rs Pàdpns rpiveocðai. eimóvros ğè 

hi A À d hi m 7 Ea ki 
mpòs rara Pàapwiov uù) SeTohar kpioews, dev Sè 
aùrov Toùs nmerovhóras nelle, kat dóri Tapa TÎS 
Bovàñs évroħààs čyot raúras mws pů pépos Tĝs 
“EdÀdõos dààà nmâsav aùrùv eàevbepoðv, úroňaßav 
Lj la A la z FA £ 
ô Piirros, Kai ri Torov Bapúrepőv, now, mpoo- 
erdéar dv poi moàéuw kparýoavrtres; Kal traôr 
ceimwv èywpiohy Swwpyiopévos. 

12. “Ori övros ro ’Avrıióyov toô tis `Acias 
Baotàéws mept ròv ts Avormayeias móňews dv- 
okiopor? mapeyevýbnoav oi mapà Pàapwiov mpé- 
oßeis. eioayhévres ðè eis Tò ovvéðpiov mapekdÀovv 
’Avrioyov ékywpoar rv úno Ilroàepañov ral 
Pirrov yeyevnuévæv nóàcwv, kat kabóàov Bavud- 

1 So Dindorf (cp. Book 4. 24): eùðorxipovpévws V. 
2 So Dindorf : mponypéos V. 
3 So Dindorf: avwxiouòv V. 


BOOK XXVIII. 9. 1—12. 1 

virtuous king into a harsh and godless tyrant, and 
had thereby incurred the deep hatred of all Mace- 
donians and Greeks. 

11. On the occasion of the Epirote embassy to 
Philip and Flamininus,! Flamininus held that Philip 
must completely evacuate Greece, which should 
thereafter be ungarrisoned and autonomous, and 
that he must offer satisfactory compensation for 
damage done to those who had suffered from his 
breaches of faith. Philip replied that he must have 
assured possession of what he had inherited from his 
father, but that he would withdraw the garrisons 
from whatever cities he had himself won over, and 
would submit the question of damages to arbitration. 
To this Flamininus replied that there was no need 
of arbitration, that Philip himself must make terms 
with those whom he had wronged ; furthermore he 
himself was under orders from the senate to liberate 
Greece, the whole of it, not merely a part. Philip 
retorted by asking : “ What heavier condition would 
you have imposed if you had defeated me in war? ”, 
and with these words he departed in a rage. 

12. While Antiochus, the king of Asia, was engaged 
in refounding the city of Lysimacheia,? the commis- 
sioners sent by Flamininus arrived. Having been led 
before the council, they called upon Antiochus to 
retire from the cities previously subject to Ptolemy 
or to Philip, and said that in general they wondered 

1 Consul for 198 s.c. The texts of Diodorus, Dio, and 
Zonaras generally give his name as Ọàapivıos instead of 
Dàapırîvos ; Polybius uses only the praenomen and nomen, 
T. Quinctius. For this meeting of Philip and Flamininus at 
the Aoüs see Livy, 32. 10. 1-8. 

2 In Thrace. For a fuller account of the meeting see 
Polybius, 18. 50-52. 


198 B.C. 

196 B.O. 


eiv ëpacav ti Povàóuevos meģikds re kal vavrikàs 
gvuvdyet Švvdpeis kal Ti ıavoovuevos Siaßéßnkev 
els riv Eùpóny, ce p) ‘Pwpaiois emipdàderar 
modeueîv. ò Õè ’Avríoxos Toîs eippévois avTiàé- 
yov čpn bavudew nôs  Powpaior rìs ’ Acias 
dvriroioðvrai, Tv karà Thv 'lraàlav aùroô uy- 
sèv roàunpaypovoðvros: Avoipayeis? è dvoikitwv 
oùre ‘Pwpaîov oŭre dÀAdov oùðéva BÀdrreiv™: Tà Sè 
npòs Iroàepaîov aùròs hpovrigew* mws pnòepâs 

aupioßnrýoews tvyxávn: Soe yàp aùr TÀ 
Ovyarépa yuvaîka. kai troúrav pnlévrwv tv 
àóywv ot ‘Pwpaîor oùK eùdokoðvres êywpiohnoav. 
(Const. Exe. 4, pp. 361-362.) 

Chap. 13: see below, after „Chap. 10. 

10. "Ori ’Avvíßas stà póvns TS mepi aùròv 
phuns kab’ Anv TÀV oikovpévyv mepipàenros èyi- 
veTo, kaTà nâoav mów ékdarov oneúðovrtos edoa- 
aĝaı ròv àvðpa. (Const. Exc. 2 (1), p. 271.) 

Chaps. 11-12 : see above, after Chap. 9. 

‘13. “Ori ot mapà Náfðos Kal Phapviov meu- 
phévres es ‘Poun npeoßevrat mepi Tõv avvônkôv 
émet Sredéxioav TÌ avykàýTo mept &v TàS vrToàds 
eixov, dote rÅ yepovoiq PeßBaroðy TàS ópoħoyías 
kal Tàs ppovpàs tàs êk Tis “EM dõos kal tàs 
aTpariàs andyew. ó ðè  Dauivos dkovoas tà 
Sewkypéva navrayóbev ToÙS dpígTtovs TÕV “EàAń- 
vwv perenépujaro kal ovvayayàv kkàņolav rtas 

1 So Dindorf : BÀ V. 

2 So Boissevain (cp. Folybins, 18. 51. T): Avoípaxos V ; 
Avoipayiav (-erav Dindorf) M 

3 Bàdmre:w added by Mai. Herwerden suggests åôixeîv (cp. 
Polybius, l.c.). 

4 ġpovrieîv Dindorf*, 


BOOK XXVIII. 12. 1—13. 1 

what purpose he had in assembling military and naval 
forces, and with what intention he had crossed the 
strait to Europe if not to undertake war against the 
Romans. By way of rejoinder, Antiochus expressed 
surprise that the Romans claimed interests in Asia 
though he did not meddle in any matter that con- 
cerned Italy; in resettling the Lysimacheians he 
was wronging neither the Romans nor anyone else ; 
and as for his relations with Ptolemy, he himself had 
in mind a plan for avoiding all disputes, for he would 
give him his daughter in marriage. After this ex- 
change the Romans, though ill content, took their 

10. The mere name and reputation of Hannibal 
had made him a celebrity the whole world through, 
and in every city each individual was eager for a sight 
of him.? 

13. Envoys were sent to Rome by Nabis and by 
Flamininus to conclude the treaty,? and when they 
had discussed with the senate the matters contained 
in their instructions, the senate agreed to ratify the 
agreement and to withdraw its garrisons and armies 
in Greece. When news of the settlement reached 
him, Flamininus summoned the leading men of all 
Greece, and convoking an assembly? repeated to 

1 This fragment seems clearly to refer to Hannibal’s flight 
from Carthage to the court of Antiochus III (cp. Livy, 33. 
48-49), and consequently belongs here rather than to the 
place assigned it by Dindorf. 

2 Cp. Livy, 34. 22-41, for the brief Spartan War of 195 
B.C., in which Nabis was defeated by Flamininus and the 
allied Greek forces. 

3 This second panhellenic congress was held at Corinth in 
the spring of 194 B.c. (Livy, 34. 48-50). The optimates who 
formed the chief supporters of Rome were, as wealthy con- 
servatives, bitterly opposed to Nabis. 


195 B.C. 

195/4 B.o. 


tTõv ‘Pwpaiwv eis TOÙS “EMnyvas eùepyesias dve- 
veðTaTo kal mepi TÕV KATA Tov Nafi åmeňoyeīro, 
òióri KaTà TÒ ÕvvaTÒv merorýkaot, Ko ÔTL KATÀ 
Tùv ToÔ Šýpov mpoaipeow dravres ot rhv ‘EdMdsa 
kaToikoĝvrés eiom éñeúlepot kal åppoúpnror kal 
TÒ pÉYLOTOV Tois liors võpots ToTevópevor. ġrý- 
garo è mapa Tõv ‘EMývwv xápw mws ToÙs 
ovàeúovras map aùroîs ' Trañóras åvaťņrýoavres 
amooreiNwotv èv huépais Tpidkovta. Ô kai yéyovev. 
(Const. Exc. 1, p. 397.) 
14. "Ort ó Hroàepaîos ô ris Alyúrrtov Bamideds 
uéxpt év twos ènnvero: °Apiorouévy &è. ròv èri- 
Ttporov aùroĵ yeyevnuévov kal ndvra Kkaàðs ğı- 
gkykórTa Tiv pèr apxùy Nyara kaĥamepet TaTépa 
kal tavta čmparrev amò TIS êkeivov yvouns perà 
òè Taĝra únò rõv kodakevóvrwv ðraphapeis TÌ 
puyxiv tóv re ’Apiorouévn Tappnoaţópevov èui- 
anoe Kal Téàos guvyváykaoev aùròv mióvTa Kóverov 
Teàeurioar. del è uov Inpioúpevos kal Tupav- 
ukiy mapavopiav ÀX où BaciMkiv èźovoiav 
Enàwoas, èuohÂn èv rò rôv Aiyurriwv, kw- 
Súvevoe è droßadeiv rhv Baciàeiav. 
(Const. Exc. 2 (1), p. 271.) 
“Ori mdv h oúykàņros Šiýkovoe TÖV dro 
tis ‘EAMdõos mpeoßerðv kal Taras prňavbpómws 
mposepaver Bovàouévy mpoĝúpovs ağroùs čxew 
mpòs Tòv ’ Avrioxixòv mócuov, ôv Tayéws mpoo- 
eðóka. Tois Õè mapà Diinrov mpéoßeow arekpiðn 

ł So Ursinus: ow O. 

1 Captives who had been sold into slavery by Hannibal. 

BOOK XXVIII. 13. 1—15. 1 

them Rome’s good services to the Greeks. In defence 
of the settlement made with Nabis he pointed out 
that the Romans had done what was in their power, 
and that in accordance with the declared policy of 
the Roman people all the inhabitants of Greece were 
now free, ungarrisoned, and most important of all, 
governed by their own laws. In return he asked the 
Greeks to seek out such Italians? as were held in 
slavery among them, and to repatriate them within 
thirty days. This was accomplished. 

14. Ptolemy, the king of Egypt,? was for a time 
regarded with approval. Aristomenes had been ap- 
pointed his guardian and had been in all respects 
an able administrator. Now at the start Ptolemy 
revered him like a father and was wholly guided by 
his judgement. Later, however, corrupted by the 
flattery of his courtiers, he came to hate Aristomenes 
for his frankness of speech, and finally compelled him 
to end his life with a draught of hemlock. His ever- 
increasing brutality and his emulation, not of kingly 
authority, but of tyrannical licence, brought on him 
the hatred of the Egyptian people and nearly cost 
him his kingdom. 

15. Once more the senate granted audience to 
embassies from Greece and greeted them with friendly 
words, for they wanted the goodwill of the Greeks in 
case of war with Antiochus, which they considered 
imminent. The envoys of Philip were told that if he 

2 Ptolemy V Epiphanes (203-181/0 B.c.), For political 
reasons his minority was declared at an end in 197 or 196 
B.C., though the king was then only 12 to 14 years old; the 
inscription of the famous “ Rosetta Stone ” commemorates 
his accession. On Aristomenes see Polybius, 15. 31: the 
exact date of his death is uncertain (192 s.c. at the latest, 
according to Niese). 
i 241 

194/3 B.¢. 


ò tA À 2 b4 A 4 L A ž 
ióti puàdrrovros aŭro Tv miorw TÕv te pópwv 
3 > X 1 4 A z ` ez P ` 
aŭròv amoàúoeč kati Anuýrpiov ròv viðv. roîs è 
2N À Oé A A l4 lA kd A~ 
EànÀvÂóo mapa ` Avrióyov ovvéornoev èk ts Bov- 
A N t Ka 
àñs dvõpas ðéra roùs Õiakovoopévovs mepi Êv 
3 3. A 
2 épnoarv? évroààs yew mapa roô Baoidéws. ĝv 
L k A 
ovveðpevodvrwv ó rs mpeoßeias dpnyoúpevos 
Mé EÀ e e kd fd f bS 
énmros éÀeyev kew rws `Avrióyw hiàlav kal 
A p 
covupayiav ovvdyrar mpòs ‘Pwpaiovs. ëpnoe sè 
Îavudtew ròv Pacıàéa ià riva mor” airiav mpoo- 
2 ~ A ~ 
Tárrovow ar ‘Pwpaîoi Twà pèv rÔv karà rhv 
> A $ A ~ A 
Eùpóryv uù moàuvrpayuoveiv,* rwðv è rôv móàewv 
LIE A i 8 y y 2o F `A >> s 
dġiorachaı rat map èêviwv roùs ogèdouévovs 
7 A la ~ Ea 
pópovs uù außdávew: rara yap où Toîs èé toov 
A Ài [A z0 5 A > g a 
Tv hpiàlav morovuévoris ¿los evar moreîv, AÀAÀà Toîs 
modéuw vevikykóor Toùs è mpòs aùròv mpeoßevov- 
> 5 A 
ras émi Avoiudyeav émrtaktikÂÔsS aÙr® Siaoréd- 
À E z y >A lg $ y e d 
ew mepi Toúrwv: °Avrióyæw è mpòs ‘Pwpaiovs 
lg A 7 
móàcuov pèv unõérore yeyovévar hiàlav & äv 
ovvÂéoðaı Poúwvraı mpòs aùróv, čToruov eîvar. 
e ~ 7 A, 
3 ô õè Påauivios ép Svoîv mpaypatwv õvrwv Ërepor* 
~ A $. A A 
TÔ Paoi? rv oúykànrov ovyxwpeîv, el uèv Bov- 
A Ei 
Aerar rs Eòpórns ånéyeoðar, pnõèv rovrpay- 
A e la ~ 
poveîv ‘Pwpaiovs rv karà Thv ’Aciav: el òè roôro 
` a 6 e a a 
uù nmpoapeîrar, ywdokew dri ‘Pwuaioi rois éav- 
T ai § À 1 8 Z as QA 
rõv piàois karaðovàovuévois Bonfýoovow. Tv Sè 

1 So Ursinus: åmrodàúoew O. 
2 So Ursinus: épnaev O. 
3 So Dindorf: roiav r O. 
4 So Ursinus: moàvrpaypovýoew O. 
ë črepov] Qárepov Dindorf*. 

BOOK XXVIII. 15. 1—4 

remained faithful, the senate would relieve him of 
the payments of indemnity and would release his son 
Demetrius.? In the case of the envoys who had come 
from Antiochus a commission of ten senators was set 
up to hear of the matters with which they stated they 
had been charged by the king. The session having 
convened, Menippus, the leader of the embassy, 
stated that he had come with the aim of forming a 
pact- of friendship and alliance between Antiochus 
and the Romans. He said, however, that the king 
wondered what possible reason the Romans had for 
ordering him not to meddle in certain European 
affairs, to renounce his claims to certain cities, and 
not to exact from some the tribute owing to him : 
such demands as these were unprecedented when a 
pact of friendship between equals was being nego- 
tiated ; they were.the demands of conquerors settling 
a war, yet the envoys sent to the king at Lysimacheia 
had presumed to dictate to him precise instructions 
on these matters ; Antiochus had never been at war 
with the Romans, and if they wished to effect a treaty 
of friendship with him, the king stood ready and 
willing. Flamininus replied that two possible courses 
lay open, and that the senate allowed the king his 
choice of one : if he was willing to keep his hands off 
Europe, the Romans would not meddle with Asiatic 
affairs ; if, however, he did not elect this policy, 
he must know that the Romans would go to the aid 
of their friends who were being enslaved. The am- 

1 Demetrius was one of the group of hostages taken to 
Rome after Cynoscephalae. Possibly the words rfs ópnpeias 
icp. Polybius, 21. 3) have dropped from the text at this point. 
With the whole passage cp. Livy, 34. 57-59. 

€ So Ursinus: mpoapeîre O. 



mpeopevrâv åmokpivapévov os oùðèv TOLOŬTOV ovv- 
ýoovrar ò? of Tarewwooovoi Thv Baoiàéws à ápxýv, 
Ti eyouévy Tois "Edàņnow ) aýyrànTos eÎrev a ws àv 
’Avrioyos mepiepyálnraí TL TÕV KATA TÀv Eporny, 
'Pwpaîor LETA mois omovõfs Toùs kartà T 
Asiar” "EM nvas éàevhepóocovow. émonunvapévwv 
sè TÕv èk Tijs “EAdòos mpeofevrõv, ot mTapà roô 
Baoiñéws Ñélovv TE TÀ OÚyKÀNTOV êvðvunbiva 
HAikwv ératépois karápyxerat kvðúvwv kal pyòèv 
Tayéws npárrew, add TÔ Paciàe? Sosva xpóvov 
eis Bovàńv, kal aùrův èmipeiéorepov Tepl TOÚTwV 

(Const. Exc. 1, pp. 397-398.) 



bassadors having then made answer that they would 
agree to no condition of this nature, whereby they 
would impair the authority of the throne, the senate 
on the following day announced to the Greeks that 
if Antiochus interfered at all in European affairs the 
Romans would bend every effort to liberate the 
Asiatic Greeks. After the ambassadors of the Greek 
states had applauded this statement, the king's 
envoys called upon the senate to reflect how great 
was the risk to which they exposed each of the two 
parties, and to take no immediate action, but rather 
to give the king time to consider, and themselves to 
engage in more careful consideration of the case. 



1. "Ori Tò Aov tepov Ñv où uarpàv ànéyov rijs 
Xadkiðos . . . Sıdmep ð Bacideds órò r@v ‘EAń- 
væv ¿ßàaopnueîro, rhv apxùv To mpòs ‘Pwpalovs 
moàéuov menoruévos éé aoceßeias. o tovveàbóv- 
Tos? Pàauivios? mept Kópwwðov Šiarpifwv èreuap- 
Túparo nmávraşs åvðpómovs re kal beoùs èm TÔ 
mpokarhpxhai To moàépov ròv Baciàéa. ' 

2. "Ori 'Avrioyos èv Anuntpidòı Thv mapayeipa- 
ciav moiwovpevos kal mÀeiw TÖV mevrýrovra èrôv 
PeBrwkas ris pèv mept rov módeuov mapackevijs 
NLÉANOE, maphévou è eùnperoûs épacðheis kdbnro 
ToÙùs TaŬTys êmTeÀðv yáuovs kal mavnyðpeis ap- 
mpàs ovvýyaye. raŬra È TpáTTwV où uóvov avro 
TÒ opa kai TV puyi Siépheipev, aààà Kal tàs 
rÔv Õvvduewv óppàs eÉéÀvoe, kal oi oTpaĖriÂTa 
TÒv yepðva kararerpipóres év dvéoet kal Tpupĝ 
kars anmýàatrov èv taîŭs åmopiais, oŭre Šüjav 
oùŭre dAÀnv kakordherav pépew Šuvápevoi. Siórep 

1 So Salmasius, Valesius : roôs P. 

2 Fouveàlóvros] ouvreàeoĝévros Dindorf, but there is prob- 
ably another lacuna in the text. 

3 On the form of the name see note to Book 28. 11. 

4 dånopiais] mopeiars Dindorf. 

1 Here, in the sacred precinct of Apollo, the soldiers of 
Antiochus surprised and all but annihilated a body of 500 



1. Delium was a sanctuary, not far distant from 192 ».c. 

Chalcis. . . . Because he had thus begun the war 
against Rome with an act of sacrilege the king was 
vilified by the Greeks . . . and Flamininus, who was 
then at Corinth, called upon all men and gods to 
bear him witness that the first act of aggression in 
the war had been committed by the king. 

2. Antiochus established his winter quarters at 
Demetrias. Being now more than fifty years old, 
he neglected to make preparations for the war, but 
having fallen in love with a beautiful maiden, whiled 
away the time in celebrating his marriage to her, and 
held brilliant assemblies and festivals. By this be- 
haviour he not only ruined himself, body and mind, 
but also demoralized his army. ĮIndeed, his soldiers, 
after passing the whole winter in ease and soft living, 
acquitted themselves poorly when confronted with 
scarcity, being unable to endure thirst or other 

Romans: see Livy, 35. 50-51. T. Quinctius Flamininus, 
the victor of Cynoscephalae (197 B.c.), was a member of the 
commission sent to Greece to oppose Aetolian influence and 
rally the Greeks against Antiochus (Livy, 35. 23). 

2 Polybius, 20. 8, and Livy, 36. 11, identify the bride as a 
Chalcidian, the daughter of Cleoptolemus, and place the 
scene of the wedding at Chalcis, whither Antiochus had 
proceeded from Demetrias in Thessaly. 

3 Or perhaps “ on the march.” See critical note. 


192/1 B.C. 


aùrÂôv ot uèv eis vóoovs évémimTov, ot è év rais 
dois úroderróuevot ToAÙ TÕv TáČewv AnmeonðvTo. 

3. "Ore ’Avrioyos ð Paoideùs tràs èv OQerraàig 
móàes nmvvÂlavóuevos mpòs ‘Pwpaiovs perarebei- 
ofa, ràs Õè ék Tis `Aoias Õvváueis vorepovoas katl 
Toùs Aitrwàoùs kataueàoðvras’ kal mpoddoeis del 
mopiouévovs, êv aywvig moààf kaĝerorýket. Siò 
kal Toùs meneikóras? aùròv dTapdokevov ðvra émi 
T Tv Airwàðv ovuuayig? rov mócpov èraveàé- 
obar Se opyhs elye: ròv è `Avvißav riv êvavriav 
yvounv èoynkóra róre ¿ðavuače kat ras èàriðas 
elyev v roúTw, TóvV T€ mpò ToÔ” ypóvov ýr- 
abror eiye piov kal anÒ TIS TOÚTOU YVOLNS mávTa 
énparrev. (Const. Exe. 2 (1), pp. 271-272.) 

4. “Ort Toîs Aitrwàoîs ranpeofevoauévois repi 
cradúocewv Eðoyudrioev ) oúykànros ) Tà kaf 
éavroùs emirpénrew ‘Pwpalois Ñ yia rdàavra 
apyupíov ovari mapaypĝua ‘Pwuaiois. oi Sè dià 
Tv aroropiav Ts amokpicews où mpooðečduevot 
Tà npoorarróeva eis póßovs kal peydàovs Kw- 
Súvovs évérecor®: ovvyywviopévot yàp” TÔ Pacide? 
èkrevéorara eis armoplav èvémirrov oùðeuiav éK- 
Baow ëyovres rôv karv. (Const. Exc. 1, p. 398.) 

1 karauéàovras Herwerden, Dindorft. 

2 So Reiske, who deletes xal meisavras after vra, below : 
Eene P: 

E gupuaxia Ñ Valesius: rv . . . ovupayiav P. 

4 E Dindorf: è P. 

6 So Herwerden : roórov P. 

6 Suidas, s.v. åmorouía, gives this sentence as follows : 
ol è . . . dmokpigews où TO Tuyòv Õéos elyov mepi aŬrToús. 


BOOK XXIX. 2. 1—4. 1 

hardships. In consequence, some would fall ill, and 
others, straggling on the march, became widely 
separated from their formations. 

3. King Antiochus, learning that the cities of 19 s.c. 

Thessaly had gone over to the Romans, that his 
Asiatic forces were slow in àrriving, and that the 
Aetolians were negligent and full of excuses, was 
deeply distressed. He was, in consequence, angry 
with those who, on the strength of the Aetolian 
alliance, had induced him to embark upon a war for 
which he was not prepared ; for Hannibal, however, 
who had held the contrary opinion, he was now filled 
with admiration, and pinned all his hopes upon him. 
Whereas previously he had been disposed to regard 
him with suspicion, he now looked upon Hannibal as 
a most trustworthy friend and followed his advice in 
all matters.: 

4. As to the Aetolians, from whom an embassy 
had come to discuss terms of peace, the senate de- 
cided that they must either place themselves at 
the discretion ? of the Romans, or pay Rome at once 
a thousand talents of silver. The Aetolians, who 
because of the severity of the reply refused to accede 
to these demands, were thoroughly alarmed and 
found themselves in grave danger ; for their zealous 
support of the king © had plunged them into hopeless 
difficulties, and there was no way out of their troubles, 

1 Cp. Livy, 36. 13-15. 

2 A formula for unconditional surrender. 

3 Despite their earlier inertia and their inadequate support 
of Antiochus at Thermopylae (April 191 B.c.), the Aetolians 
had offered Rome stubborn and effective opposition through- 
out the summer. For the embassy see Polybius, 21. 2 

? yàp added by Herwerden ; re de Boor. f 


5. "Ore ó `Avrioyos à Tùv rrav tTanewwbeis 
ékpwe Tis pèv Eùporns ¿étioraobar, mepi Sè ris 
’ Acías ıaywvibeoðai. kal mpocéraġe roîs Avo- 
uayxeðot mavõnuet Thv mów èkàùeîv, cis è tàs 
karà trìv `Aciav nmóàes peroiñoar. ral čboće 
now dappóvws Beßovàeðoðar ral mów èmkapó- 
TATA KEL ÉVNY mpos TÒ ÕiarwÀGoat ToÙs ToÀeuiovs 
èk tis Eùpõrnys els rv °Aclav nmeparoðv tàs vvd- 
Les dkoviri npoéolar roîs moàeuiois. dkooúbws 
òè TH Saffet raóry kal Tò TÔv åTmoreieoudTwv 
ëpyov ènàņpæðn. ó yàp Eririwv Thv mów kata- 
Aapov čpnuov aùŭToudTws eùNuépnoe TaóTyv mapa- 
Aafa. (Const. Exc. 2 (1), p. 272.) 

6. “Ori eioiv év Toîs modàéuois ai Tv ypnudrwv 
nmapackevai, kabdrep ģń kowù) maporuia? $noiv, 
éraîpa TrÕv mpdewv: ò yàp ToÚTwV eùTopÂÕvV oùk 
arope? rõv pdyeobat Öuvapévwv avðpðv. oi yàp 
Kapynõóvıor npospárws ‘Pwpualovs eis roùs oyd- 
Tovs kwõúvovs Pyayov, où TMoÀATiKOîS oTpaTuóTaLS 
TàS TNÀAmaŬrTas nmaparáčers vikðvTes dÀÀà TÔ TÕV 
piobopópwv màńðer. čorw yàp Tò màflos ris te- 
vikis Õvváuews eùypnorórarov uèv Toîs čyovct, 
poßepõrarov è rots moàeuioist oi uèv yàp dÀiyov 
xpýparos áðpoíovo:i Toùs Ýrnèp aùrðv rivðvvevov- 
Tas, ot òè kåv vikhowow, oùðèv rrov ğAÀovs 
éxovoiw dvraywvioràs êE érotpov. èmi uèv yàp 

1 So Dindorf: xaraàaßæv P. 

2 So Mai: mapppoia V. 
3 gnoi, éraîpat] ġnoi, vepa Dindorft. 

1 The naval defeat at Myonnesus, September, 190 B.e., 
which cost Antiochus control of the seas. 
2 L. Cornelius Scipio was consul for 190 s.c., but his 


BOOK XXIX. 5. 1—6. 1 

5. Humbled by his defeat! Antiochus decided to 19% ».o. 

withdraw from Europe and to concentrate on the 
defence of Asia. He ordered the inhabitants of 
Lysimacheia to abandon their city one and all, and 
find residence in the cities of Asia. Ft was the uni- 
versal opinion that this was a foolish plan, and that 
he had thereby abandoned to the enemy without a 
struggle a city most conveniently situated to prevent 
them from bringing their forces over from Europe 
into Asia. The sequel of events fully confirmed this 
judgement, since Scipio, on finding the city deserted, 
gained a gratuitous success by occupying it, 

6. In warfare a ready supply of money is indeed, 
as the familiar proverb has it, the sister è of success, 
since he who is well provided with money never lacks 
men able to fight. So, for example, the Carthaginians 
recently brought the Romans to the brink of disaster, 
yet it was not with an army of citizens that they won 
their victories in those great engagements, but by 
the great number of their mercenary soldiers. An 
abundance of foreign troops is, in fact, very advan- 
tageous to the side that employs them, and very 
formidable to the enemy, inasmuch as the employers 
bring together at trifling cost men to do battle in 
their behalf, while citizen soldiers, even if victorious, 
are nevertheless promptly faced with a fresh crop of 
opponents. In the case of ċitizen armies, a single 

brother Publius (“ Africanus ”}, though officially only legate 
to Lucius, was in effect in charge of operations. On the 
abandoning of Lysimacheia see Livy, 37. 31. 

3 Literally, “ companion.” Dindorf emends to read: 
“ Money is the sinews of war.” If, as seems likely, this 
passage is from a speech encouraging Antiochus to make 
war on Rome (cp. Livy, 35. 17-18), it probably belongs at the 
end of Book 28 or at the beginning of Book 29. 




TÕv moNTikÂôv Švváduewv ó karaywviobels maé 
A e 1 ~ Pad 
roîs ddois ënmtTakev, éni Sè rôv čevikôv dodkis äv 
e A A D 
ýrryÂlðow, oùðèv rrov dkrepalovs čyovoi tàs vvd- 
2 A U4 "~ a 
pes péxpis àv ypnudtTwv eòropôow. ‘Pwpaîor õè 
3 F LA 
oŭre pmobopópovs ewbaow ëyew oðre ypyuárwv 
3? A 
e R 
Or: ciwbaow ós èrirav ot orparrðTaı Tv aù- 
~ A ? 2 N 
rÕv roîŭs dpnyovuévois puunTtat yiveobar. 
‘Q è >A 7 y A Oii > l ? ’ 
è Avrioyos taxù Ts dias dvolas tåTiyeipa 
y- N ~ 
Kkopodpevos perà ovuhopôv peydàwv čuabev ow- 
A ? Cay 
gpoveîy êv raîs eùrmpagiais. (Const. Exc. 4, p. 362.) 
y "Q e >A 7 8 W AJ e BA a 
. “Ore ò 'Avrioyos muvbõpevos roùs ‘Pwpalovs 
3 ` Ed 2 
cis Tv °Aoiay diaßepnrévar mpeoßevrhv èféreupe 
k hi e e . 
mpòs rov úmarov “Hpardelðnv ròv Bugávriov rept 
Sadvoewv, amoôðoùs pèv riv huloeav tis ŝa- 
LA $ 
ndvys, Òðoùs è Adupakov! kai Euúpvav ral 
AÀ A Ò ò 3? A y sÀ 3 ? A 
eéávðperav, Òt äs ó módepos ¿ére kerwvhobar. 
ag % e ~ ~ 
ara yàp at móàes mpõrtat Tv katà Tv °` ÀAciav 
EMývov ènmenpeoßeúreroar? mpòs riw oúyrànrtov 
mapakaàoñoar mept ris Àevbepias aúrôv. 
d ée 
8. “Ori ó `Avrioyos Ioràiw Eririwv TÔ ToÔ 

à la A 
auveðpíou nmpoeorðTi TÒv viðv mpooernyyelÀaro 

ävev Àútpwv droðóoew, ðv fv elÀndàs öre? repi 
y z 
Eùßorav Srérpißev, odev È Årrov kaè ypnudrwv 
nÀfbos, ovvemdaßouévw rìs eiphvns. ó Sè Er- 
ig A 3 
miwv únèp èv tis rarà tòv viov aroðóoews épnoe 
2 pA A M 
xápw čéew TÔ Pacıàet, xonudrwv SÈ màńlovs u) 
1 dnoððovs + + » Admparov] So Ursinus (cp. Polybius, 
21. 13. 3-5): droððoùs pèv Tùv ġulocerav, vrè 8è rìs Sarávns 
čiðods Aduparov O. 2 So Ursinus: érpeoßeúrkeicav O. 
? mepi added by Ursinus. 


BOOK XXIX. 6. 1—8. 1 

defeat spells complete disaster, but in the case of 
mercenaries, however many times they suffer defeat, 
none the less the employers maintain their forces 
intact as long as their money lasts. It is not, how- 
ever, the custom of the Romans to employ merce- 
naries, nor have they sufficient resources. 

As a general rule soldiers follow the example set 
by their commanders. 

Antiochus, having swiftly reaped the reward of his 
own folly, learned at the cost of great misfortunes 
not to let success turn his head. 

7. Antiochus, on learning that the Romans had 
crossed to Asia, sent Heracleides of Byzantium to 
the consul to sue for peace,! offering to pay half the 
costs of.the war, and also to give up the cities of 
Lampsacus, Smyrna, and Alexandria,? which had, it 
was thought, been responsible for bringing on the 
conflict. Of the Greek cities in Asia these were, in 
fact, the first to dispatch embassies to the senate, 
invoking its aid in behalf of their independence. 

8. Antiochus, in addition, offered Publius Scipio, 
the sénior member of the senate, the return of his 
son without ransom (he had taken him prisoner 
during his stay on Euboea °), and a large sum of 
money as well, if only he would give his support to 
the proposed peace. Scipio replied that he would 
be grateful to the king for the release of his son, but 
that there was no need of “ a large sum of money ” 

1 On this and the following excerpt cp. Polybius, 21. 13 15, 
and Livy, 37. 34-36. - 

2 Alexandria Troas. 

3 Various stories were current as to the occasion and place 
of his capture (Livy, 37. 34. 5-6): 

$ So Schaefer: ór äv O. 

t ôv iv Ursinus: ó võv O. 


npooðeîohai. avri è raúrns Tis evepyecias ovp- 
Bovàevew aùr®ð p) mapardrreoðar ‘Pwpoaiois 
neneipapévov tis apers aùrðv. ð Öè Sófas 
Bapúrepa Toô mpoońkovros mpooráTTew ToŬTOV* oÙ 
mpoceðéfaro Tàs åmokploeis. 

(Const. Exc. 1, pp. 398-399.) 

“Ore ó `Avrioyos mpòs Tà mapaàoya TÑS TÚXNS 
čkpive ovupépeiw anoðoðvar TÔ Xririwvi TÒv viðv, 
kal roôrov anéorede koouoas Toàvrtreàéot kara- 
orevaîs. (Const. Exc. 4, p. 362.) 

Chap. 9: see below, after Chap. 10. 

10. “Ori ó `Avrioyos anoyvoùs tTòv móÀepov aré- 
orere npéoßeis npòs Tòv Ürarov dérðv avr’ ovy- 
yvouny Sobiva mepi rÕv hpaprypévwv kal Tvyeîv 
èp ols vvaróv ori tùs eipńvns. č è ömaros 
Srarnpôv rhv márpiov tis ‘Păpns êmeikerav kal 
mapakànbeis órò roô aðeàdot Horàiov ovveywpnoe 
Tùv eipvnv émi roîoðe: èkywpoa Tòv Paocidéa 
toîs ‘Pwpaiors ris re Eùpormns ral ris èri tdõe 
toô Taúpov ypas kai rv èv aùr móàewv ral 
ebvôv: mapaywphoa Õè Trv Te eepdvrwv kal 
Larpõv vnôv, kal ras ardvas tàs yeyevņpévas els 
Tòv nóňeuov anoĝoĝvar, Ov Åv ý dariunois Taàdv- 
twv Eùßoïkôv pvpiwv mevrakioytÀlwv: kðórTovs Õè 
mapaðovaı róv re Kapxnêóviov `Avvißav kal ròv 
Alrwàðv @davra kal twas érépovs, kal óuńpovs 
ekoo, os àr? aroypdpwor ‘Pwpaîor. ó ðè távra 

1 So Reiske : rorov O. 
2 So Ursinus: aùròv O. 
254 í 

BOOK XXIX. 8. 1—10. 1 

besides ; in return for this kindness, however, he 
advised Antiochus not to engage the Romans in 
battle now that he had had a sample of their prowess. 
Antiochus, however, finding the Roman unj ustifiably 
harsh, rejected his counter-proposal. 

With an eye to the surprises of Fortune Antiochus 
deemed it advantageous to release Scipio’s son, and 
accordingly decked him out in rich array and sent 
him back.! 

10. Antiochus,’ abandoning the conflict in despair, 
dispatched an embassy to the consul, requesting 
pardon for his errors and the granting of peace on 
whatever terms possible. The consul, adhering to the 
traditional Roman policy of fair dealing, and moved 
by the appeals of his brother Publius, granted peace 
on the following terms : the king must withdraw, in 
favour of the Romans, from Europe and from the 
territory è on this side Taurus and the cities and 
nations included therein; he must surrender his 
elephants and warships, and pay in full the expenses 
incurred in the war, which were assessed at 15,000 
Euboean talents ; and he must deliver up Hannibal 
the Carthaginian, Thoas the Aetolian, and certain 
others, together with twenty hostages to be desig- 
nated by the Romans. In his desire for peace Anti- 

1 The king was at Thyateira; P. Scipio now lay ill at 
Elaea (Livy, 37. 37). 

2 Though retaining Dindorf’s numbering of chapters 10 
and 9, I have restored the order in which they appear in the 
Ercerpta de Legationibus. The embassy of chap. 10 is 
clearly that whìch immediately followed on the battle of 
Magnesia (cp. Polybius, 21. 16-17 ; Livy, 37. 45), and hence 
falls early in 189 B.c. 

3 ie. Asia north and west of the Taurus mountains. 

3 äv added by Herwerden, Dindorf‘. 


189 B.C. 


npocðeéduevos ià Tv Tis eiphvys ênbvuiav an- 
eàúln To moàépov. 

Chap. 11 : see below, after Chap. 9. 

9. "Ori êv r ‘Poun npò rĝs karà rov `Avrioyov 
Ürrys eicaybévrwv eis trùv cúykÀàņrov trv èé 
Aitwàias nmpeoßeurðv kal nepil pèv TtÔv Biwv 
ápapTnuárwv oùðèv ıadeylévrwv, aùrà è rà 
Tois Airwàoîs kaàðs nmpòs rovs ‘Pwpualovs rpa- 
xlévra Õieéióvrav, dvaorás tıs TÕv k TOÔ ovv- 
eðpiov Toùs mpéoßeis Npornoev eè mapaðıðóacıv 
éavroùs Aitwàol eis Tv miorw tÔv ‘Pwpaiwv. 

> z ` ~ ?. e 2 
anrociwnyodvTrwv è Tv npéoßeav, ý oúykÀànrTos 

e À A A Àù À 5 >? f A ` k 
únodafoðca Toùs Airwàoùs åvréyew Taîs kaTà Tòv 
>A + 2N + > a ? + ? 4 
vrioyov ¿Àmiow dnmpákTtovs dnméoTeiÀev el 
Eñdôa. (Const. Exc. 1, pp. 399-400.) 
Chap. 10: see above, after Chap. 8. 
11 "Q y N ` A >A + Ka > A 
. "Ori perà Tv katà Tv ° Avrioyov rrav ano 
macõv TÕv katà Tv ` Aclav moàewv kal õvvaorôv 
katravrodvrwv nmpéoßewv, r©v èv mepi tijs dev- 
Oepias, rÕv è kal mepi eùyapiornpiwv av? ôv 
? [d 2 A e 2 L4 
eùepyerýkac? tův ‘Põuny ocvvaywvoduevo? karà 
> P, T A e + À > bà ti + 
Avrióyov. ots nâow ) oúykànros dyabas eàriðas 
£ Fà Y 2 $ 3» + 4 
únoypadovoa čëġnoe ðéka npeoßevràs anooréàdew 
+ Eas A 
eis Tùy `Aciav Toùs perà tÕv otparnyðv dnavra 
rtáčovraş* èmaveàbóvrwv &è cis tràs marpiðas, kal 
+ l4 y y Pt : 
TÕv ðéka npéoßewv erà tÕv nepi Dririwva kal 
a Ea 
ròv Aluiñov ovveðpevodvrwv, Ekpiwvav oĝrot kal ĝi- 
ceoáġnoav Tův pèv ènmi rdðe roô Taúpov yópav 
1 kaàðs after ĝè deleted by Ursinus. 
2 So Ursinus: eċepyerýoacw O. 
3 So Dindorf : karaywnoápevo: O. 

4 ånooreàeî? Ursinus, Dindorf*, 
5 So Wetstein : ččovras O ; ĝtaráĉovras Reiske. 


BOOK XXIX. 10. 1—11. ! 

ochus accepted all the conditions and brought the 
fighting to a close. 

9. At Rome, before the defeat of Antiochus,! the 
envoys from Aetolia, on being brought before the 
senate, said not a word of their own shortcomings, 
but spoke at length of their services to Rome. A 
member of the senate thereupon arose and asked the 
envoys whether or not the Aetolians were willing to 
put themselves in the hands of the Roman people. 
When the envoys made no reply, the senate, assum- 
ing that the Aetolians still had their hopes pinned on 
Antiochus, sent them empty-handed back to Greece. 

11. After the defeat of Antiochus envoys presented 
themselves from all the cities and principalities of 
Asia, some suing for independence, others for a return 
for their good services to Rome in the common 
struggle against Antiochus. The senate intimated 
to one and all that they had good reason to hope, and 
announced the dispatch of ten legates to Asia, who 
together with the generals in the field were to settle 
all matters. The envoys returned to their homes, 
and the ten legates, after first meeting in consultation 
with Scipio and Aemilius, decided and proclaimed 
that the territory this side Taurus, and the elephants, 

1 Livy, 37. 49, also relates the incident, which he sets in 
the consular year 189, after his account of the battle of 
Magnesia, but before certain news of the battle reached 
Rome (Livy, 37. 51. 8). Probably Diodorus also completed 
the story of Antiochus and then reverted to Aetolian affairs, 

2 The text is suspect and has probably been abridged. If 
it is to be trusted, the consultation with Scipio and Aemilius 
must have occurred after the two latter had returned to Rome 
(for the Scipios see Polybius, 21, 24. 16-17). Aemilius is 
probably L. Aemilius Regillus, the victor of Myonnesus ; 
be and L. Scipio were each granted a triumph (Livy, 37. 
55-59). For the Asiatic embassies to Rome see Polybius, 


188 B.C. 


Eùuévovs efîvar kat roùs eňéhavras, ‘Poðiois è 
npocopioav Kapiav kal Avkiav: ræv ðè móňewv rTàs 
uèv Eùpévet pópovs ðeðwkvias úrò rov Eùuévn 
Trerdyðar, ràs è `Avrióyw pópov epoúoas dro- 
Acàóohar rõv pópwv. 

12. “Ori Tvaîost Mdňos ó dvðýnraros, mapaye- 
vouévav mpòs aŭròv npeoßevrv mapà Tañarôv 
mepi avàdúoews To moàépov, ToÚTotS ESwrev åró- 

f z 
eiphvns ovvlýkas, ôrav ot Paciàeîs aùrôv karavrh- 
OWL TpOS aÙrTóv. 

13. “Ort ó aùròs mapeàbĵav eis Avkaoviav Tòv 
npocoheiópevov oîrov ekouicato mapà °Avriðyov 
kal rov karà tas cvvłýkas ġópov viavroð yia 
Táňavra. (Const. Exc. 1, p. 400.) 

14. “Ort Mapros Pódovios orparņnyòs ðv mapa- 
vouńoas eis Toùs KaT TYV AiyvorıkÌv ovupáyovs 
ëzuye ris mpooņnkoúons koàdoews. mapeàbaw yàp 
eis roùs ovouatopévovs Kevopavoùs s ġiños 
mapelàero Tà óna, unòèv čyaw éyrànua. ò òè 
Ünaros mvhópevos TÒ yeyovòs Toros pv anéðwkre 
Tà óma, rov è Máprov èfnuiwoe xphpacı. 

15. “Ore ` Avrioyos dropõv ypnudtTwv, akoúwv ðė 

A hi 2 h i A. $ A AJ A d H 
Krarà rv `Eàvuaiða rò iepòv rò roô Býàov modùv 
ek rv åvabðnuárwv čxew äpyvpóv Te kat xpvoćv, 
čyvw roro ovàñom. ral ker” eis rhv Eàvpaiða, 

1 So Ursinus: Tvaîov O. 
2 xwv Valesius, Dindorf. 

.21. 18-24 (Livy, 37. 52-56); for the final awards of the 
Commission of Ten, delivered at Apameia, see Polybius, 21. 
45 (Livy, 38. 39). 

1 Possibly a raistake for Attalus ; cp. Polybius, 21. 45. 2. 
2 Cn. Manlius Vulso, consul in 189 B.c., who succeeded 


BOOK XXIX. 11. 1—15. 1 

were to belong to Eumenes ; Caria and Lycia they 
added to the domain of Rhodes ; the cities that had 
previously paid tribute to Eumenes 1 were to be sub- 
ject to Eumenes, and any that still paid tribute to 
Antiochus were relieved of all obligations. 

12. Gnaeus Manlius,? the proconsul, when ap- 
proached by envoys from the Galatians seeking an 
end to hostilities, replied that he would make a treaty 
of peace with them only when their kings appeared 
before him in person. 

13. Manlius proceeded to Lycaonia and received 
from Antiochus the grain that was due and the annual 
payment of a thousand talents stipulated in the 

14. Marcus Furius, who while praetor violated the 
rights of the Ligurian allies, met with fitting punish- 
ment. For coming among the Cenomani, ostensibly 
as a friend, and without having grounds for complaint 
against them, he deprived them of their arms. The 
consul,ë however, learning of the incident, restored 
the arms and imposed a fine on Marcus. 

15. Antiochus, pressed for funds and hearing that 
the temple of Bel in Elymaïs had a large store of 
silver and gold, derived from the dedications, resolved 
to pillage it. He proceeded to Elymaïs and after 

L. Scipio in the Asiatic command. On his settlement with 
the Galatians see Livy, 38. 40 (cp. Polybius, 21. 45. 12). 

3 Cn. Manlius had already received 2500 talents payable 
in advance of the peace (Polybius, 21. 40; Livy, 38. 37). 
As Gnaeus went north after the sessions at Apameia, the 
present passage may refer to his brother Lucius, who was 
sent s Syria to exact the oath from Antiochus (Polybius, 
21. 43). 

4 M. Furius Crassipes. The text reads Fulvius, but see 
Livy, 39. 3 and 38. 42. 4. 

& M. Aemilius Lepidus. 


187 B.C. 


CA A bi KA h kd 2 2 4 ~ 
dpxyeoĝar Tò èv iepòv eoúànoe, ypnuáræv Šè mÀ- 
los åbpoigas tayò ris mpooņkoúons ék leðv čTuye 
, (Const. Exe. 2 (1), p. 273.) 
16, "Ore Diùirnmos wvelðioe rois Oerradois ws 


~ F la > > hJ e + z 
ris edevlepias dveàmiorws Sà ‘Pwpaiwv kvpiev- 
aavres Àotðopoðoi Toùs mpoyeyovóras kvpiovs, oùk 

3 2 kg Eg Po 3 A te g z z 
eiĝóTes ÖTL oŬTmw mâs aùroîs ô Aros éðuke. TOÚTOU 
Bè To Àdyov fihévros úróvora Toîs droúovow eio- 
énecev œs Pidinnov ĝianroeuýoovros mpos Pw- 

t A ? I ? $ 
palovs, kai mapoćvvĝévres črpwav unõepiav mów 
mày rôv kara Makeðoviav oùdoðv yew Pirrov. 

(Const. Exc. 4, pp. 362-363.) 

17. “Ort karà rv Iedonrórvnoov ris rkowñs 
A Pal >A A A0. z 3 £ 8 2 e 
avvóðov rõðv Ayav ovvedloúons, eiońyðnņoav” oí 

A e l 2 fa ` y ~ 
rv ‘Pwpaiwv mpéopeis. oroi Sè ëpnoav riv 
oúykàņrtov voapeoretobar T) TÕv Teyðv rv èv 
Aakeðaipovi kabðaipéoer, Ñv noiae rò kowòv rÕv 
2? Ea kg ~ ld 3 E p AI 
Axyauðv öre Ts Lrdprys èkpárņoe kal roùs Aa- 
keðarpoviovs karéraev eis TV kowùhv nmoàTelav. 

h 4 z > Ld H t 3: > L 
perà è roúrovs eiońyðņoar? oi map Eùuévovs 

ld £ hJ £. a EJ 
mpéoßeis kopitovres Swpeàv Taàdvrwv eikooi, É 
ĝv wero eÙ ó facies opwvdgeohar Thv tÕv 

’Axarðv oúvoðov. ot è Ayat rv dow rv 

1 vàùğv added by Bernhardy. 
2 So Dindorf (bis): owwýxðnoav O. 

BOOK XXIX. 15. 1—17. 1l 

accusing the inhabitants of initiating hostilities, 
pillaged the temple ; but though he amassed much 
wealth he speedily received meet punishment from 
the gods. 

16. Philip upbraided the Thessalians for reviling 
their former masters now that by the favour of Rome 
they had unexpectedly gained their freedom. They 
were not aware, he said, that the Macedonian sun 
had not yet altogether set. This sally led those 
who heard it to suspect that Philip intended to make 
war on Rome, and the commissioners, in a rage, 
decreed that Philip should be allowed to hold no city 
save those in Macedonia. 

17. As regards Peloponnesian affairs,’ the Achaean 
League having convened in general assembly, the 
Roman envoys were introduced. They stated that 
the senate was displeased at the dismantling of the 
Lacedaemonian fortifications, an act that the Achaean 
League had carried out when it gained control of 
Sparta and enrolled the Lacedaemonians in the 
League. Next the envoys of Eumenes were intro- 
duced, who brought with them a gift of twenty 
talents, out of which the king thought payment should 
be made to the members of the Achaean assembly. 
The Achaeans, however, rejecting an offer of money 

1 Cp. Book 28. 3. 

2 The subject is omitted in the text. As a result of com- 
plaints that Philip was not observing the conditions of the 
peace, a Commission of Three was sent out to settle the 
matter ; the hearings were held at Tempe. For the context 
of Philip’s remark see Livy, 39. 26. 

3 As noted by A. Aymard, Les Assemblées de la confédéra- 
tion achaienne (1938), 156, n. 4, this passage depends directly 
upon Polybius, 22. 7-9 ; the major discrepancies he charges 
(perhaps too seyerely) to the LareeSsiesS of Diodorus himself, 
rather than to his excerptor. 

VOL. XI K 261 

185 B.o., 


xpnuáTtwv droðokiudoavres? où mpoceðééavro TÙV 
Swpedv. kov Sè kal mapà Bedeúkov npéoßeis thv 
npoyeyevnuévyv eis? ròv `Avrioyov tròv Paciàéa 
ovupayíav dvaveoðpevoi. oi è Tùv ovupayiav 
dvevewcavTo kal T)V wpedv mpoocðéavro. 
(Const. Exc. 1, pp. 400-401.) 
18. “Ori ó Ddoroiuny ó rv `Axarðv orparnyòs 
àvp êyeyóvei ġpovýoei kal otparņyig kal rtaîs 
dààais àperaîs Siadépwv, tavra tòv roð Civ xpó- 
vov menoùTevuévos dpéumtTws. kal ToÀÀdkis pèv 
orparņyias )ELdbN, Teooapákovra ETN TOÔ moÀireú- 
partos hyoúpevos, uáňiora è Tv AÀAÀwv eis kowòv 
nònos rv Ayaðv ovuroTeiav, mpós Te roùs 
Duwras huephrara moùrevõpevos kat è dperiv 
mapà ‘Pwuaiwv dnoðoyis Terevyws, èri Sè tis 
roô Biov karaorpopis dyvópovi Tý%Ņ ovyrexpn- 
pévos. AAN uws perà TYV TeÀeuThv ØoTepei Tv 
leig mpovoig tàs icobéovs? Tiudàs ŅAAdÉaTO TÕV KaTà 
TYV TeÀeuTiv annvrykótrwv dkÀàņpnudtwv. ywpis 
òè rô kowĝ Toîs ’Axyarois karapnpiobéevrwr" eis 
Tuv Tavòpòs ń marpis púcarto Pwpór kal ... 
roð’ Povlvreiv aùr rar’ évavròv kal tis àperis 
eyrópid Te kai vuvovs karéðeikev ddew Toùs véovs. 
19. “Ore ó 'Avvißas otparņnyıcf ovvései kal 
So Ursinus: drokopisavres O. 

1 2 mpos Dindorf4. 

3? So Valesius : es Beoùs P. 

4 rv added by Salmasius. 

ë So Valesius: xkarepngioðy rô P. 

ë Bwpòv added by Reiske. Nock suggests uvīpa as a pos- 
sible alternative (cp. Dittenberger, Sylloge?, 624). 

? to] Nock suggests ér’ aùroô. 


BOOK XXIX. 17. 1—19. 1 

as unbecoming, refused to accept the gift. Envoys 
also came from Seleucus, seeking to renew the 
alliance that the Achaeans had had with King Anti- 
ochus. The assembly renewed the alliance and 
accepted his gift. 

18. Philopoemen,? the general of the Achaean 
League, was a man of outstanding attainments, 
intellectual, military, and moral alike, and his life- 
long political career was irreproachable throughout. 
Time and again he was preferred to the office of 
general, and for forty years he guided the affairs of 
state. More than anyone else he advanced the 
general welfare of the Achaean confederacy, for he 
not only made it his policy to treat the common man 
kindly, but also by force of character wor the esteem 
of the Romans. , Yet in the final scene of life he found 
Fortune unkind. After his death, however, as if by 
some divine Providence he obtained honours equal 
to those paid the gods, in compensation for the mis- 
fortunes that attended his demise. In addition to 
the decrees in his honour voted by the Achaeans 
jointly, his native city set up an altar, (instituted) an 
annual sacrifice to him, and appointed hymns and 
praises of his exploits to be sung by the young men 
of the city.° 

19. Hannibal, who stands first among all Cartha- 

1 Seleucus IV Philopator, who came to the throne in 187 
B.c. Polybius (22. 9. 13) states that his offer of a fleet of 
ships was, for the present, declined. 

2 Diodorus, following Polybius, 23. 12-14, marks the 
nearly simultaneous deaths of Philopoemen, Hannibal, and 
Scipio Africanus with set eulogies of the three men. Philo- 
poemen died in 182, Hannibal in 183 or 182, and Scipio in 
184 B.C. 

3 The actual decree of Megalopolis ordaining these honours 
is in part preserved (see critical note). 



47l + la K ô e 
peyélet nmpáéewv máyrov Kapyņðoviwv merpw- 
A A + 1a m 
aààd rA dú Àcî ò A l diaàé 
à TÅ púcei màeîorov SieorÂrTa kal ÕradékrTois 
À T ô À 2 A A 2A 7 td k 
moàvpævois ernuuéva Sià Tis lias mpovoias èv 
e t A t Eas 
ópovoig kal ovupwvig cerýpnoev. óuoíws è TÔv 
kd ~ 3 
ddocehvõr eiwhórwv tà ràs rvyovoasş alrias 
5 la 4 m~ 
dġiorachaı mpòs Toùs évavriovs, oùðeis èm aùroô 
A 3 SÀ IÀ è ò 2 3 1 Ea 
ToŬrTo éróàunoe. peydàas è Svvdueis dei Tpé$wv 
3 2 2 Ka 
oùðémoTE ypnudTwv oùðè Tpos ŅTópqoe, kal TÒ 
$ ~ 
mdvrwv mapaðoćőrarov, oÍ uer aùroô orparevó- 
“~ ed ~ “~ “~ 
pevoi rÕv docelbvôv rs moriis eùvoías oùk? 
3 la ~ 
dameàeiphyoav, ddà moàù Siyveykav. rToryapoôv 
~ Ed ~ ~ 
kaàðs dpxwv rv otTpatrwtTÕvV kads kal Tàs 
L 3 2 
mpaéeis émereàéoato. mpòs yàp Toùs Švvarwrá- 
Tous móÀepov éćevéykas émrakaíðeka éT) oyeðòv 
A kd la kS + 3 2 ~ 
Tv Irañàiav êróplyoev, ańýrryros Sè èv máoais raîs 
2 LA 
páxyas èyévero: Tyàkaŭúraıs è kal TocaŬrtats 
n 3 ` a 
mpaéeot? Toùs Tis oikovpévns ńyeuóvas éviknoev 
ka ~ 4 m- “~ 
Oore à Tò nÀlos rv karakorropévwv ýr 
"~ m~ 7 
aùroð unðéva morè rouv Tt kaTà otTópa udye- 
A l T 
ofat mpòs aùróv. modas uev móàeis opraňðrtovs 
LA A A A A 3 FA E27 
kaTékate, TA Ò kaTa Tv Iraàiav ëĝvy moàvavâpw- 
t A 
nig ðapépovra omavikew èroiņncev avõðpôv. kal 
A t4 ~ 
ràs mepiońrovs mpáćeis mereàéoaro moùirikoîs 
èv reàéopaoct, Ôvvdueot Sè puobohópois kal cvp- 
Pas b 
Laxtkaîs* maupiyéci,* kat TV? ĝià Thv ovupwviav 
Suouroorárwv nmepieyévero Šià ris ilas åyywolas 
1 So Hertlein, Dindorft: ópocbvârv P. 
2 oùx added by Valesius. 
3 mpáćeoi] maparáćeoi Dindorf‘. 
ê reìéopacı . . . ovppayxixaîs] So Wifstrand: reàéopaoı 

BOOK XXIX. 19. ı 

ginians in strategic skill and in the magnitude of his 
achievements, never at any time experienced dis- 
affection among his troops ; on the contrary his wise 
foresight enabled him to maintain in concord and 
harmony elements that were by birth set widely 
apart and that were divided by the wide variety of 
tongues spoken. Likewise, though it is the common 
practice of alien troops to desert to the enemy on 
slight provocation, under his command no one ven- 
tured to do this. He always maintained a large army, 
yet never ran short of money or provisions. Most 
extraordinary of all, the aliens who served with him 
did not fall short of the citizens in their affection for 
him, but even far surpassed them. Naturally, there- 
fore, his good control of his troops produced good 
results. Engaging in war the strongest military 
power in the world, he ravaged Italy for some seven- 
teen years and remained undefeated in all his battles. 
So many and great were the actions in which he 
defeated the rulers of the world, that the casualties 
inflicted by him prevented anyone from being bold 
enough ever to face him in open battle. Many were 
the cities that he captured and put to the torch, 
and though the peoples of Italy were outstanding 
in numbers, he made them know a dearth of men. 
These world-renowned exploits he achieved at public 
expense, to be sure, yet with forces that were a mis- 
cellaneous collection of mercenaries and allies; and 
though his opponents, by virtue of sharing a common 
language, were hard to withstand, his personal 
shrewdness and his capacity as a general gave him 

xai vvápeot, pobopópoirs è xal ovuudyors P. Hertlein sug- 
reàéopaoı kal ðanavýuaci. 
5 So Dindorf: mappeyebéoaı P. © tôv added by Dindorf. 



Kal orparnyıxis aperis, kal nâow Edeitev ri 
kabdnep. émi Tto cwparos ó vos, oğrws èr. 
arpareúuaros ó tv Ĥyepoviav čywv more? tà 

20. "Ori ó Bkiriwv véos æv nmavreňðs Tois! KaTà 
TÀv `IBnpiav dveàriorws èxpoaro karanoeuńoas 
Ttoùs Kapxynðoviovs, Tv è marpiða rivðvveðovoav 
ekeidero ræv peyiorwv kwòúvæv. ròv yàp åýTTN- 
rov ’Avvipav ðA rs èmwolas ùváyrasev ğvev 
udyns xal rwðúvwv ék rûs Iraàías êkywphoar. Tò 
Sè redeuraîov ék rĝs dvõpeías re kal orparņyias 
peyáàn nmapardger Tov aviknrTov yeyevrņuévov °’ Avví- 
Bav karanoàepýoas Ņțrryoe thv Kapynèdva. 

(Const. Exc. 2 (1), pp. 273-274.) 

21. "Ori ó Irriwv ĝià Tò péyebos rôv mpdewv 
Bapúrepos èĥħaívero toô ris marpiðos dérwparos. 
karņyopoúuevos yàp ÚT avrôv dev? baváro, 
mapaàaßwv rov Àdyov roro uóvov elrev ót ‘Pw- 
palois où npénet kar’ aùroô hépew pigov, 8e ôv 
Kat oi rarýyopot eġovuoíav ëčyovot Àéyew perà 
mappnoias. rovrov è pyhévros ó èv ĝuos dras 
evrpareis TÒ Bápos toô Àdyov mapaypñua èk tis 
érkàņoias dneywpnoev, ó è katrhyopos póvos dro- 
Acipheis anhAlbev eis tùv oiriav karappovņbeis. 
mdv Sè êv TÔ ovveðpiw. ypeias éumecovons* ypy- 
áTwv rat To Tapiov où $dokovros dvoitev, 
aùròs ..yp..XxN Tàs kàeîs mapéàaßev ðs Torto 
npdwv*: aùròs yàp kal Toĵ kàeciew toùs tapias 

1 roîs added by Reiske. 2 ónò rôv eiva Madvig. 
3 8e ôv xal Post: ês V, ôe o8 Mai. 

BOOK XXIX. 19. 1—21. 1 

success against them. All may read the lesson that 
the commander is to an army what the mind is 
the body and is responsible for its success. 

20. Scipio, while still a very young man, handled 
affairs in Spain surprisingly well and vanquished the 
Carthaginians ; and he rescued his country, which 
was then in dire jeopardy. For that Hannibal, whom 
no one had ever defeated, he forced by artful planning, 
without battle or risk, to withdraw from Italy. And 
in the end, by the use of a bold strategy he overcame 
the hitherto unconquered Hannibal in pitched battle, 
and thus brought Carthage to her knees. 

21. Because of his great achievements Scipio 
wielded more influence than seemed compatible with 
the dignity of the state. Once, for example, being 
charged with an offence punishable by a painful 
death,! he said only, when it was his turn to speak, 
that it ill behooved Romans to cast a vote against 
the man to whom his very accusers owed their enjoy- 
ment of the right to speak freely. At these words 
the whole populace, shamed by the force of his re- 
mark, left the meeting at once, and his accuser, 
deserted and alone, returned home discredited. On 
another occasion, at a meeting of the senate, when 
funds were needed and the quaestor refused to open 
the treasury, Scipio took over the kėys to do it him- 
self, saying that it was thanks to him that the 

1 To this point the text seems to be the work of the 

excerptor, and we cannot therefore be certain that the 
criticism of Scipio was part of the original. 

4 So Mai: the text is now illegible ; Boissevain suggests 
nore oŭoys (cp. Polybius, 23. 14. 5). 

5 où added by Mai. 

€ npáĉwv read by Herwerden; mpáĝew Mai; mpat.. 



e Ea 
Únrdpyxew aïtios. nmáàw é twos Àóyov aùTòv mar- 
Fe + Eal l 
Toîvros v TÔ cuveðpiw xpnuárav &v čňaßev eis 
y x “~ ~ 
tàs Tv ortparwrôv ðarávas, @poàðynoe uèv 
A A 
exe rov Àoyiouóv, aneîrev Òè uù) aroðwoew' où 
kd a 
yàp deie" Toîs Aois ópoiws rò rov é$eraouòv 
i A 
mimTew. èmkeipévou Ôè ToÔ karņnyópov nméphas 
3 3159 ` Ta À $ > f FA b $ k 
enù? ròv dðecAhòv èkóuisev ml rò ovuvéðpiov rò 
BiPàiov kal karaomapáčas aùrò T® rarņnyópw 
mpocérače iov èk Toútrwv mpooribévar, Toùs Sè 
Aous ouykànrwcoùs hpero? nôs rv eðaravn- 
t z "~ 
évaw tpioyiàiwv raàdvrwv tTòv Àdyov dmarroôc, 
TÕv Õè pupiíwv kal mevrakociwv Êv mapà °’ Avrióyov 
Aaupávovo: Àóyov oùk amarroðow, oùðè Aoyibovrtat 
mÕs ú$ éva oyeðòv kaipòv où póvov `Ifnpias ral 
Aßpúns dààà kal rs '`Acias Kupieðovow. &v 
e bé ð k A lA “~ F yp? e 
pnlévrwv Sià Tò Pápos tis mappnoias oùf’ ó kar- 
P y “ $ > A ki + 
ýyopos oğre rÕv ouvéðpwv oùðeis ephéyćarto. 
(Const. Exc. 4, pp. 363-364.) 
Chaps. 22-27 : see below, after Chap. 29. 
28. “Ore Ý nós Kepederðv ór Aņorðv kal 
~ e 
Sparerðv wkiouévy tròv mps ‘Pwpaiovs móàecpov 
dveðéćaro, mpéoßeis Sè efanréoreie mpòs Öódoviov* 
1 So Dindorf: gede: V. 
2 Dindorf’ deletes ért (cp. Polybius, 23. 14. 8). 
3 So Dindorf: ečpero V. 

4 So Dindorf (with Doàov-), after Mai’s identification of ®. 
as Fulvius: Ddoviov (Dirdovios) V.. 

1 Polybius, 23. 14, says 15,000 talents, ie. the total 
amount of the war indemnity. The incident in the senate is 
probably to be dated to 187 s.c., in connection with the 
attacks of the two Petillii on the Scipios : cp. Livy, 38. 50-55. 


BOOK XXIX., 21. 1—28. 1 

quaestors were in fact able to lock it. On still another 
occasion, when someone in the senate demanded 
from him an accounting of the monies he had re- 
ceived to maintain his troops, he acknowledged that 
he had the account but refused to render it, on the 
ground that he ought not to be subjected to scrutiny 
on the same basis as others. When his accuser 
pressed the demand, he sent to his brother, had the 
book brought into the senate chamber, and after 
tearing it to bits bade his accuser add up the reckon- 
ing from the pieces. Then, turning to the other 
senators, he asked why they demanded an account 
of the three thousand talents that had been expended, 
but did not demand an account of the ten thousand 
five hundred 1 talents that they were receiving from 
Antiochus, and did not even consider how they came 
to be masters, almost in an instant, of Spain, Libya, 
and Asia too. He said no more, but the authority 
that went with his plain speaking silenced both his 
accuser and the rest of the senate. 

28. The city of the Cemeletae, a nest of brigands 
and fugitives, accepted the challenge of Rome.? 
They dispatched envoys to Fulvius, demanding in 

and (for the date) Broughton, Magistrates of the Roman 
Republie, I, p. 370, n. 4. 

Dindorf’s arrangement has been modified by transferring 
chapters 28 and 29 to this point. The present arrangement 
is equally consistent with the order of the fragments in the 
Constantinian collections, and improves the chronological 
sequence. Q. Fulvius Q. f. Flaccus (the consul of 179 B.c.) 
was sent as praetor to Hither Spain in 182 and remained 
there until 180 s.c. For the present story (not in Livy) see 
Appian, Hisp. 42, who calls the city Complega. The possi- 
bility raised by Dindorf, that the episode might belong to 
Fulvius’ Ligurian campaign of 179 s.c. (the place being 
identified as Cemenelum), need no longer be considered. 


182 or 
181 B.C. 


Únèp ékdorov Trõv Teðvykórwv airoðoa odyov kal 
eyyerpiðrov Ert ÕÈ inrov' el è ph, karanoieuýoew 
hrelàet, ó Sè Dódovios? evruyav roîs mpéofeow 
elre pù kakomaleîv: aùròs yàp émi Tiv mów Ñéew 
kal ġldoew tiv ččoðov. ràs è énrayyeňlas 
Beßarðoar Bovàópevos mapayppa avétevéev mi 
Toùs Bappaápovs k moðos åxoñovbðv roîs mpéoßeouw. 

29. “Ori rv hwv Tiwvòs einóvros Iroàcpaiw 
TG Paoide? Sià ri rs Koiàns Eupias oons aùrot 
Sikaiws dppovriore, modàà mepi Toórwv ëġnoev 
aùr® pée. Ùnenovros? Bè ToÎ mposopuàotvros 
mölev eùmophoet ypnpáTwv eis Ttòv móňcuov ó 
Baoideùs Õeifas roùs gious elrev, ‘Ops rToùs 
epoùs yoavpoùs mepiraroûvras. 

(Const. Exe. 4, p. 364.) 

Chap. 30: see below, after Chap. 27. 

22. "Ori karavryodvrwv eis ‘Puny trõv årò ris 
’Acias faciàéwv npeaßevrôv droorañévrwv ot mepl 
ròv “Arradov Baoiàeîs peydàņs droðoyfjs črvyov. 
andávryois yàp aùroîs èyévero peyaorperis kal 
éva kal Taa hiàdvôpwna* drapépovra. apóðpa 
yap oi Bacıiàeîs ofroi piÀophuarot kabeorôrtes kal 
ndvra TÅ ovykàýræ neapyoðvres, ére è Toùs 
mapafádňovras ‘Pwpalwv eis rhv PaoiNlða ro- 
Sexóuevot hidavðpwrórara, peyiorns dnmoðoyñs* 
Ņéoðvro. Ò ðv kal Tv npéoßewv åndávraw ġ 

1 See preceding note. 
aŭr® péàew Dindorf: aùr&ı ée V. 
3 So Walton : úmonrecóvros V : únoàaßóvros Herwerden. 

4 So Ursinus: ıìavbpwrla O. 
5 peydàws after droðoyĝs deleted by Reiske. 


BOOK XXIX. 28. 1—22. 1 

the name of each of the men who had been killed 
a cloak, a dagger, and a horse ; failing this, they 
threatened war to the finish. Fulvius, on encounter- 
ing the delegation, bade them spare their pains : he 
would himself proceed against their city and be there 
before their expedition could set out. Wishing to 
make good his word, he straightway broke camp and 
marched against the barbarians, following close on 
the heels of the envoys. 

29. King Ptolemy,! being asked by one of his 
courtiers why he neglected Coelê Syria though it was 
rightfully his, replied that he was giving good heed 
to the matter. When the friend continued and 
asked where he would find sufficient money for the 
campaign, the king pointed to his friends and said : 
“ There, walking about, are my money-bags.” 

22. On the arrival at Rome of the Asiatic princes 
who had been sent as envoys, Attalus and his en- 
tourage ? received a warm welcome : they were met 
and escorted into the city in style, presented with 
rich gifts, and shown every courtesy. These princes 
were, indeed, steadfast friends of Rome, and since 
they were in all things submissive to the senate, and 
were, moreover, most generous and hospitable to 
such Romans as visited their kingdom, they were 
granted the finest possible reception. For their sake 

1 Ptolemy V Epiphanes. Coelê Syria had been in the 
hands of the Seleucids since 200 s.c. St. Jerome (in Dan. 
11. 20), quoting the story from Porphyrius, adds that the 
remark led to the poisoning of the king by those who feared 
the confiscation of their wealth. 

2 Attalus, who was to succeed his older brother Eumenes II 
on the throne of Pergamum in 160/59 B.C., was accompanied 
on this visit by his younger brothers (Polybius, 24. 5). The 
war between Pergamum and Pharnaces of Pontus raged 
from 183 to 179 B.C, 


181/0 B.C. 


oúykànņrTos dkoðoaca kal udora oneúðovoa roîs 
mepi ròv Eùpévy Paoideðot yapiteohat npoonvå 
TOŬÚTOLS TV àtókpiow énoroaTto. àmepivaro yàp 
droorteàeiv ék toô ouveðpiov mpéoßeis roùs ék 
mavròs rpómov ovňýoovras* ròv mpòs Dapváryv 
móňepov. (Const. Exc. 1, p. 401.) 

23. "Ori Aewkpiros ó roô Papvárov ortparnyòs 
auvexeîs mpoopoààs morwoúuevos jváyraoe roùs èv 
T Tio? pobopópovs rův èv nóv mapaðoðvai, 
aùroùs è úroonóvõovs nponeuplivai perà oha- 
Àcias. rôv ĝè puolopópwv róre èv èr tis móňcws 
karà tàs ouvvlýras mporeumopévwv, v 8è rtoîs 
endvw ypõvois )õiknkórwv rov Ďapvárnv, ó Aew- 
KpiTos évroààs čywv mapà roô Dapvákov mávras 
dveàeîv mapeonóvðņoe roùs puolopópovs' karà Šè 
Tùv ék toô Tiov” perdoraow aùroîs ènébero karà 
Tý? óðorropiav kal návras karnkóvrioev. 

24. “Ori ó Zédevros dfiódoyov Súvauv dvaaßðv 
mpoñyev œ©s Úmeppnoóuevos röv Taðpov emi rùv 
Bonberav roô Papvdárov' čvvorav Šè Aafa r@v mpòs 
‘Pwpaiovs T® martpi yevouévav ovviykôv, kaf’ ås 
oùk éfñv ... 

25. “Ori of rà eid roàuýoavres kat ròv An- 
uýrpiov dveàðvres oùr éčéhvyov Tův toð Šalov 
Sarpoviov Tiuwpiav, AAN oi èv èk ‘Põuns tàs 
peuõeîs Sraßoàas màaoduevoi per’ dÀiyov xpõvov T 
Baoiàe? mpookópavres avņnpéðnoav, ó Sè Pirros 
1 So Reiske: ovAdovras O. 2 So Valesius: riw (miov) P. 
3 kartà rhv Salmasius, Valesius : xarġv P. 

4 thv .. . Tipwplav] Kallenberg suggests rhv èx roô ŝat- 
poviov ŝixalav tiuwpiav. 


BOOK XXIX, 22. 1—25. 1 

the senate gave audience to all the envoys, and 
showing the greatest concern to please Eumenes, 
returned them a favourable response, announcing 
that a senatorial commission would be sent out that 
would settle at all costs the conflict with Pharnaces. 

23. Leocritus, the general of Pharnaces, by con- 
stant assaults at last forced the mercenaries in Tius 1 
to surrender the city and, under terms of a truce that 
assured them safe conduct, to leave under escort. 
These mercenaries, who were now quitting the city 
in accordance with the agreement, had in times past 
wronged Pharnaces ; and Leocritus, who had orders 
from Pharnaces to put them all to death, now violated 
the truce, and on their departure from Tius set upon 
them on the way and shot them down one and all 
with darts. 

24. Seleucus, leading an army of considerable size, 
advanced as if intending to cross the Taurus in sup- 

ort of Pharnaces ? ; but on taking note of the treaty 
that his father had made with the Romans, the terms 
of which forbade . .. 

25. Those who perpetrated this crime and murdered 
Demetrius did not escape the avenging punishment 
of divine justice. On the contrary, the men °? who 
had fabricated the false accusations and brought 
them from Rome soon after fell foul of the king and 
were put to death. Philip himself for the remainder 

1 This town on the Black Sea, recently wrested by 
Pergamum from Bithynia, was the original home of the 
Attalids. The precise date of the incident recorded here is 

2 Possibly in return for a promise of 500 talents: cp. 
Polybius, fr. ine. 96 (Büttner-Wobst). 

3 Apelles and Philocles. See Livy, 40. 20; 28; 54-55. 
Philip died in 179 s.c. 


180 B.C. 


TÒv Àorròv TOÔ hv ypóvov õverporodoúpevos kal Stà 
TÀ ouveiðnow tis els ròv eùyevéorarov viðv àoe- 
Beias raparrópevos oùôè Steri xpóvov èreßlwoe, rå 
Sè Aúny dðiophlóTws ovveyóuevos karéorpepe Tov 
iov. ô Sè mdvrwv râv kakôv åpyirérrwv Ilepoeùs 
vro ‘Pwpaiwv karamoàeunbeis ral duyàòv eis 
Zauobpgrnv, ğkvpov oye Tv trôv åyvordrwv bev 
ixeciav Sià rùv bmeppoàñv ris els ròv dðeàdòv 
TeToàunuévns doeßelas. 

26. “Ore TiBépios Tpáryost éćaréìekvus öv 
artpatnyòs evepyðs Öuýret Tà karà ròv móňepov. 
ortos yàp véos &v rv Àlav ndvræv hÀriwrÂv 
õréhepev dvõpeig kal dpovýoeci, Bavpatópevos Šè èr 
àperĝ kai peydñas roð uéàovros Ùrodaivwv ed- 
mias moù rv Awra mpoeîye ÕóÉN. 

27. "Ore ó Apios ó Ümaros ó ral mdrpwv 
yeyovæs ÑV eùyevýs Te Kal kaTà TV ÖV eÙTperhs, 
ETL È ovvéoer Toàù Siapépwv rÕv Adwv. drep ý 
èv natpis aùròv årdoas taîs êmðóčois dpyaís 
êriunoev, aùròs Õè év re TÔ Chv Srerédeoev èrawov- 
pevos kal rûs perà ÎQávarov eùnpias mpoevońðn 
petà TOÔ rÅs martpiðos ovuhépovros. 

(Const. Exc. 2 (1), pp. 274-275.) 

Chaps. 28-29: see above, after Chap. 21. 

30. “Ori Hepoeòs rhv aùrùv ëxwv mpoaipeow TÔ 

1 So Salmasius, Valesius : Bpéyxos P. 

1 The “ Great Gods” of the Samothracian mysteries, 
similar to and often identified with the Cabiri. Perseus 
sought refuge on the island in 168 s.c., after Pydna. 

3 Against the Celtiberians in Hither Spain. Gracchus, 

BOOK XXIX. 25. 1—30. 1 

of his life was haunted by dreams and by terrors of a 
guilty conscience because of the impious crime against 
the noblest of sons. He survived less than two years, 
succumbing to the burden of an incurable sorrow. 
Perseus, finally, the chief contriver of all the villainy, 
was defeated by the Romans and fled to Samothrace, 
but his claim as a suppliant of the Most Pure Gods 1 
was invalidated by the monstrous impiety that he 
had perpetrated against his brother. 

26. Tiberius Gracchus, the praetor, prosecuted the 
war 2? with vigour. Indeed, while still a young man 
he surpassed all his contemporaries in courage and 
intelligence, and since his abilities commanded ad- 
miration and showed great hopes for the future, he 
enjoyed a reputation that greatly distinguished him 
among his contemporaries. . 

27. Aemilius? the consul, who also became patronus, 180-175 s.c. 

was a man of noble birth and handsome appearance, 
and was, in addition, gifted with superior intelligence. 
As a result his country honoured him with all its high 
magistracies, while he, for his part, continued through- 
out his lifetime to win men’s praise, and provided for 
his own good repute after death along with the wel- 
fare of his country. 

30. The political aims of Perseus were the same as 179 s.c. 

the father of the famous tribunes, was praetor in 180 and. 
propraetor in 179 B.c., succeeding Q. Fulvius Flaċcus (see 
note to chap. 28) in the Spanish command. j 

3 Probably M. Aemilius Lepidus, who became pontifex 
maximus in 180 and censor in 179 s.c., and whose personal 
beauty is noted also by Polybius (16. 34. 6). A family legend 
(cp. čutor reg({is) on a denarius of c. 67 s.c. and Justin, 
30. 3. 3-4, Val. Max. 6. 6. 1, Tac. Ann. 2. 67) arose that he 
acted as guardian of a child-Ptolemy (identified by Justin as 
Epiphanes, in 200 s.c.). Our text, where in any case a genitive 
is lacking after márpwv, may refer to this story. 



matpl kal raútyv onebðwv nò ‘Pwpalwv dyvoeî- 
oları mpeofevràs anéoreidev eis ‘Põunv rtoùs 
avavewgopévovs Tv matpikùv hiàlav. ý è oúy- 
kÀņnTos Tà nÀcîora rôv npayudrwv alohavopévn 
Tiv giàíav uws dvevewcaro, tròv ètararôvra 
óuoiws étanrarðca. 

31. "Ori ràs êmpedcias? oy obrw TO’ ĝa TÕv 
ómàwv póßw àaußávew aŭfnow ðs TÅ mpòs rods 
kparņhévras perpiótņnrti. Qóavra ydp Tiwa ëkðorov 
ý oúykànrtos Aaßoñoa kal peyadopúyws èvéykaca 
rov dvõpa TÕv èykàņnudrwv aréàvoev. 

(Const. Exc. 4, p. 364.) 

32. “Ori `Avrioyos mpoogdrws mapenpas TÀv 
Bacıdciav êveorýoaro Biov mapáàoyov kal dovvýðn 
Tols dààois Bacideðor. mpôrTov èv yàp èk tô Ba- 
oeiwv nrdywr? Àdbpa ris bepareias mepiýet Tùv 
mów dàðwv mov rúyot ðevTepos Ñ TpiTOS' peETà 
òè rara édidotiueîro uera snuorðv dvbpõørwv 
ovykarappırteîv oî Týyo kal ETà TÔV mapen- 
õnpovvrwv Éévwv TÔ" eùreàceordrwv ovurmivew. 
Kkalóàov & ei twas? tôv véwv aioboirro a$ hpépas 
LET aàÀhÀwv yevouévovs, étaiġvns èri kôpov 
mapeyivero” perà keparlov kal ovufwvias, Wore 
Sà Tò mapdðočov rv ðiwrõv roùðs uèv pevyew, 
Toùs è ià rov póßov orwrâv. rò è Tedevratov 

1 èmpedcias] hyepovias Dindorf, émixpareias Post. 
2 zô added by Dindorf. 
3? So Salmasius: úrárw» P. 
4 ol rýyo, Wesseling : eè rvyor P. 
5 rv added by Herwerden (cp. Polybius, 26. 1). 


BOOK XXIX. 30. 1—32. 1 

those of his father,! but since he wished to keep this 
from the Romans he sent ambassadors to Rome to 
renew his father’s treaty of alliance and friendship. 
The senate, though aware of nearly all that was 
happening, nevertheless renewed the alliance, thereby 
deceiving the deceiver on his own ground. 

31. Our concerns are advanced less by fear and 
force of arms than by moderation towards the de- 
feated. So, for example, when Thoas was handed 
over è? and the senate had him in their power, they 
behaved magnanimously and acquitted him on all 

32. Antiochus,’ on first succeeding to the throne, 
embarked upon a quixotic mode of life foreign to 
other monarchs. To begin with, he would often slip 
out of the palace without informing his courtiers, and 
wander at random about the city with one or two 
companions. Next, he took pride in stooping to the 
company of common people, no matter where, and 
in drinking with visiting foreigners of the meanest 
stamp. In general, if he learned that any young men 
were forgathering at an early hour, he would sud- 
denly appear at the party with a fife and other music, 
so that in their astonishment some of the commoners 
who were guests would take to their heels and others 
be struck dumb with fear. Finally, he would at times 

1 Diodorus follows Polybius (22. 18) in ascribing to Philip 
the policy that led to the Third Macedonian War. On the 
embassy to Rome see Livy, 40. 59. 8. 

2 By Antiochus ITI, see above, chap. 10. 

3 Antiochus IV Epiphanes, who seized the throne in 175 
B.c. The character sketch is taken from Polybius, 26. 1 and 
la; cp. also below, Book 31. 16. 

€ So Valesius (cp. Polybius, l.c.) : rwa P. 
` 7? So Büttner-Wobst: mapeyévero P. 


175 B.C. 


Tv Baoi cbira karaĝépevos mepießdàdero 
Ed Ed T e vi ? e + ` 
TýßBevvav, kabðdrep v éwpakàos êv ‘Poun rToòùs 

? 2 a 
peranopevouévovs TAS ApyáS, verúyyavé Te Toîs 
buórais dorabópevos kal nepintúocwv čkacToV, 

a e a ` a 
kal morè èv mapakañðv épew avr tiv Yigov 
os àyopavóuw, morè è œs Önudpxw' Tuxæv ðè 
apxîs èkdbıbev émi Sihpov èňepdvriwvov, kal rabos 
ori ‘Poæpaiois ébiuov, Sirove trõv mpòs dAAńÀovs 
duhioßnrovvrwr? nepi Tõv év TÔ Biw cvppodaiwv.? 
kal taÎr ënparte perà TnoàÀfjs èmortdoews Kal 
diotulas worte Toùs yapieoráTovs dvòpas dnopetv 
4 3 A Li y ki > IÀ e sè aÀ t 
mept aùroô: oi pèv yàp dpéàciav, ot Sè dàoyiav, 
Tivès è paviav aùToÔ kaTteyivwokov. 
(Const. Exe. 2 (1), pp. 275-276.) 
33. “Ore rs mapà rToîŭs Aitrwàoîs ypewrorias 
hI bi A + ki + ld 
kard thv Qeocadiav Gnàwheions, kat mdons móàews 
únéàaßev èk roô Ilepoéws yeyovévar Tùv oúyyxvow, 
kal anmeàoyicaro toîs toô Ilepoéws mpeoßevraîs 
` ` a y ? , 3o np À 
mept pèv TÕv AÀAAwV AToÀŬoew aÙTÒv TÖV” EykÀN- 
LaTtwv, nepil Sè tris ` APpovróàðos roð Opakòs èr 
Tis Baoideias ékfoàñs êréàevoe ceophooachar ròv 
IHepcéa TÒ yeyovós. 
34. "Ori To “Aprdàov rof Iepoéws mpeoßevro? 
7 e r A ? + ? t 
oiwnýoavtos, ý) oúykànros tov Evpévy eñepavrivw 
7 td 4 "~ y >? ~ 2 LA 
tıuńhoaca ĵidpw kal tis &ÀAùns årnoðoyis dkrwcaca 
2 ? + ? A kd $, 
hidodppõvws, efaréoreidev eis Tv ° Aciav. 
(Const. Exc. 1, p. 401.) 

BOOK XXIX. 32. 1—34. 1 

put off his royal garb, and wrapping himself in a toga, 
as he had seen candidates for office do at Rome, 
would accost the citizens, saluting and embracing 
them one by one, and ask them to give him their 
vote, now for the office of aedile, and again for that 
of tribune. Upon being elected, he would sit on an 
ivory chair, and in the Roman fashion listen to the 
opposing arguments in ordinary cases of contract. 
He did this with such close attention and zeal that all 
men of refinement were perplexed about him, some 
ascribing his behaviour to artless simplicity, others to 
folly, and some to madness. 

33. The cancelling of debts in Aetolia was emulated 
in Thessaly, and factional strife and disorder broke 
out in every city. The senate assumed that Perseus 
was at the bottom of this turmoil, and reported to 
his envoys that while they would drop all the other 
charges against him, the expulsion of Abrupolis the 
Thracian from his kingdom was an act that, they in- 
sisted, Perseus must rectify. 

34. Harpalus, the ambassador of Perseus, made 
no reply. The senate, after allowing Eumenes the 
honour of an ivory curule chair and granting him 
other kindly marks of favour, dispatched him on his 
way to Asia.? 

1 On the significance of the Abrupolis incident see Poly- 
bius, 22. 18. 

2 For Eumenes’ denunciation of Perseus before the senate 
see Livy, 42. 11-14. 

1 So Dindorf (cp. Polybius, l.c.): Sikovero P. 

2 P repeats mpòs dààńàovs after dupiroßnroúvræv. 

2 So Valesius (cp. cvvaħaypáræv, Polybius, l.c.): ovu- 
Boàcw P. 

4 So Ursinus: oúykpiow O. 

5 tôv added by Dindorf. 6 So Ursinus: xai O. 


173 B.o. 

172 B.C. 



"Ore perà Thv èmpovàùiy rùv karà Eùpévovs 
eis rò Iépyauov Siadobeions pýuns öre Tereevrn- 
kev Eùuévns, “Arraàos enenàdky ri Baociàioon 
npoyeipórepov. où piv Eùpévns ye mpooerorýðn 
uerà traðr dvakdwpas, dàdaà hio$póvws dora- 
oápevos ròv dðeàhòv Šıéuewev êv Ti npòs aùròv 
eùvoig. (Const. Exc. 2 (1), p. 276.) 


BOOK XXIX. 34. 2 

When, following the attempt upon Eumenes’ life,1 
the rumour reached Pergamum that he was dead, 
Attalus made short work of wooing the queen. Yet 
Eumenes on his return took no notice, greeted his 
brother warmly, and was as friendly as before. 

1 At Delphi, on his return journey from Rome ; cp. Livy, 
t2. 15-16. 



7. 1. "Orn Siacadovvrov trõv ‘Pæwpaiwv ós 
Ilepoća kareorparynoav dvev trÕv õnÀwv, ène- 
xeipnodv tiwes tÕv ék Tis Bovàĵs ênaweîv aùrovs. 
où u)v Toîs mpeofpurárois peske Tò yeyevnuévov, 
aX éàeyov u) npénew ‘Pwpaiois pupeioha 
Doivixas wore Õe dndrys AX où Òr dperis tT@v 
moàcuiwv mepiyiveobar. (Const. Exc. 4, p. 364.) 

Chap. 7. 2: see below, after Chap. 6. 

1. “Ore h ovykànros aùlnuepòv è&pnpicaro tòv 
mpòs Ilepoéa móàepov kal Toîs mpeopevraîs èxpn- 
uáTioe év, anókpiow è obðepiav &wke.! mpos- 
éraće ðe roîs úrndrois év èkkàņoiais iapphðnv 
àvayopeúeun”: roús rte npeoßevràs ral mavras 
Makeðóvas èk èv ‘Pæuns drneàbeiv aùlnuepóv, èk 
Sè ris Iradas èv hpépais Tpiákovrta. 

2. "Ori ó Ilroàepaios o ris Aiyúnrov Pacides 
elds Toùs arot mpoyóvovs oynkóras Tv? Koiànv 
Evpiav mapaokevàs eroreîro peydàas dppioßntôv 
Taŭrys’ Amé ret riv dðikw noàéuw mpórepov 

1 So Dindorf: Séwxev O. 
2 So Wesseling : ämayopevew O, Dindorf. 

3 rv Suidas, s.v. dupioßnreiv, omitted in O. 
¢ 7e] yàp Suidas, l.c. 

1 Cp. Livy, 42. 47. The episode evidently refers to the 
story that in order to gain time for Rome to prepare, Q. 



7. 1. When the Roman (envoys) reported that 
they had outwitted Perseus without recourse to arms, 
some members of the senate made a move to praise 
them. The older men, however, were far from pleased 
with what had been done, and said it did not be- 
come Romans to ape the Phoenicians, nor to get the 
better of their enemies by knavery rather than by 

1. On the same day the senate approved a declara- 
tion of war against Perseus, and though it gave an 
audience to his envoys, made no reply to their state- 
ments. In addition the senate ordered the consuls 
to make solemn proclamation before assemblies of 
the people, bidding the envoys and all other Mace- 
donians depart from Rome that very day and from 
Italy within thirty days.? 

2. Ptolemy, king of Egypt, knowing that his an- 
cestors had held Coelê Syria, made great preparations 
for war in support of his claim, hoping that since it 
had been detached in times past through an unjust 

Marcius Philippus persuaded Perseus to send one more 
embassy to Rome (Livy, 42. 38-43). The excerpt accordingl 
belongs here (or at the end of Book 29), before the outbrea! 
of hostilities. On the embassy of Marcius and its relation to 
the conditional declaration of war (Livy, 42. 30. 10-11) see 
Walbank, J.R.S. 31 (1941), 82 ff. 

2 Cp. Polybius, 27. 6; Livy, 42. 48. 


171 B.C. 

170/89 B-04 


àveruévyy TóTe ıkalws roîs aùroîs vóőpois åvakrtý- 
ceolar? å ù mvÂóuevos ó `Avrioyos éfanéoreiev 
eis ‘Pouny mpéopeis êvredduevos paprópaoðat Tův 
oúykànTov Ti modeueîv dðikws èmfpdherai Iroc- 
paos. ééanéoreide Sè kal ò mpoepnpévos Toùs 
åmoàoynoopévovs kal ŠDdfovras rův ovykÀnrtov 
Ôtt mapà mdvra TÀ Õikua kpare? rÎs Kons 
Zvpías `Avrioxos éavroð mpoyovicijs napyovons. 
êvereiNaro Õè rd Te hiàdvlpwrna nmpòs ‘Pwualovs 
àvavewoachar kal mepi Tis mpòs Tepoéa Sraàúóoews 
nepalijvai. (Const. Exc. 1, pp. 401-402.) 

3. “Ori ó Kórus ó rôv Opgkõv Baoıideðs fv èv 
Toîs moàéuois avp čumpaktros èppepópevos? kal 
yvóuņ člaßépwv, čv Te Toîs dÀdors omovõafos kal 
dilas dros. Ñv Sè kal výmrys kat oáæġpwv kab’ 
Úneppoàńv, re è rò uéyiorov, mavtwv TÔ? Toîs 
Opgél mapakoàovhovvrwv kakðv dAoTpuóTaTos. 

4. "Ori rò Xdàeorpov Tò moNoudTiov ToMopkhý- 
cast ó Iepoeùs kal mávras &noopáćas, mepl mevra- 
Koclovs è gvupvyðvrwv eis twa tómov òyvpòv 
perà TÔv õTÀwv Kal airnoapévwv dopdàceav, éw- 
kev aùroîs Ttùv èfovolav dnmobeuévois Tà ÖrÀa 
cúģeobar. rv è momoapévwv TÒ ovyywpnhév, 
oi Makeðóves eir dap* éavrôv eire kal toô 
Paciàéws mpooráźavros ènņkoàovðnoav Tois Àa- 
Booi Tv mior kal mávras dnéoġaćav. 

1 So Herwerden, Dindorft: åvarrýcacðaı O. 

a Fimpa tor eugepópevos] dunpártrws è Valesius; Reiske 
would delete eugepópevos. 3 ôv added by Dindorf. 


BOOK XXX. 2. 1—4. 1 

war he might now justly recover it on the same 
terms. Antiochus, learning of this, dispatched envoys 
to Rome bidding them call the senate to witness that 
Ptolemy, without just cause, was bent on making 
war. Ptolemy, however, also sent off envoys to speak 
in his defence, and to inform the senate that Coelê 
Syria had belonged to his forebears and that its sub- 
jection to Antiochus was contrary to all justice. He 
also instructed them to renew friendly relations with 
the Romans and to try to bring about peace with 

3. Cotys, king of the Thracians, was a man who 
in matters of warfare moved with vigour and was 
superior in judgement, and who in other respects as 
well was responsible and deserving of friendship. He 
was abstinent and circumspect in the highest degree, 
and most important of all, was completely exempt 
from the besetting vices of the Thracian people.? 

4. After the siege of the small township of Chales- 
trum? Perseus put all the inhabitants to death. 
About five hundred, however, having made good 
their escape under arms to a certain stronghold, re- 
quested an assurance of safe-conduct, and Perseus 
consented to spare their lives on condition that they 
laid down arms. They complied with the terms agreed 
on, but the Macedonians, whether of their own accord 
or under orders of the king, followed those who had 
received the assurance and put them all to death. 

1 Cp. Polybius, 27. 19 and 28. 1. The kings are Ptolemy 
VI Philometor, who had just come of age, and Antiochus IV 

2 Cp. Polybius, 27. 12. Cotys, king of the Odrysae, was 
a staunch ally of Perseus. 

2 Unknown, perhaps Thracian or Dardanian. . 

E So Valesius: é$’ P. 

4 xnoàopkýoas Dindorf*, 


5. "Ori rara riv “Hreipov Xdápoyt viwvòs? roð 
Tv aùTùův êyovros mpooqyopiav kal karà ròv 
npòs Pirnnrov móàceuov etaneoraàkóros Dìa- 
uevivw tòv ynoðuevov tràs dveàriorovs Ñià TÖV 
òpõv atpanoús, Š? ðv oi ‘Pwpaîŭoı mapaðótws 
nopevlévres TÕv orevðv kpdrnoav. Ttpaġeis è év 
‘Poun dià riv roô mánnov mpos ‘Pwuaiovs piàiav 
moddoîs TÕv émonuwv enečevoðn. Õv è Tounpòs 
kai movnpiq ciahépwv roùs évõoforárovs rõv H- 
nepwrõv Sréfadàe mpos ‘Pwpaiovs, pevõeîs emp- 
Svvapévovs dvtinodreveolar neprein* kúpros åánrdons 
rûs  Hreipov. Siónrep mpòs Iepoća étaréoreiàav 
eis Mareðoviav, mayyedóuevot mapaðwoew Tùv 
“Hrrepov. (Const. Exc. 2 (1), pp. 276-277.) 

5a. “Ori “Ooridiov roô brnárov rapayevnlévros 
èk ‘Pæpuns eis "Hreipov, Oeóõoros kait Piàóorpa- 
Tos oi paota nepoibovres eneßdàovro T Paoide? 
mapaðoðvaı TÒV ÜmarTov. peraneumopévwv è av- 
trv rov Ilepoéa karà rayos, ð mèv “Oorios* 
Aaßav ónopiav merfAbe vvxrós, ó ðè Tepoeds 
Úorepnkos TÕv kapv ris mepi Tòv ÜmaTov ovà- 
Ańpews anérvyev. (Const. Exc. 3, p. 198.) 

6. "Ori ot mepi ròv Eùuévn rv rôv `ABõnpırôv 
nóv moNopkoðvres kal Thv èk ris Bias dàwow 
dnoyvóvres ðienéwbavro Àdlpa mpós rwa Túlðwva 
T één mpwrevovra ræv 'ABsnpırðv kal rò 
kupieðov pépos dıaġvàdrrovra ia Sovàwv Slwv 

1 So Valesius: yápos P. 2 So Wesseling : viòs P. 

3 kat added by Reiske. 

4 So Post: xaĝamepel P, kaĝárat eîn Madvig. Büttner- 

Wobst (after Reiske) reads f mdáons for árdans. 
E ó pèv ‘Oorihos Feder, Müller : ó 8è doros S. 


BOOK XXX. 5. 1—6. 1 

5. Charops of Epirus was the grandson + and name- 
sake of that Charops who, during the war against 
Philip, had sent to Flamininus a guide to show him 
unexpected paths across the mountains, whereby the 
Romans, making a surprise advance, won control of 
the pass. Thanks to that grandfather's friendship 
with the Romans, the younger Charops was educated 
in Rome and formed ties of hospitality with many 
prominent men. He was, however, an arrant knave 
and adventurer, and set out to traduce to the Romans 
the men of Epirus who were held in highest esteem, 
hurling false charges against them in the hope that 
once he had confounded all who were capable of 
opposing him he might be left master of all Epirus. 

It was in consequence of this thåt they ? now sent to 170 s.o. 

Macedon, offering to deliver Epirus to Perseus. 

5a. Upon arrival of the consul Hostilius ? in Epirus 
from Rome, Theodotus and Philostratus, the chief 
partisans of Perseus, plotted to betray him to the 
king. But while they were still urgently summoning 
Perseus, Hostilius, whose suspicions had been aroused, 
departed by night, and Perseus, arriving too late, 
failed to capture him. 

6. During the siege of Abdera, Eumenes, despair- 
ing of carrying the city by storm, sent secretly to a 
certain Python, a man of the highest esteem among 
the Abderites, who with two hundred of his own 

1 So Polybius, 27. 15: the present text, which is clearly 
the work of the excerptor, says *“‘ son.” The incident alluded 
to had occurred in 198 »B.c. 

2 The Epirotes, led by the moderate Cephalus. 
ar A Hostilius Mancinus. For the incident see Polybius, 



Kal åneàcvbépwv ñiaxociwv. Yuyaywyhoavres oĝv 
aùròv énayyeàiais Ŝià ToÚTov maperohxðnoav évròs 
TOÔ Teiyous kat ris móews ekupievoav. Ò Õè Tùv 
mów mpoðoùs Húlwv perpias trvyæv eùðepyecias, 
npò òphaàuðv Aaußpávæwv tv tis martpiðos kara- 
akadv èv dÂvpig kal perapeàcig tòv karañeiró- 
uevov éßBiwoe ypóvov. (Const. Exe. 2 (1), p. 277.) 

Chap. 7. 1: see above, before Chap. 1. 

7. 2. “Ore `Avðpóvikos, ò tòv mada Zedecúkov 
Sodofovýoas kai máw aùròs åvarpebeís, els doepi 
kaè cewy mpõéw ékovolws emðoùs éavróv TÔ 

3 malóvre ris polas Túyys kowóvnoev. oi yàp 
Ôuvdorar ovvýleis ecioiv éavroùs èk tôv kiwvðúvwv 
Taîs rôv hiàwv pveohar avupopaîs. 

8. "Ore mpovonrixâðs. roð ovveðpiov mpovonsa- 
pévov ka? katà mavra eùkaipws tis Tv piñavbpo- 
mav peraléoews? emdapouévov. Tob yàp Iepoéws 
davroġlaàpoðvros mapaðóćws kal tròv móňcuov Šta- 
dépovros icópporov ėperewpiķovro moot tÂv 
“EAMývwv, ġ) dè oúykànrTos dei Ti katvororoĝoa Toùs 
"EM nvas pidavðpomws dvleîàke kai map’ čkaorov 
éneàaupdvero tis Tv öxàwv eùvolas. & tis äv 
ýyepovias åvp mpaypartıkòs ôpeyóuevos oùk äv 
Enàwdoerev, Ņ Tis eÔ ppovôv ovyypaheùs mapañelror 
Toĵ guveðpiou Tùv ènivorav dvemiońpavrov; mâs 
yàp äv eikóőtrws ðaàdfotr ‘Pwpalovs tob mÀelorov 

1 kal added by Herwerden. Post suggests the deletion of 

mpovoņnoapévov. 2 perabéoews] peraðóoews Dindorf. 
3 So Boissevain : ov V, v Dindorf. 
& So Dindorf: rôs V. 


BOOK XXX. 6. 1—8. 1 

slaves and freedmen was defending the key position. 
By beguiling him with promises they gained entrance 
within the walls through his assistance and took the 
city. Python, the traitor, though: moderately re- 
warded, had ever present to his mind’s eye the 
vision of his country’s devastation, and lived out the 
remainder of his days in despair and regret. 

7. 2-3. Andronicus, who assassinated the son of 169 B.o. 

Seleucus and who was in turn put to death, willingly 
lent himself to an impious and terrible crime, only to 
share the same fate as his victim.? For it is the prac- 
tice of potentates to save themselves from danger at 
the expense of their friends. 

8. Prudently and always alert to the needs of the 
moment, the senate took in hand a revision of its 
benevolences. For when Perseus, proving unex- 
pectedly defiant, prolonged the war to a stalemate, 
many Greeks had high hopes. The senate, however, 
by constantly renewed acts of generosity towards the 
Greeks exerted a contrary influence, and on each 
occasion made a bid for the support of the masses. 
What man of affairs who aspires to leadership could 
fail to admire this? What intelligent historian 
would pass over without comment the sagacity of the 
senate ? Indeed, one might reasonably conclude 
that Rome’s mastery over most of mankind was 
achieved by means of just such refinements of policy. 

2 L. Hortensius, the Roman praetor who participated in 
the capture of Abdera (so Niese, Gesch., griech. u. mak. 
Staaten, 3. 129, n. T), was later censured by the senate for 
his conduct (Livy, 43. 4). f i 

2 2 Macc. 4. 34-38 gives the murder of Onias, the High 
Priest, as the immediate occasion for Andronicus’ downfall. 
On the son of Seleucus see Bevan in Cambridge Ancient 

History, 8. 497, 503-504 and 713-714, with the reservations 
of Aymard, Aegyptus, 32 (1952), 93-94, on his status as king. 



pévovs õraßovàiors, Toryapoðv mepreveybivar nâo 
Toîs rarpoîs åppoóvrws, kal Twà pè _"epiopây, 
Twà è Ékovoiws mapakoðew, kal Torè pèr TAY 
dÀoyov ópuv ToÎ bvuog mapakatéxew, TOTÈ òè 
apéuevov Trò puéyeĥos tis lias vvduews rToùs 
karaðeeorépovs bepareðew yphorov mpokara- 
okevačóuevov čpyov, oTiv kat aperùv &võðpòs mav- 
Tedeiov’ Kal ovveðpiov kat Tavra Tpaypatıko 
kal móàcws „Syabis kal voĝv èxovons. å ò) TóTE 

‘Pwpaiwv À oúykàņrtos morooa kalarepel Twàs 
TýToVS kal Ýnoðeiyuara katañéàoinme Toîs Nye- 
povias åvreyopévois kal Õvvauévois maparàáoacbar 
TÕS TÀ ovpnintTovra Õe? yerpitetv KATÀ TAS Tepi- 

9. “Or: ò Ilepoeùs ðreréurero mpòs l'évriov ròv 
rôv 'IMvpiðv Paociàéa uéyiorov ðvra rv tőre 
Svvaorðv mept kowonpayias. roô è pýoavros 
ehéàeiwv uèv modeueiv mpòs ‘Pwpalovs, amope ĝè 
XPNLATwV, TAÀW Sreréurero mpòs aùròv éleào- 

kwpâv mepi TÕV xpnpáTwv. Tùův Šè aùrùv Àaßòv 
danmókpiow TÒ TpiToV ÅnéoTee, voĝðv ÈV TÙY TOÔ 
Tevríov ĉıdvorav, où? mpoomoioúpevos Sé, ëdnoe 
Kkartà vov yevopévwv aùrtoîs TÕV TMpaypáTwv Tà 
eùðokoðvra mooew. 

2 "Ori ó Iepoeùs oùbðénmw Bovàóuevos mpoéoða 
xpýuaTta máAwv égénempe mpeopevràs Tpos Té évriov, 
TapaciwrÂv pėv mepi TOÔ Šwoew mapavrika xpň- 
Lata, pera è Tv TÔV Tpaypárwv ovuvréàéiav 

peydàas únohaíivav Sapas WOTE cianophoat TIS 
1 tovyapoĝv nepieveybivu] rò yàp ovurepieveybívaı Her- 


2 So Post: mávra reàcíov V. Dindorf deletes mávra. 


BOOK XXX. 8. 1—9. 2 

This justifies the observation that harmonious adapta- 
tion to all occasions—connivance at some things, the 
turning of a deaf ear to some reports, the timely 
restraint of some impulse of blind rage, or, laying 
aside considerations of national dignity and power, to 
pay court to inferiors while paving the way for some 
success later—that such adaptation indicates con- 
summate excellence in the individual, superb realism 
in the deliberating body, and virtue and intelligence 
in the state. All this the Roman senate of those days 
did, and thereby left, as it were, models and patterns 
for all who strive for empire and have the imagination 

to see how necessary it is to deal with problems in > 

the light of circumstances. 

9. Perseus sent envoys to Gentius,! king of the 
Dlyrians and their most powerful chieftain at this 
time, proposing that they take concerted action. 
When Gentius asserted that he was quite willing to 
fight against the Romans but lacked money, Perseus 
again sent to him, turning, however, a deaf ear to the 
subject of money. On receiving the same reply he 
sent a third time, and though well aware what was in 
Gentius’ mind he affected not to be, and said that if 
their undertaking turned out as planned he would 
give him ample satisfaction. 

Perseus, being still unwilling to advance money, 
again dispatched envoys to Gentius, saying not a 
word about an immediate gift of money but hinting 
at great things that he might expect upon the success- 
ful completion of their business. It is a nice problem 

1 Or Genthius. Polybius, 28. 8-9, gives the negotiations in 
slightly greater detail; for the sequel see Livy, 44. 23 and 

3? où added by Walton (cp. Polybius, 5. 25. 7). 


170/09 Bc. 


äv mórepov Tův Toraúryv Šidðvow dpooúvyv Ù 
Teàéws uaviav ŅyýoaTo TÕV TÀ ToaDTa mparróv- 
Twv. emPdMovrai pèv yàp peydàois kal rhv iĝiav 
mapaßdààovra? puyýv, mapopðoi è rò udora 
dvaykaðrtartov, kal raĵra vooðvres aùrol kal vvd- 
pevoi ovvredeîv,. Pirros pèv ov ò `Apúvrov, 
mpaypatıkòs dvp yevóuevos, oùðérore év raîs 
ToraŬrais mepiordoeciv épeicato ypnuárwv, dà 
ciaðods? TÀciova rÕv aitrovuévæv tTayò kal mpoĝo- 
Tv nÀÑbos yüpioke kal ovuudywv. Toryapoðv èv 
Ttoîs éħayiorois rÕv karà ryv Eùpónmnv èyévero 
Baoiéwv, ral òúvapıv karéùre Òt s ó Siaðečd- 
pevos °Aàéfavðpos Tò mÀeîorov rs oikovpévns 
kateotpéjaro. Ilepoeùs Sè ypnuátrwv oecwpev- 
uévæwv éyæwv* nmÀÑÂos dd Te TAS TaTpikàs kal tàs 
lias ék moAàðv ypővwv napackevàs oùðevi TpõTw 
Toúrwv ŅOéàņoev dpaoha tToryapoðv éavròv ovu- 
uáxywv roiņcev ëpnpov kal roùs avro kparh- 
gavras ÙorTepov mÀovorwTépovs eroinoev. kaitoi 
ye roro pavepòv $v now œs Ôd ypnudrwv, 
Bovàópevos èkreivew tàs yeîpas, moods äv rôv 
rórte Baoiéwv kal uwv énewe ovupayeîv: dÀÀà 
kaàĝs mov oùk ënparre taðra Òt ðv Å kpary- 
beis äv éroiyoe moàdoùs rôv 'EdMńvæv ris aùrĝs 
arvyias peracyev Ñ? kal kparýoas trÕv ôÀwv 
efovoiav ómepýģavov kal ßBápos Svovróorarov 
TEpLETOOATO $ (Const. Exc. 4, pp. 365-367.) 

10. “Ori ó Ilepoeùs káňňiorov eiàņngas mapà rhs 

1 So Dindorf: êmpdáMovres Mai; V now largely illegible. 
2 So Dindorf: mapaßdáàdovres Mai, mapaßañà ... V. 
3 ðovs Dindorf. 
t čķwv added by Dindorf, 


BOOK XXX. 9. 2—10. 1 

whether we should consider such evasiveness stupidity 
or downright madness on the part of men who act 
thus. They set their hand to great enterprises and 
place their own lives in jeopardy, yet overlook the one 
thing that is really essential, even though they them- 
selves see the point and have it in their power to 
meet the need. Assuredly Philip, the son of Amyntas, 
a real master of statecraft, never was sparing of 
money in such circumstances; on the contrary, by 
handing out more than was requested, he always 
found a ready and abundant supply of traitors and 
allies. - Consequently, although he was at first among 
the least of the kings of Europe, he left at his death 
a power that enabled his successor, Alexander, to 
conquer most of the inhabited world. Perseus, how- 
ever, though the possessor of great treasures, 
amassed over many years by his ancestors and by 
Perseus himself, was utterly unwilling to touch them, 
with the result that he stripped himself of allies and 
further enriched those who later conquered him. 
Yet it was evident to all that had he only chosen to 
be open-handed, his money would have persuaded 
many monarchs and peoples to become his allies. 
Actually we may be thankful that he did not do so, 
since, if he had, more Greeks would have been in- 
volved with him in the disaster of defeat, or else he 
would have become master of all and won for himself 
a position of proud authority and of well-nigh irresis- 
tible influence. 

10. Perseus, though Fortune had given him a 

1 For this and the following chapter the account of Poly- 
bius is lost; cp. Livy, 44. 2-6. 
5 ĝ added by Mai (tac.}. 
€ nepienorýoaro] The reading is uncertain. 
VOL. XI L 293 

169 B.0. 


TúXŅs kapòv eis rò Šiapheîpar rùv Súvayıv čpðņv 
rõv ‘Poæpaiwv Siérpipe mepi ATov ris Mareðovias, 
anéywv uèv où moù TÕv rórwv, pglvuðv Šè repi 
Tà péyora TÔv npayudtrwv. kpavyĵs yàp uóvov 
v xpeia kat odàmiyyos eis Tò Tùv otpatiàv tTÔv 
modeuiwv Àapeiv aiyudàwrTov, mepixekderouévyy èv 
kpnuvoîs kai pápayéı Švoećırýrois. Šıómep ekeivov 
mepi rorwv ÑueànkóTos, kat ot TV Tmapeupoiùv 
čxovres émi rats dkpwpeiars* Makeðdóves mepi tàs 
pvàaràs ral tàs ekkoirias? èppabúpovv. 
(Const. Exc. 2 (1), p. 277.) 
2 "Or roô Ilepoéws ev Aiw mepi rv toô odua- 
Tos Îepareiav yivopévov, TÕv awpaTopvàdkwv Tis 
eioðpauwv eis rov Àovrpôva Tùův mapovoiav tTÔv 
modeuiwv eýAwoev. ó Öè eml rosoðrov entonbn 
Tùv puy)v Wore éčaňópevos? èr TÂs muplast kal 
marágas ròv unpòv éuralðs, Ovè raparača- 
uévouvs ńuâs, cimev, © beol, mapaðiðore roîs 
moiepiots QyevvôS; (Const. Eze. 4, p. 367.) 
11. “Ori reàéws ó Ilepoeùs vopisas énrarkévar 
Toîs dois, karà nêv ovvrpipeis TÀ puxi Nikwva 
pèv Tòv Iyoavpohóňaka étéreppe, ovvrádéas rův év 
TÔ Pákw yátav kal Tà xpýuara kararovrioat, 
’Avòpóvixov è ròv ocwparopúdaka eis @eoca- 
Àovikyv, avvráćas éunpoar Tà veðpia Tův Tayi- 
atnv. ôs yevnleis roúrov ppovyuwrtepos Alev eis 
Oecooadoviknv, où uiv èroioe Tò mpooraybév,’ 
vouitwv tiov roîs ddois? rpareîv ‘Pwuaiois. 
2 "Ori ó aùròs Toùs ypvooðs avõpidvras dvaondoas 
1 So Reiske: rås dxpwpeías P. 
2 So Dindorf: xowrías P. 3 So Dindorf: éżadàdpevos V. 
1 So Wurm: mxplas Mai, ..... as V. 


BOOK XXX. 10. 1—11. 2 

golden opportunity to wipe out the Roman army, 
stayed on near Dium in Macedonia ; he was not far 
from the place of action, but he weakly neglected 
the most important issues. Įndeed, it would have 
taken only a shout and a bugle call to make captives 
of the enemy’s whole army, enclosed as it was among 
cliffs and gorges from which escape was difficult. But 
since he had been so heedless, the Macedonians en- 
camped on the mountain ridges were also slack 
about guards and patrols. 

While Perseus, at Dium, was busy with the care of 
his person, one of his bodyguards, bursting into the 
bath, announced that the enemy were upon them. 
The king was so distraught that as he sprang from his 
bath he smote his thigh furiously and exclaimed : 
“ Ye gods above, do you then dver us to the foe 
ignominiously, without time even to form our battle 
order ? ” 

11. Perseus, thinking that all was completely lost, 
and utterly crushed in spirit, dispatched Nicon, his 
treasurer, with orders to cast into the sea the treasures 
and money that were at Phacus, and sent his body- 
guard Andronicus to Thessalonica, with orders to set 
fire to the dockyards instantly. Andronicus, showing 
himself wiser than his master, went to Thessalonica 
but did not carry out his orders, thinking . . . for 
the Romans to gain a complete triumph. 

Perseus also pulled down the gilded statues at 

1 Called Nicias in Livy, 44. 10, who gives the aftermath 
of this affair. 

5 So Salmasius, Valesius: mporayĝłév P. 

è toîs õàois] roô oróàov Van der Mey (after Müller’s trans- 
lation). Herwerden suggests oġéàtuov for piov, Post deie 
. e > ‘Popaiovs. 



? + 2 ki $ A LA > 4 
èk Alov, mdvras roùs êk Ts móàcews dvañaßov 
pETà Tékvwv kal yvvakÂv daveyæpnoev cis Iúðvav. 
oŭ peitov åuáprnua TÔ Ilepoe? merpaypévov oùr 
dv tis eŬpot. (Const. Exc. 2 (1), pp. 277-278.) 
12. “Ori ot ‘Pæwpaîor TOÙS VEVLKNKOTAS èrpéßpavro: 
3 m~ “~ 
eviore yàp Tà mapaorýpara rÕv åvðpðv kal Tà 
TeÀéws amyÀàmouéva mpòs areyvwouévyv yet ovv- 
TéÀciav. (Const. Exc. 4, p. 367.) 
13. “Or: oi Kvõwviârari êrereàéoavro mpâéw ëK- 
bs À 2 ZAA 2 Ea “E m~ 
vopov kal TeÀéws ddotpiwtráryv rÕv “Ednvikðv 
vouipwv. èv eiphvy yàp ©s piot miorevópevot 
+ A A > m x ` 
karañaßóvres thv rôv °’ AnrodwviarÂv nóv roùs 
p3 Y A) 3 ðo ? TÀ #7 p A A 
èv ävòpas ńBnðov dveîdov, rékva Sè kal yvvaîkas 
Õraverudpevot kareîyov TV TÉÀAW. 
14. “Ore ó `Avrioyos Suvápevos ñacowhévras 
roùs Aiyvrriovs drokreîvat, mapınnmevwv èßóa uù 
$. 3 2 > A ~ F. A3 
kKTeivew aùroús, dùña Cõvras ovàaußávew. tayòù 
Dè roùs kaproùs raúrns rÕs* ayxywoias kopioarTo, 
kal mpos’ Thv roô lnyàovoiou karaànpv kal perà 
Tara npòs? tv karákTow Tijs Alyúntov Taúrns 
Tis piavðpwrias uéyiora ovupañopévys. 
(Const. Exc. 2 (1), p. 278.) 
15. “Ori oi èrirporot I roàepaiov to? peiparos, 
Eùdaîos ó eùvoôyos kal Ańvaros ó Lúpos, ndvra 
mópov kat pnyavův revóouv kal ăpyvpov kal ypu- 
A hi 4 IAA LA F A ` ? LA 
gòv kal Tv AANV ydgav eis Tò Baciùıkòv èowpevov, 
Öore' oùk äv tıs Îavpáocev el &tà TorovTwv dvłpo- 
mwv év oŭrw Ppaye? kup ryàkafrar rò uéyebos 
1 rĝs added by Reiske. 
2 So Valesius: mepi P. 3 mpòs added by Nock. 

BOOK XXX. 11. 2—15. 1 

Dium, and taking with him the whole population, 
women and children included, removed to Pydna. 
No greater mistake is to be found among his acts. 

12. The Romans turned and put their victors to 
flight. Sometimes, in fact, the courage born of des- 
peration brings even an utterly hopeless situatión to 
a conclusion that would have seemed impossible.? 

13. The people of Cydonia ? carried out an action 
that was monstrous and utterly foreign to Greek 
custom. In time of peace and while enjoying the 
position of trusted friends, they seized the city of 
Apollonia, killed all the men and youths, and dividing 
among themselves the women and children, occupied 
the city. 

14. Though Antiochus wasin a position to slaughter 
the defeated Egyptians, he rode about calling to his 
men not to kill them, but to take them alive. Before 
long he reaped the fruits of his shrewdness, since this 
act of generosity contributed very greatly to his 
seizure of Pelusium, and later to the acquisition of all 

15. The ministers of the young Ptolemy, Eulaeus 
the eunuch and the Syrian Lenaeus, resorted to 
every possible means and device, and piled up gold, 
silver, and all other kinds of wealth in the royal 
treasury. Small wonder, then, if, through the efforts 
of such men, such great spectacles ? were set up in so 

1 This refers to a skirmish near Antigoneia, in which the 
Macedonians had been at first victorious (Livy, 44. 10). 

2 In Crete, Cp. Polybius, 28. 14. 

3 In the immediate context “ fortunes ” would seem a more 
appropriate word here than *“‘ spectacles ” or “ festivals,” but 
the text may be correct. 

¢ So Dindorf: rws V. 


Qewpiai kateokevdolnoav, kal ôTws ó uèv eùvoĉyos 
ör? kal npoopdrtws Tov kTéÉva Kal Toùs dÀaßdorpovs 
ånoreleruévos rv rijs `Agdpoðirns čpywv rToùs 
“Apews dyôvas Aàdéarto, ó è Kordosupirns ye- 
yovæs odos kal uóvov où perà yeîpas ëywv črč 
TÒ Àoyiorýpiov éróàunoe ròv nepi Xupias móÀcuov 
dvañaßeîv, ` Avrióyov kal ðvvápeci kal raîs Adas 
xopnyíais oùðevòs rrov ioyúoavros: Tò è péyi- 
aTov, vres repor TEÀciwS TÕV' KATA TÓÀELOV 
ayævwv Kal pnõéva uýTe oúußovàov čyovres déid- 
xpewv uý? ýyeuóva vvaròv emeßBáovro TNÀLKOŬ- 
Tos épyois. Toryapoĝv aùToi Te TÎS åġpooúvys 
TaxéÉwS TV mpooýKkovoav KouioavTo Tipwpiav kal 
Ttùv Pacideiar avérpeav àpõņv tò kaf? aúroùs 

Tà yàp Toara mapaoņnuaiwwópelða mpòs TÒ Tås 
airias àrpipâs bewpeîohar rÕv arrwudrwv Kal 
kaToplwpárwv, kal Tois èv kaàðs mpooraroôo 
TÖV nmpaypdrwv ëčnmawov anmopepitovres, trÂÔv &è 
paws ðiorxoúvrwv karņyopoðvres. dua uèv yàp 
Tàs êp ékdrepa mpoaipéceis rÕv avôpðv uhaveîs? 
karackeváģouev Kal ròv oikeīov Àóyov ékaTépois 
QATOVÉHOVTES nporperópeba TAS TÔV åvayıwworóv- 
TWV puyàs npòs ròv rÔv kaìĝðv Çàov, dua Sè ki 
ioropíav čykaprov kal nci xpnoipny ep oov 
Ñuîv Suvaròv karaokeváčopev ôa rò ras pàs 
exoúcas vavpayias kal mapardéeis, črt Šè vopo- 
Qecias, pnòèv rahépew póbwv. 

16. "Ore Tà màýðn ovvayayóvres eis èkrkàņoiav 

1 Bewpiar] xopyyiaı Herwerden, Oyoavpoèt Post. 

BOOK XXX. 15. 1—16. 1 

brief a space of time, nor yet that one who was a 
eunuch and had only recently laid aside comb and 
scentpots should exchange the service of Aphrodite 
for the contests of Ares, or that he who was born a 
slave in Coelê Syria, and from whose hands the 
abacus had just fallen, should have dared to take 
upon his shoulders the war for Syria, notwithstanding 
that Antiochus was second to none in the strength 
of his armies and his resources in general. What is 
more, the men who undertook these great tasks were 
completely without experience of warfare and battles, 
and they lacked even a single competent adviser or 
capable commander. They themselves, as might be 
expected, soon met with the punishment that their 
folly deserved, and they brought the kingdom to utter 
ruin as far as it was in their power to do so. 

It is our aim in emphasizing these and similar 
events to provide an accurate estimate of the causes 
of success and failure. We both apportion praise to 
those whose conduct of affairs is excellent, and de- 
nounce those whose management is faulty. We 
bring into clear view the principles, both good and 
bad, by which men live and act, and by rendering a 
proper account of each we direct the minds of our 
readers to the emulation of what is good ; at the same 
time, to the best of our ability we make our history 
fruitful and useful to all men, since a bare narrative 
of naval battles, military engagements, and legisla- 
tion too, is no better than so much fiction. 

16. The regents of Ptolemy, having summoned 

2 So Boissevain : ôs V. Dindorf deletes. 
3 So Mai: èm V 4 So Dindorf nO pè V. 
5 So Dindorf: drokopitovres 
6€ So Dindorf: ¿éuġavôs V. 



oi roô llroàepaiov èrirporot ral oúvropov téàos 
êmbýoev TO ToÀÉLw kaTEnayyetÀdpevot TOÔTŐ ye 
où Õiepeúoavro, Tayù kal TÔ nmoéuw kal olow 
aùrtoîs TÒ TéÀos? nmepimorhoavres. èri rocoûrov Şè 
Sà Tiv dmepiav evéàmses oav To uù póvov 
Eupias kparhoew, dÀàd kal ris Paoideias °Avri- 
OXOV TÁONS, wore Tv ovvayhévrav ypnuádrwv 
ekójubov rà màeîora kal rÕv èk kvàikelov ypvow- 
uárwv' dneckeváoavrto Šè kal rv Pacidelwv ràivas 
TAS mÀecloras pèv àpyvupónoðas, čÀíyas Sè kal 
xpvoðnoðas, mpòs È roúrois ipatriwv kal kóopov 
yvvaixeiov kal rÕv noàureieorárwv Albwv nàñbos: 
rara ðè épacav rouiew eis roùs mpoyeipws aù- 
roîs? ) móàeaes ğ popia mapaððoovraşs. rà Šè 
oùy oŭTws eÎyev, AX ëhepov črorua yopnyeña mpòs 
Tòv kaf’ avrõv* öàcbpov. 
(Const. Exc. 4, pp. 367-368.) 

17. “Hueîs* ðè roô Iroàepaiov rhv oðrws åyevvi 
huyi? oùk äv nponyovuévws” dvemiońuavrov doar- 
uev. TÒ yàp kròs yevóuevov rÕv ğewðv Kal 
TocoĝrTov rómov? dheorykóra rv noàeulwv aùró- 
bev rabdrep drourè napaywphoai Bacıiñcias pe- 
pouyfs reàciws èkrebnàvupévns civar; Ñv eè pèv 
ovvéßaive ġuoicôs Ýrápyew Hroàeuaiw Toravryy, 
tows ğv Tis keivyv katrauéppairro' ôte Õè Sià TÕv 

ł énirporoi added by Mai. 

2 roô Biov after réàos deleted by Herwerden. 

3 So Herwerden : rovrois V. 

: kaf aŭvrõv Herwerden : kar aùrâôv V. 

Before ýpeîs P has "Ori rò kròs yevópevov trôv ĝe- 


BOOK XXX. 16. 1—17. 1 

the populace to an assembly, promised to bring the 
war to a speedy end. In this at least they were not 
in error, since they swiftly succeeded in putting an 
end both to the war and to themselves. Because of 
their inexperience, however, they entertained such 
high hopes of gaining not only Syria but even the 
whole realm of Antiochus, that they took with them 
the greater part of the treasures they had amassed, 
including the goldware from the sideboard. They 
also packed up and took along from the palace a 
number of couches, mostly with silver feet, but a few 
actually with feet of gold, as well as a large quantity 
of clothes, women’s jewelry, and precious stones. 
These things, they declared, they were taking along 
for those who would then promptly surrender cities or 
fortresses to them. The outcome, however, was very 
different, and the treasures they carried off were a 
ready means to their own destruction. 

17. In keeping with our policy we could not pass 
over without comment the ignoble flight of Ptolemy. 
That he, though standing in no immediate danger 
and though separated by such a distance from his 
enemies, should at once and virtually without a 
struggle abandon his claim to a great and opulent 
throne, can only, it would seem, be regarded as 
indicating a thoroughly effeminate spirit. Now had 
Ptolemy been a man endowed by Nature with such 
a spirit, we might perhaps have found fault with her. 
But since Nature finds a sufficient rebuttal to the 

vâv kal rocaĝra åġeorykóra rv moàepiwv: deleted by Va- 

€ So Walton: ġéow P, puyùv Herwerden, Dindorf‘. 

7 mponyovpévws] npoonkóvrws Herwerden, Dindorf’. 

8 rooorov tónov Büttner-Wobst (cp. Polybius, 28. 21. 3) : 
tocara P, roooĉrov Dindorf. 



Üorepov mpáčewv ń ġúois Íkavðs Únėp aůrĝs dre- 
oyýðy, Šeičasa ròv Bacıàéa Kal ordoov övra 
kal ŝpaorıkòv oùðevòs Îrrov, dvaykaîóv ott TaS 
airias dvarıbévar ts TórTe erlas kal dyevveias 
eis ròv ondðwva kat Thv èkelvov ovvrpohiav": ôs 
èk maubos TÒ pepákiov èv tpupi Kal yvvaíeiois 
emirnõceúuacı ovvéywv Sréhlheipev aùrob Trv puxýv. 
18. “Ore ó `Avrioyos avùp èġdvņn mpayparıkòs 
kal To mpooyýuaros Tis Pacideias déros mÀùv toô 
karà trò Hyàovoiov orparnyýuaros. 
(Const. Ezec. 2 (1), pp- 278-279.) 
2 "Ori ó `Avrioyos Sià orparnyýuaros dupðoćov- 
uévov? èkupievoe toô Inàovoiov. nâs yàp móàeuos 
ekBeßnkòs rà vópupa kai dikara trv avbpórwv 
uws eye triwvàs iiovs kaharepel võuovs, olov 
avoyàs uù Avew, kýpuka uù dvaipeîtv, Tòv TÒ CÔpa 
aŬroĝ mpòs Tv To katıoyúovros miT .. Å 
Tiypwpeîchai. rara kal Tà ToÚToLS Öp oa ... 
npoonkóvrws dv tıs anopývaro Tòv ’Avrioyov, 
kaĝbdrep toùs arò tv ĝıkaorypiwv ovkopávras, 
Tò uèv pnTòv TOÔ vóuov TETNpNkÉvÁaL META TS 
dvoyàs Tůýv kardàņļıv merorpévov, TÒ pévTOL ye 
Sikaiov kal kaùóv, òt Öv ò mavrwv ovvéyerar ios, 
uÀ Ternpnkévar. Sià yàp Tùy ovyyéverav òġeiwv 
heiðeobar To pepakiov, kabdrep aùròs ëpnoe, 
Toùvavriov éċararýoas émepdàero rois ois opha 
(Const. Exc. 4, pp. 368-369.) 


1 So Salmasius, Wesseling : ovorpoġíav P. 
2 So Dindorf: dvriĝoovuévov V. 


BOOK XXX. 17. 1—18. 2 

charge in his subsequent actions and has demon- 
strated that the king was second to none whether in 
firmness to resist or in energy to act, we are forced 
to assign the responsibility for his ignoble cowardice 
on this occasion to the eunuch and to Ptolemy’s close 
association with him. For he, by rearing the lad 
from boyhood amid luxury and womanish pursuits, 
had been undermining his character.? 

18. Antiochus showed himself a true statesman, 
and a man worthy of the royal dignity, except in the 
stratagem that he employed at Pelusium.? 

Antiochus got possession of Pelusium by means of 
a questionable bit of strategy. For though all war- 
fare is an exception to humane standards of law and 
justice, even so it has certain quasi-laws of its own : 
a truce, for example, may not be broken ; heralds 
must not be put to death; a man who has placed 
himself under the protection of a superior opponent 
may not be visited with punishment or vengeance. 
These and similar matters . . . one might fairly say 
that Antiochus, in making the seizure after the 
truce, rather like a pettifogging lawyer held fast to 
the letter of the law but not to justice and honour, 
which are the bonds of social life. For on the grounds 
of kinship ? he should, as he said himself, have spared 
the lad, but on the contrary after winning his con- 
fidence he deceived him and sought to bring him to 
utter ruin. 

1 From Polybius, 28. 21. 2 From Polybius, 28. 18. 
3 Antiochus was the uncle of Ptolemy. For his professions 
of friendship see St. Jerome, in Dan. 11. 21. 

3 uù àóew Mai: uývvow V. 
4 Something like Mai’s mapaĝlõovra (rmapaðóvra Herwerden) 
pà) is required. 



19. "Or: ò Iepoeùs muvhópevos émAérrovs Tadd- 
ras mermepakévai TÒv “lorpov èri ovupayig, mepi- 
Xapůs yevópevos ånéoreev eis riv Mabińv, 
mpotperóuevos Ñkev rhv rayiornv. ó è rôv 
Tañarðv ýyoðuevos ovppwvýoas pobòv. ğre 
TAKTÓV, TOÔ oúuTavVTOS %pýuaTos els mevrakóoia 
Táavra ywopévov. toô è IMepoéws ópoňoyń- 
gavros pèv Õwoew, où morofvros è Tò ovupwvn- 
Bèv ià hidapyvpiav, êraviAbov eis thv oikelav táv 
oi laddrai. 

20. "Ori Apios ó ‘Pwpaîos mapaaßàv tàs 
õvuváues kal ovvayayàv eis ékkàņcilav mpoerpéfaro 
TÕv oTpaTiwTÂv TàS* puyàs eis rò Îappeîv. Åv yàp 
ò dvůp oros mepi ééńkovra črn kal ià tàs mpo- 
katepyacleicas mpaéeis péyiorov ëywv rére ‘Pw- 
palwv diwpa. modÀàà Öè kal karà ròv módepov 
èmevońoarto ćéva kal rois ăÀois Õuoeteúpera, kal 
Sià tis ilas dyyıvolas kal réàuns kareroàéunoe 
toùs Makeðóvas. 

21. “Ori ó Ilepoeùs Bovàduevos karà tiv pvyùv 
nporpébaoĝðaı màeiovs aùr ovveknàcðoat, rÕv 
xpnLáTwv eis ééńýkovra rádňavra npobeis čSwre roîs 
Bovàopévois Siaprdoar. èrnàcúoas Sè kal karev- 
exleis eis Taànyòv čpnoe mpòs rovs iaprdoavras 
TÀ xpýpara nreîv rà dà rôv úr ’Adetávòpov 
karaàņnphévran? karaokevaoĝévra.  èrayyedd- 
pevos oĝv avriorýoew rois droðoðoi Tvt Tiuv, 

1 So Wesseling, from Valesius’ Latin translation: unuy 
(s. ace.) P. i 2 tàs added by Valesius. 

3 karaeipbévrwv Wesseling, Dindorf. 

t ùv added by Herwerden. 


BOOK XXX. 19. 1—21. 1 

19. Perseus, learning that a picked group of Gauls 188 s.o. 

had crossed the Danube to join his forces, was over- 
joyed and dispatched messengers to the district of 
Maedicê, urging them to proceed with all speed. 
The leader of the Gauls consented but demanded 
that his men þe paid a fixed stipend, amounting in 
all to five hundred talents. Perseus agreed to pay 
this, but when through avarice he failed to carry out 
the agreement, the Gauls returned again to their own 

20. Aemilius ? the Roman, on taking command of 
the army, called together his men and exhorted them 
to be of good cheer. He was about sixty years old, 
and because of his earlier exploits he was at this 
time held in the highest esteem at Rome. In this 
war also he originated many novel devices, things 
that would have eluded the invention of other men, 
and by his personal shrewdness and audacity he de- 
feated the Macedonians. 

21. Perseus, wishing to induce more of his men to 
join him in flight and sail with him, set before them 
treasure to the value of sixty talents and allowed 
whoever would to seize it. But after he had put to 
sea and reached Galepsus, he announced to those 
who had taken the property that he was seeking 
certain objects made from the spoils captured by 
Alexander. Promising to make full compensation to 
those who restored these objects to him, he asked for 

1 Cp. Livy, 44. 26-27. 

2 L, Aemilius Paullus, the consul. For the contio see 
Livy, 44. 34. 

32 From Amphipolis, which he had reached on the third 
day of hbis flight after the disaster at Pydna. The men whom 
he lured, and afterwards cheated, were the notoriously 
greedy Cretans. For the story see Plutarch, Aemilius, 23. 



Ņélou Tayéws àveveykeîv rara’ mávrwv ŠÈ rpo- 
fúuws momoávrwv, dnoàaßav rà Siaprachévra 
roùs óvras dneorépnoe ts ênayyeàías. 
(Const. Exc. 2 (1), p. 279.) 
2 On ó Iepoeùs rà Sobévra mpòs Siaprayiv 
xpPýarta åvañaßóuevos tis ènayyeàlas dneorépnoe 
roùs ôóvras, péyioTov mapeyópevos onpeîov ðs Ñ 
piapyvpia rv åvðpónrwv mpòs Toîs Aois kakoîs 
kal rò ġpoveîv daipeîrar. Tò yàp unë èr àr- 
eyvwouévais éàriot maúeobar roð Àvorreàoðs kal 
TS mpòs rò képõos èmbupias, ns oùk àv tis 
ýyoaro rv $pevðv reàdws eéeorņkévai Toùs 
rara mpárrovras, ©s u) Îavudčew môs kareroàe- 
púýĝnoav ot Mareðóves úr ‘Pwuaiwv, dàX rws 
TeTpaeri xpõvov dvréayov Toroĝrov ëyovres ýye- 
póva. (Const. Exc. 4, p. 369.) 
.3 "Ori ó °Aàétavðpos oùòy dpoíav čoye rô Hepoe? 
ris puyhs ðdheow, AX ò uèv Sià Thv peyadopv- 
xíav åppóķovoav raîs iias èmpodaîs errýoaro 
Baciciav, ò è Sa rùv opkpoàoyiav rovs te 
Keàroùs dmorpujápevos? kal TAÀAÀa ToúTois dkó- 
àovla mpdćas karéàvoe moùvypóviov kal peydànņv 
Bacidciav. (Const. Exc. 2 (1), pp. 279-280.) 
4 “Or Aapeiov perà Thv npornv uáyņv èkyw- 
poðvros roð pépovs ris Bacıdecias kal TerTpa- 
kiopópia Trdàavra ral trùv Îuyarépa mpòs yápov 
cdóvros, amekplðy uýre ròv kőógpov úrò Švetv 
hAiwv Súvaoðaı Šıorketoĝar uýre TÅ? oicovpévyv 
úro vev SeonrorÂv. (Const. Exc. 4, p. 369.) 
22. "Orie ó Aiuios perà rv pvyim Hepoéws 


BOOK XXX. 2i. 1—22. 1 

their immediate return. The men all complied with 
a will, but when he had recovered the objects, he 
cheated the donors of their promised reward. 

Perseus, after recovering the treasures that he had 
allowed his men to seize, defrauded the donors of 
their promised reward, thereby providing most pal- 
pable proof that avarice, in addition to the other 
ills that it brings in its train, also deprives men of 
their wits. Indeed, his failure to forget profit and 
the desire for gain, even when the outlook was 
desperate, can only be regarded as the conduct of a 
man completely out of his senses. Itis not surprising, 
then, that the Macedonians were defeated by the 
Romans, but only that with such a leader they held 
out for four years. 

Alexander and Perseus were not at all alike in 
temperament. The former, with a greatness of mind 
that matched his personal aspirations, won for himself 
an empire; the latter, however, who from petty 
meanness alienated the Celts—a pattern of conduct 
that he followed consistently—brought down an 
ancient and mighty kingdom. 

When Darius, after the first battle, proposed to 
give up a portion of his empire and offered Alex- 
ander forty thousand talents and the hand of his 
daughter in marriage, he received the reply that the 
universe could not be governed by two suns nor the 
world by two masters.! 

22. After Perseus fled, Aemilius began to look for 

1 The story is told in Book 17. 54. 

1 panë êv Mai: pnêe V. 
2 So Wesseling : arortpepdpevos P. 
3 qv added by Herwerden. 



enelhrer ròv veirepov rõv viðv Ióràov Agp- 
kavóv, ôs ñv AluAiov karà púow viés, Xririwvos 
òè To kaTaToepýoavTos 'Avvíßav karà Îéow 
viðoðs, kopòf véos f ós äv nepi TÒ" énTakabékaTov 
yeyovðàs čros' ôs èk véov Tqàxovrois åyôo ovu- 
napov kal tppiv Àaupdvav trõv karà móàeuov 
ëpywv où% YTTwV èyévero ToÎ mánTov. où uiv 

dAd TovTov eúpebévros koee ELS Ti mapeppodýv, l 

åmedvðn Ths åywvías Ò ÚTATOS, xov où Tatpòs 
mpòs? viðv uóvov dà kaðdrep pwpavĵt Twa 
Sıdheow mpos TÒ perpåkiov. 
(Const. Exc. 2 (1), p. 280.) 

23. "Ore ó raros Aiuiàos ròv Ilepoéa Àaßó- 
uevos tis xetpòs eis Tò mepl aŭròv ovvéðpiov 
ekdhioev, åpuóčovot Àðyois ToðTov mapauvlðyod- 
Levos. roùs è êv TÔ ovveðpiw mapekdàci, kal 
uáMora Toðrwv Toùs véovs, Bàčnmovras eis Tà 
napóvra kal Îévras no rv paou” tův Hepočéws 
rúyņv pre uéya àćyeu® enmi roîs karopłæpaci 
mapà Tò kabirov uýre Povàcúeoðai unðèv rep- 
ýdavov mept pnòevós, unè rabódov’ mortevew 
pnbénore Taîs eùrvyios, dÀX edv tis páňora 
émrvyyávy karà Tov tòrov piov 7 À TaS kowàs mpå- 
Éers, TóTE  páNoTa TÎS evavrias TXIS ëvvoiav Àau- 
Bávew ral Sià uvýuns ëxew éavròv ävðpwrov čvra. 

1 ò added by Valesius. 

z Valesius suggests adding Kal kopuobévTos. 

2 TaTpòs npòs Toup: pòs P. Valesius, deleting viðv, reads 
marpòs uõvov. Dindorf, Bekker read rarpòs mpòs but delete 

¢ So Valesius : Epwpevýv P: 
8 So Dindorf: äpacw V. 


BOOK XXX. 22. 1—23. 1 

his younger son, Publius Africanus.! He was by birth 
the son of Aemilius but by adoption the grandson of 
Scipio, the conqueror of Hannibal, and was now a 
mere lad of about seventeen ; from early youth he 
was present at those great battles, and gained such 
experience of warfare that he became a man not 
inferior to his grandfather. None the less, when he 
was found (and brought safely) into the camp the 
consul’s anxiety was dispelled, for his feeling for the 
boy was not merely that of a father for his son, but 
something like the passion of a lover. 

23. The consul Aemilius, taking Perseus by the 
hand, seated him in the midst of his council, and with 
words appropriate to the occasion offered him con- 
solation and reassurance.? Then, addressing the 
members of the council, he exhorted them, especially 
the younger men, to mark well the present scene and, 
keeping the fate of Perseus before their eyes, never 
to boast of their achievements improperly, never to 
harbour arrogant designs towards anyone, nor, in 
general, to take their good fortune for granted at 
any time. Indeed, whenever a man’s success was 
greatest, whether in private life or public affairs, 
then above all should he reflect on the reverses of 
fortune and be most mindful of his mortal nature. 

1 The famous Scipio Africanus the Younger, on whose 
youth see below, Book 31. 26-27, and Polybius, 31. 23-30. 
For the incident recounted here see "Livy, 44. 44, and Plutarch, 
Aemilius, 22. 

2 The rest of this paragraph is taken almost verbatim from 
Polybius, 29. 20; cp. also Livy, 45. 7-8. 

6 péya àéyei Post: peyáànv V ; peyaàúveoĝai Mai, Dindorf, 
peyadavyeîv Boissevain. 

7 uqðè kaĝóàov Walton (cp. Polybius, 29. 20): xaĝódov, 
pnsè V. 



Srapépew yàp ànepývaro TOÙS dvońrovs Tõv 
voĝv exóvrwv TÔ Toùs èv Èv raîs liars drvyiars," 
Toùs ðè év rats rõv wv Sddoreoha. 

"Ort Toà kal áo. mpòs TÙY TOLaVTNV Tpoaipe- 
ow Srañexbels oŬTWS enoinoe ovunaleîs TOÙS êv TÔ 
avveðpiw ka TaTewoÙsS Toîs ġpovýuaocw ore 
oke aùroùs hrriolar kal u) vevikykévar. 

(Const. Exc. 4, pp. 369-370.) 
2 "Orn ó Aiuiños $Aavðpónrws mpocevexheis TO 
Iepoe? kal mpòs trà oúvõeirrva mapañaßov kal Toî 
avveðpíov peraððovs nõow éveðeigaTo mpos uèv 
Toùs úßiorauévovs õvra Papòv éavróv, mpòs ðè 
TODS kparqðévras è ême. TÅV mapanànoiav sè Sid- 
eow kal T&v dAdwv Enàovvrwv, Tù rìs oikov- 
pévys Ñyepoviav oùk èniphovov elyev ý ‘Poun, 
(Const. Exc. 2 i), p- 280.) 
24. "Ori oi rõv “Poĝiwv mpéopers emi tàs òta- 
Aúoers Eàleiv wuoàóyovv: ròv yap móàcpov nmâsw 
ovra Pàaßspòr arepyvavro. 
(Const. Exc. 4, p. 370.) 

ł So Dindorf: eòùrvyíars V. 


BOOK XXX. 23. 1—24. 1 

“ Fools,? he said, “ differ from the wise in this 
respect, that the former are schooled by their own 
misfortunes, the latter by the misfortunes of others.” 

Having discoursed at length in this vein he made 
those present at the council so sympathetic and 
humble of mood that it seemed as if they, and not 
their opponents, had suffered defeat. 

Aemilius, by his generous treatment of Perseus— 
admitting him to the mess and giving him a place in 
the council—demonstrated to all men that he was 
stern towards those who stood against him, but con- 
siderate of a defeated foe. Since there were others 
also who affected a similar attitude, Rome’s world- 
wide rule brought her no odium so long as she had 
such men to direct her empire. 

24. The Rhodian envoys agreed that they had 
come in order to mediate a settlement, since war, 
they declared, was harmful to everyone.? 

1 Cp. Virgil, Aen. 6. 853: “ parcere subiectis et debellare 

2 Cp. Polybius, 29. 19, and Livy, 45. 3. The Romans 
regarded this eleventh-hour offer of mediation as a device to 
help Perseus. Chap. 24 is misnumbered 23 in Dindorf (see 
his Argumenta Librorum). 



. "Ore ò ’Avrioyos TV apx) éceuvývero Àéywv 
où ÎS kar Aïyvrrov Pacıiàcias éavròv mbv- 
Lovra mapeoreváoða peydàas Švvápeis eis Tòv 
móÀecuoV, AÀA TÕ npeopurépw Hrodeuaiw Bove- 
obou gvykaTackeváoat TÀ matp%av Apxýv. où 
pÒ Tó ye aàņlès oŭrws elyev, aà cieaywvoherðv 
Tà pepára Sreàdußave peyán" XáptTos åßoppv 
mapéxwv arovri kupieóoew ts Aiyórrov. Ts 
yàp TÚXNS abroô Tùv mpoaipeoiv éeàeyyovons kal 
TÀ mpoepnpévny mpópaov apapovons pavepòs 
eyévero TrÕv moiðv &v Paoidéwv ot roô Àvoi- 
Tedoñs oùðèv tÕv radðv mpočpyiaírepov Tibevrtat. 
2. "Ori ånavrýoaoı Tov ’Avríoxov toîs ‘Pw- 
palois, kåkeívov” pakpólev dpa ti povit doraģo- 
uévov kal rhv Õećiav èkreivovros, o uèv Ioriààcosă 
mpóyepov čywv Tò BvBàiov êv © rò rs ovykàńrtov 
YLA KATEKEXØpLOTO Tmpoérewe kat aùròv eké- 
Àcvoev åvayvðvar ròv `Åvríoyov: robro è čÕoée 
1 So Post: peydìns V. 

2 òv added by Dindorf. Herwerden suggests efs &v. 
3 So Dindorf: xakeîbev V. 
4 So Dindorf: ris pwrĝs V; Boissevain suggests ŝrà for 
dpa (cp. Polybius, 29. 27). 
5 So Dindorf (throughout): Héros V. 

? Ptolemy VI Philometor. After his capture by Antiochus 


1. Antiochus at first put up a fine front, asserting 
that no thought of taking the throne of Egypt lay 
behind his extensive military preparations, and that 
his only motive was to assist the elder Ptoleray 3 in 
securing the position that was his by right of inheri- 
tance. This was by no means true ; on the contrary, 
he conceived that by presiding over a dispute between 
the youths and so making an investment in goodwill 
he should conquer Egypt without a blow. But when 
Fortune put his professions to the test and deprived 
him of the pretext he had alleged, he stood revealed 
as one of the many princes who count no point of 
honour more important than gain. 

2. As the Romans approached, Antiochus, after 
greeting them verbally from a distance, stretched out 
his hand in welcome. Popillius,? however, who had in 
readiness the document in which the senate’s decree 
was recorded, held it out and ordered Antiochus to 
read it. His purpose in acting thus, it was thought, 

Epiphanes, in the Sixth Syrian War, the Alexandrians pro- 
claimed his brother Ptolemy Euergetes, nicknamed Physcon, 
king. The two brothers were soon reconciled, and for some 
five years ruled as joint kings. With the present passage cp. 
Polybius, 29. 26. 

2' C, Popillius Laenas, sent out by the senate to bring the 
war in Egypt to an end. The encounter took place at Eleusis, 
a suburb of Alexandria. See Polybius, 29. 2 and 27. 


169/8 B.C. 

1688 B.C. 


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yev èE Aiyúrtov, éknenàņnyuévos Tiv ‘Pwpaiwv 
[g kg A “~ 
Makeðóvwv mraîoua: roto yàp uýnw yeyevjoba 

A 3 A e z Paj Ea 

orv oŭror av ékovoíws mpooeîye? TÔ Sóyuarı. 
3. "Ore dàņlès v dpa, s čoike, Trò pnv óró 
Twav TÕv máa oop®v, ötri ovyyvóun Tiuwpias 
aiperwTépa' ndvres yàp droðeyóuela troùs émieikôs 
a 2 s LA A 

xpwpévovs Taîs éčovoíais, mpookómropev è Toîs 
mporerðs Tås Koàdoeis Aaufpávovot mapà TÕv ÝTo- 

1 äv added by Herwerden. 
2 7 yúpw added by Herwerden (ep. Polybius, l.c.) 

BOOK XXXI. 2. 1—3. 1 

was that he might avoid clasping the king’s hand 
in friendship until it was evident from his decision 
whether he was, in fact, friend or foe. When the 
king, after reading the document, said that he would 
consult with his friends on these matters, Popillius, 
hearing this, acted in a manner that seemed offensive 
and arrogant in the extreme. Having a vinestock 
ready at hand, with the stick he drew a line about 
Antiochus, and directed him. to give his answer in 
that circle. The king, astonished by what had taken 
place, and awed, too, by the majesty and might of 
Rome, found himself in a hopeless quandary, and on 
full consideration said that he would do all that the 
Romans proposed. Popillius and his colleagues then 
took his hand and greeted him cordially. Now the 
purport of the letter was that he must break off at 
once his war against Ptolemy. Pursuant to these 
instructions the king withdrew his forces from 
Egypt, panic-striċken by the superior might of Rome, 
the more so as he had just had news of the Mace- 
donian collapse. Indeed, had he not known that this 
had taken place, never of his own free will would he 
have heeded the decree. 

3. It is then apparently true, as certain of the 
sages of old have declared, that forgiveness is prefer- 
able to revenge.! We all, in fact, approve those who 
use their power with moderation, and we arė offended 
by men who are quick to punish those who fall into 

1 Cp. Book 21. 9 and note. The present passage may be a 
portion of Cato’s speech in defence of the Rhodians: ep. 
Aulus Gellius, 6. 3. 

3 So Dindorf: moroa V, morhoaoha:ı Herwerden. 
4 So Mai: cvußavra (no accent visible) V. 
ë à added by Dindorf. e€ So Mai: npooéyew V. 



neoóvræwv. ıónep Öpðpev TOÙS ÈV TpÒS TÀ Tapd- 
oga TÅs TúXNs kaňðs Teðyoavpikóras tàs ydpiras 
mapà Tois eÔ maloo, roùs* è où põvov èv rtaîs 
évavriais mepioráoeciww ópolav drodappdvovras 
Tıuwpiav mapà tv dyvwpovnlévrwv, dÀàà kal 
Tov kowòv mpòs roùs énrtaõraşs čÀcov éavrôv 
2 mapnpnpévovs. où yàp ikaov ròv èri trÕv ÀAwv 
dnemduevov nâcav hiavðpwriav aùròv èv pépet 
neprnTaioavTa TVyyávew TiS mapà TÔV kpaToúvrwv 
emeelas. kalrot ye TOAÀ\ol TÔ peyébei TiS karà 
rôv èxlpõðv Tıpwpias ceuvúveoĵar Toàpôow, où 
nmpoonkóvræs Toro moroðvres’ ri yàp Àaurpòv Ñ 
uéya Tò toùòs meočvras nò Tùv etovoiav mepi- 
Badeîv dvyréorois ovupopaîs; ri è õgeňos ris 
yeyevnuévys viņs, àv únepnpdvws ypņnoduevot Tots 
katroplæpaoiw èañeipwpev Tv nmpoümápyovoav 
eùdnpiav, àváior ` þavévres rv eùruynlévrwv; 
péyiorov yap kapròv Õikalws dv tis hyhoaro rois 
mpayudTwv ôpeyopévois TÀV ml Toîs kañoîs čpyois 
3 cùðoćiav. iò kai Îavudoai tis äv nôs dravres 
oyeðòv duodoyoðvres elvat Tův èv åpxĵ mepißon- 
beîoav ånóßaoi dàņðĝ kai ovupépovoav èni tĝs 
melpas où Peßaoñot trùv iðiav yvøunv. &eT Sé, 
olua, Toùs vov ëyovras, ötav rà péyiota èm- 
čvvorav Àaupávew, kal vikâv puèv åvõpeig Toùs 
åvrireraypévovs, ńrrâola è eùyvwpoovvy rtoô 
rôv ènrukórwv eàéov' rara yàp ovufpddera 
peyáňa mpos aŭņow nâo: èv dvôpúrois, páňora 

1 So Mai: toîs V. 

BOOK XXXI. 3. 1-3 

their hands. Thus, too, we see that the former class 
of men have ready against the surprises of Fortune a 
rich store of goodwill laid up in the hearts of those 
to whom they have been gracious ; the latter, how- 
ever, whenever the situation is reversed, not only 
receive like vengeance from those towards whom they 
have been unfeeling, but find too that they have 
deprived themselves of the pity generally accorded 
to the fallen. Nor would it, indeed, be just that a 
man who has denied all humanity to others should 
himself, when he in turn stumbles and falls, meet 
with consideration from those who have him in their 
power. Yet many men have the temerity to pride 
themselves on the severity with which they avenge 
themselves on their foes, though this pride is ill 
founded. For what is splendid or great in inflicting 
irremediable disaster upon men whose fall has placed 
them in our power ? What do victories profit us if in 
prosperity we behave with such arrogance that we 
cancel the fair fame that we had earlier by showing 
ourselves unworthy of our good fortune ? Surely the 
honour that is gained by noble deeds is rightly con- 
sidered the highest reward of men who aspire to 
control events. This being so, it is astonishing that 
while nearly all men acknowledge the truth and the 
utility of the principle that at first they acclaimed, 
they do not when it comes to a test endorse their 
own verdict. The proper course, I suggest, for men 
of intelligence would be to bear in mind, especially 
at the supreme moment of triumph, that the tables 
may be turned; and so, although by their courage 
they conquer the foe, yet on grounds of prudence 
they will surrender to pity for the victims of fortune. 
This does much to augment the influence of any man, 



Sè roîs ýyeuovias mpoeorykóow. čkaorTos yàp TÔV 
jobevnkórwv ékovoíws Ýnmorarrópevos mpolðóuws 
Únnpere? kal mávra ovunpártTeL per eùvolas. 

4 Taúrns © oikaoı ‘Pwuaîoi paora nenorjoba 
npóvorav, Řovàevóuevoi* nmpayuatıkðs kal taîs eis 
Toùs kparnlévras evepyeciars Onpăpevoi mapà èv 
TtÔv e nmalóvræv yápıras deruvýorovs, map Šè 
TÕv Aw nmdvræwv tov Õikarov Emawov. 

4. “Ore rs Túyņns eùpooúons rTtoîs ‘Pwpalois 
èßovàeúovro perà nodis mokéjews nôs kabre 
ypýoaoðar Toîŭs eòruyýpaci .. © kaTà TpóTov 
eùyepéorepov eivat toô karaywvicachar Tos órÀois 
toùs dvrirayhévras. où pův kait traànbès oùrws 
čyer màelovs yàp eúpeîv čare roùs eùyevôs rw- 
Suveúovras rv raîs eùnpepiais àvôpwrivws ypw- 
uévwv. (Const. Exc. 4, pp. 370-372.) 

5. “Apa è roúrois mpartTopévois eis ‘Popnv 
nmapeyévovro npeofevrai “Poðiwv, tràs yeyevņnuévas 
Sraßoààs kar aùrôv dnoàðóoaoðar: éðórovv yàp év 
T npòs Ilepoéa moàéuw raîs evoluis dmokekÀi- 
Kévar mps Tòv Baciàéa kal mpoðeðwkévar TÙV Tpòs 
‘Popalovs pilav. unõèv ðè dvúovres ðv ènpé- 
aßevov eis dðvuíav èvémimrov, kal perà Šakpúwv 
enoiroûvro Tas évrevćeis. eloayayóvros ðè aùroùs 
eis rhv aúykànrov évòs tÕv ðnuápxwv `Avrwviov, 
npôros èv énowîro ròv Úrèp tis mpeofeias Àdyov 
Piàóppwv, perà ðè roðrov ` Aorvuhðns. moààà ĝè 
mpos éno kal mapaitnow eiróvres kal TÒ TeÀev- 
raîov katTà TV mapoipiav TÒ KÚKVELOV QOAVTES 

2? So Dindorf: Bovàópevor V. 
2 Dindorf suggests as a possible supplement modo} pèv oĉv 
ýyoðvrar Tò xpýoacðar roîs eùòrvyýpact. 


BOOK XXXI. 3. 3—5. 1 

but particularly that of the representatives of empire. 
For then each one of those whose strength is lost, 
yielding voluntary allegiance, gives eager service and 
is in all things a loyal collaborator. 

This principle the Romans have evidently taken 
much to heart. They are statesmanlike in their de- 
liberations, and by conferring benefits on those whom 
they have defeated they seek to gain the undying 
gratitude of the recipients and the well-deserved 
praise of the rest of mankind. 

4. Since the tide of Fortune was running strongly 
in their favour the Romans gave careful attention to 
the question how to act in view of their successes. 
(Many suppose that a right use of victory) is easier 
than to subdue one’s adversaries by force of arms. 
In point of fact, this is not true, for men who are 
brave in battle are to be found in greater numbers 
than men who are humane in seasons of prosperity. 

5. Just at this time envoys of the Rhodians 1 
arrived in Rome to clear themselves of the allegations 
that had been made against them ; for it was believed 
that during the war with Perseus their sympathies 
had inclined towards the king and that they had 
been disloyal to their friendship with Rome. Failing 
completely to achieve the purposes of their embassy, 
the envoys lost heart, and gave vent to tears as they 
made their petitions. Introduced before the senate 
by Antonius, one of the tribunes, Philophron spoke 
first on behalf of the delegation, and then Astymedes. 
At great length they pled for mercy and forgiveness, 
and at last, after having, as the saying goes, sung 
their swan-song, they only just managed to elieit a 

ł The narrative of Diodorus, based closely on Polybius, 
30. 4, is here preserved in several versions. 


167 B.o. 



SÀ EÀ > t è e: + A bi SÀ m 
uóàs éàaßov arorpioeis, Stè Óv ToÎ èv dÀooyepoûs 
hpóßov mapeàúbnoav, mepi Sè trÕv ykànuárwv m- 
rpôs &vesiolnoav. (Photius, Bibl. p. 381 B.) 
a 3 e ? t y e 
3 "Or eis ‘Põunv mapeyévovro rpeoßevral ‘Po- 
Siwv mpòs tàs yeyevnpévas kar aùrôv diaßoààs 
dmoàoynoópevor.* eðókovv yap èv TÔ mpòs Ilepoća 
moàéuw raîs eùvoiais dmokekÀùkévat mpòs Tòv 
Bacıiàéa kai mpoðeðwrévar Tv mpòs “Pwpaiovs 
hiàíiav. ópôvres è Tùňv AÀÀoTpióTNTa TùůV Tmpòs 
aŭroùs els &Îupiav êvémmrov. œs ðè kal rôv 
otparnyðv tis ouvvayayayv èkkànolav mapekádàet Tà 
À A0. S A A ‘P ô la SÀ e SÀ 
TANO mpòs ròv kara ‘Poðlwv móàeuov, tróð’ óo- 
oyepôs eloavres mepi ts martplðos els tToraúrnyy 
ÅAbov karanànéw wore névlipov avañaßeîv èobira, 
kata òè ras évreúkes rv hpiwv unkér mapa- 
À a2 Sè > A, TAAA ô A l RS ô + 
Kkadeîv? unòè déroðv, dAd Seîohai perà Sakpówv 
pnòèv dvýreorov mepl aùrôv Bovàeúeoðar. elo- 
ayayóvros è aùrovs eis rìv oúykànņrov vòs tôv 
òņudpxwv, Tot kal ròv mapakaioðvra mpòs TÒvV 
Bóàwv, èrmowiro roùs Àóyovs. .. .* Kal Toààà 
4 z 2 la ZÀ > 7 ô ? a A 
mpòs ĝénow eimróvres čÀaßov drokpiseis Èe ©v ToÔ 
èv óàooyepos póßov mapeiðyoav, mept è tv 
kart uépos èykàņnudrTrwv mkpôs œveðiolyoav. 
Const. Exc. 1, p. 402. 
D $ À A ki ô £ A : P; ) 
Oro è moa mpòs ðénow rai mapairņnow 
kúrveov ģoavTtes péos? uóyis čapov drorpioeis, 
Se &v rob póßov mapelðnoav. 
1 So Ursinus: drodoynoouévovs O. 
2 So Ursinus (cp. Polybius, 30. 4): mapadre O. 
3 kal napakaàoðvros after õņnudpyæv deleted by Ursinus. 

' BOOK XXXI. 5. 1-2a 

reply. This did indeed relieve them of their worst 
fears, though in it they were bitterly upbraided for 
their alleged offences. 

Envoys of the Rhodians now arrived in Rome to 
clear themselves of the allegations that had been 
made against them. For it was believed that in the 
war with Perseus their sympathies had inclined to- 
wards the king and that they had been disloyal to 
their friendship with Rome. When the envoys per- 
ceived the coolness with which they were received, 
they lost heart; and when a certain praetor, con- 
voking an assembly, urged the people to make war 
on Rhodes, they feared utter destruction for their 
country and were so dismayed that they put on 
mourning, and in appealing to their friends no longer 
spoke as advocates or claimants, but besought them 
with tears not to adopt measures fatal to Rhodes. 
When they were introduced before the senate by 
one of the tribunes, the same who had pulled from 
the rostra the praetor who was urging to war, ... 
made speeches. Only after many entreaties did they 
obtain an answer. This did indeed relieve them of 
their fear of total ruin, though they were subjected 
to bitter reproaches on the score of the particular 

These men presented their pleas and entreaties at 
great length, and at last, after having, as the saying 
goes, sung their swan-song, they only just managed 
to elicit a reply, which eased them of their fear. 

1 The praetor peregrinus, M’. 

Tuventius Thalna (Livy, 
45. 21). 

4 700 added by Campe. 
ë Lacuna indicated by Dindorf (cp. chap. 5. 1 and Poly- 
bius, l.c.). € Herwerden, Dindorf* delete péàos. 




"Ori rv ènnprnuévwv póßwv ¿ðórovv åmoàe- 
Aúobai, rà © dàda Kaimep övra Švoxep pgðiws 
čpepov. ós ènimav yàp oi moddol Sià rò péyeðos 
tÔv npooðokwuévwv Kkakâðv karappovoĝot TÕV 
eìarróvwv ovuntrwpdrwv. (Const. Exe. 4, p. 372.) 

6. Aidmep iðetv čoTt mapa ‘Pwpaiors oùs ém- 
daveorárovs ävõpas nèp óns dpuMwuévovs, ò 
Ôv dravra oyeðòv rà péyiora TÔ Öýuw kaTop- 
bovrar. èv puèv yàp Toîs dois moùreúpao 
Enàorvnoðow QAAŅAoVS, ‘Powpator õe ênowoñow. 
èE of ovupaivei páňiora Toùs pév TMPŽOTEW TÀ 
rdàdiora rÕv čpywv, ápuÀÀwuévovs aŭbew TÒ kowĵ 
gvupépov, Troùs © &Movs dðıxodofoðvras kal tàs 
AAAhAwv èmpoààs ÀAvpawopévovs PBàártew TÙ 
narpia. (Photius, Bibl. p. 381 B.) 

7. 1. “Ore karà roùs aùroùs ypővovs kov eis 
‘Põounv nmavrobev oi mpecĝevral ovygapņoópevot 
roîs yeyovóot karoplúópaow. òè  TÚYKÀNTOS 
pavlpørws aravras åmoðexo én kal ràs dmo- 
kpiseis èmeikeîs Soda CVVTÕLWS ÉKAOTOVS aT- 
éàvoev eis tràs marpiðas. (Const. Exc. 1, p. 402.) 

Chap. 7. 2: see below, after Chap. 17b. 

8. “Ori oi ‘Pæwpaîoi èv roîs éunmpooĝe ypóvois 

la + > ta 4 T 1 
TÂÕv peyiorwv Paoiéwv ’Avrióyov Kal PiÀinrov 
moàéuw mepryevóuevot TOTOÔTOV åméoyovro ToÔ 
rıuwpiav à\aßeiv map aùrtôv dore BÙ Hóvov ovy- 
ywpioar tràs Baoideias ëyew, dààà kal píidovs 
aùroùs morhoachai. èv è roúrois Toîs ypõvots, 
npoðiywviouévot moààdkis mpòs lHepoéa kal 
Kivðývovs ueydÀousS ÚTOMEMEVNKŐTES, me) TÜS 

1 So Salınasius, Valesius : °Avrioyos xat DiM\rros Pe 

BOOK XXXI. 5. 2b—8. 1 

They 1! thought that they were now quit of the 
fears that had hung over them, and readily put up 
with all else, however distasteful. As a general rule, 
indeed, any enormity of anticipated suffering makes 
men think little of lesser misfortunes. 

6. Hence it is that among the Romans the most 
distinguished men are to be seen vying with one 
another for glory, and it is by their efforts that 
virtually all matters of chief moment to the people 
are brought to a successful issue. In other states 
men are jealous of one another, but the Romans 
praise their fellow citizens. The result is that the 
Romans, by rivalling one another in promotion of 
the common weal, achieve the most glorious successes, 
while other men, striving for an undeserved fame and 
thwarting-one another’s projects, inflict damage upon 
their countries. 

7. 1. At about this same time envoys arrived in 
Rome from all quarters, to offer congratulations on 
the victory that had been won. The senate received 
them all courteously, briefly gave each a fair reply, 
and sent them off home.? 

8. Earlier, when the Romans defeated Antiochus 
and Philip, the greatest monarchs of that age, they 
so far abstained from exacting vengeance that they 
not only allowed them to keep their kingdoms but 
even accepted them as friends. So, too, on this present 
occasion, notwithstanding their repeated struggles 
with Perseus and the many grave dangers that they 
had had to face, having now at last subjugated the 

1 The Rhodian people, as appears from Polybius, 30. 5. 
2-3, not the envoys. Accordingly, I have transposed the 
order of sections 2 and 3, and indicated the break in section 2. 

2 This passage apparently corresponds to Polybius, 30. 19. 
14-17 (not to 30. 13, pace Dindorf). 


167/6 B.C. 

167 B.C. 


M ô la À + 3 A 2À 8 + 3 Ee 
akeĝóvwv Baoidcias ékpárnoav, ¿àevhépas aġfkav 
tàs dàoðoas módeis mapà Tv ánmdvrwv nmpooðokiav. 
où yàp olov rõv äÀdwv úréàaßev àv tis, AÀA? où’ 
aùrol Marxeðóves JAmiov dérwbýoeoðar tnAxaúrns 
piňavbpwrias, ovveiðorTes aúroîs ToÀÀà kal peyda 
mapavevoykóot eis ‘Pwpalovs’ Tervynkóres! yàp 
k m fd a 
äv toîs Üorepov åduaprýpaow úneàdußavov éavroîs? 
unõéva Àóyov ikairov eis čÀcov kait mapairnow 
2 e ~ z 
2 Où mip ġ ovykànros h rôv ‘Pwpaiwv proka- 
Kkqoev, aÀÀà ueyañopúyws kal nmpooņkóvrws ékád- 
arois npoonvéyôy. Ilepoéa pèv yàp èk mpoyóvwv 
òġeiàovra yápiras, ène) mapà tàs ovvlýkas 
Ed F ld 2 lg > 2 > 
dõikov ééýveyke módepov, \aßóvres aiyudàwrov els 
p r AS, , » 7 `3 a 
eàcevhépav ánébevro pvàarýv, eàdrrova Òù? t@v 
mapavounudTwv Àaußdvovres Tiuwpiav: TÒ SÈ TV 
g Y 3 r ’ A 3 ld 
Maxeðóvwv éðvos eis Sovdeiav Šıxaiws äv dyayóv- 
Test Acvhépwoav, oŭrws evyevôs kal TayéwS mpo- 
bi a 
éuevor Tv evepyeoiav ore uNÈÈ Trův* mapà Tv 
Pal # Eas 
ėntraikórwv Šéņow åvapeivar. ópoiws? kal TÔv 
m : + L4 a 
'TAvpiðv moàéuw kparhoavrtes aùrovópovs dġñkav, 
oùy oŬrws àEíovs ýyoúpevot yápıros roùs ßap- 
Bápovs, s éavroîs mpoońkew vouítovres katápxew 
eùepyeoias kal pù peydàa poveîv èv raîs ¿éovoiais. 
La b4 A La + 2? ` 
3 "Or dote t ovykàńtrw rovs re Makeðóvas kal 
ł rerevyóres Dindorf*. 
2 So Salmasius : éavroùs P. 

3 So Nock : éàárrovaðe P; éìdrrová ye Valesius. Dindorft 
omits the particle. 


BOOK XXXI. 8. 1-3 

kingdom of Macedon, contrary to all expectations 
they set the captured cities free. Not only would no 
one else have anticipated this but not even the Mace- 
donians themselves had any hope of being accorded 
such consideration, having on their conscience many 
serious offences that they had committed against 
Rome. Indeed, since their earlier errors had been 
forgiven, they supposed, as well they might, that no 
just argument for pity or pardon was still available 
to thèm for these later shortcomings. 

The Roman senate, however, harboured no grudges 
but acted towards them with magnanimity, yet with 
due regard to the merits òf the several cases. Per- 
seus, for example, owed them an inherited debt of 
gratitude, and since in violation of his covenant he 
was the aggressor in an unjust war, they held him, 
after he became their prisoner, in “ free custody,” 
thereby exacting a punishment far less, certainly, 
than his crimes. The Macedonian people, whom 
they might in all justice have reduced to slavery, 
they set free, and they were sọ generous and so 
prompt in conferring this boon that they did not even 
wait for the defeated to petition them. Likewise 
with the Illyrians, to whom, once they had been sub- 
dued, they granted autonomy, less from any belief 
that the barbarians deserved their indulgence than 
from the conviction that it was fitting and proper 
for the Roman people to take the initiative in acts 
of beneficence and to avoid over-confidence in their 
day of power. . S 

The senate resolved that the Macedonians and the 

4 So Wesseling : éyovres P. 
5 tv added by Herwerden. 
8 So Valesius (cp. chap. 8. 5): õuws P. 

VOL. XI M 325- 


Toùs `IAvpioùs eàevhépovs apevar, Tà Nuion ðiðóv- 
Tas æv mpõrtepov réàovv roîs iðiois Paoideðow. 
(Const. Exc. 2 (1), pp. 280-281.) 
4 Aipios Mdápkos ‘Pwpaiwv úraros kal àpioros 
orparņyós, Tlepoća \aßòv aixudàwrTov, ToTov uèv 
dðikov mpos ‘Pwpaiovs étayayóvra mapà tàs ovv- 
Býkas módepov eis ¿éevbépav anébero vàakńv, 
ràs è módceis Makeðóvwv kal IMvpiðv dàoúoas 
map ¿inida náoas éàevhlépas direv, kaitoi eyd- 
Àovs kwðúvovs únrouewavrwv ‘Pwpaiwv modÀdkis 
ev roîs pòs Ilepoéa moàéuois kal nmpó ye TovrTov 
kparnodvræwv moàéuw Diinrov ro martpòs aùroô 
kal `Avrióyov roô Meydàov, kal tocoĝrov èm aù- 
Toîs piàavbpwnevhévrwv œs pù) póvov ràs Bacı- 
cias aùrôv ëčyewv, dÀàd kal piàovs aùroùs elva 
ovyywpoa: è$ oîs éavroùs Marxeððves ayvw- 
povýoavtes åvaćíovs ¿ðókovv čoeolar mavròs éňéovs 
xepwbévres ‘Pwpaiois oùv r Ilepoe?. AÀX Ñ 
gúykàņrTos auvnoikdkws kal peyañopýyws aùrToîs 
npoonvéxðn, Tův èàevÂepiav davrl ðovàcias yapıoa- 
5 év. óuoíws ðè kai roîs Iààvpioîs: kal Toórwv 
yàp ròv Baoiàéa Teriwva aiyuádàwrov éÀaßov oòùv 
T® Ilepoe?. ebyevôs ov aùroîs? ‘Pwpaîor Tùv 
eÀevhepiav yapıodpevot Tà hion Siðew trv reðv 
mpocéračav &©v mpórepov èréàovv roîs liors 
6 Eténewpdv re éka pèv mpeofpevràs èk toô 
gvveðpiov cis Mareðoviav, névre ðè eis `IAvpioŭs, 

1 So Dindorf: xparýoavres. 


BOOK XXXI. 8. 3-6 

Illyrians should be free, and that they should pay 
one-half the amount that they formerly paid their 
own kings in taxes. 

Marcus Aemilius, consul of the Romans and a 
general of the highest ability, on taking Perseus 
prisoner placed him in “free custody,” although 
Perseus had made war upon the Romans without 
just cause and in violation of his covenants. More- 
over, to everyone’s surprise he set free all the Mace- 
donian and Illyrian cities that had been captured, 
despite. the fact that the Romans had repeatedly 
faced grave dangers in the war against Perseus and, 
earlier still, had met and defeated Philip, his father, 
and Antiochus the Great, and had shown them such 
consideration as not only to permit them to retain 
their kingdoms but even to enjoy the friendship of 
Rome. Since in the sequel the Macedonians had 
behaved irresponsibly, they thought that they should 
have no title to mercy when, along with Perseus, they 
fell into the hands of the Romans. On the contrary 
the senate dealt with them in a forgiving and gener- 
ous spirit, and instead of slavery bestowed freedom. 
In like manner they dealt with the Illyrians, whose 
king, Getion,? they had taken prisoner along with 
Perseus. Having thus nobly bestowed the gift of 
freedom upon them, the Romans ordered them to pay 
one-half as much as they had formerly paid their own 
kings in taxes. 

They sent out ten commissioners from the senate 
to Macedonia, and five to the Illyrians, who met 

1 So Synceellus, for L. Aemilius Paullus. 
2 ie, Gentius. 

2 So Scaliger: ovyywpnoávrwv. 
3 So Dindorf: Svvaroîs. 



ol kal mpòs Aipiàov Máprov àbóvres ovvetðov rà 
Teiyy Anunrtpedðos mócews Makeðóvwuv mpõTNs 
kaleàetv, 'Aupiàóyovus 8è rv Airwàðv drotedéa, 
kat troùs émgaveîs åvôpas rõv Makeóvwv eis ê 
avvayayeîv: čvłða ¿àevÂépous kal dáġpovpńýrovs 
7 aùroùs aġĝxav. karéàvoav òè kal tàs èk TÔv 
LA ? 2. bs A F: + A 
LerádÀwv åpyúpov kal ypvooð mpocððovs Šid TE TÒ 

Eai ? 

LETÀ Tara vewTepiborv Sia TOV ypnudrwv áva- 
kropevoi Tùy Mareóvwv apxiv. Ttův ðè yopav 
àn Tov eis Téooapa pépn, v mpõrTov rÒ 
peratò Néortov morao kal ÈXrpvpóvos kal Tà 
mpòs dvaToàùv roô Néorov épúpara màņv tà mpòs 
”APênpav kai Mapõverav kal Alvov móàes, mpòs 
Õuouàs è Tro Erpvuóvos Bioaària nâoa perà ris 
ev t) Lwrch ‘Hparàeias: Seúrepov uépos, önmep 
anò èv åvaroàñs opite ò Irpupav morapós, åTmò 
A) - e + r > % A s s 
òè ðvouðv ð rádoúuevos `Aćıðs morapòs kal oi 
Òvouas pèv ò linves morauðs, karà è dpkrTov TÒ 
Àeyóuevov Bépvov öpos, mpooreðévrwuv kai twwv 
+ m ta 3 D 4 7 Ka d 
Ttómwv ris ITlarovias, èv oîs kal móàeis déóoyor 
"Eôecooa kat Bépora: réraprov kai reàevraîov, mep 
Únèp rò Bépvov pos ovvánreti TÅ ` Hreipw kal Tois 
hi A > lá lg e A pi A 7 
karà Tùv `JAàvpiða rórois. hyoðvro ðè kal móàes 
Téocapes rÕv aùrÕv Teoodpwv uepôv, TOÔ pèv 
mpõrov Auginoàs, roô evrépov OQecoadoviky, 
A ~ LA 
ToD rpirov IIéààa, kat roô trerdprov Ileayovia. 


1 epúuara màùv Wesseling: épúuņv xal. Dindorf reads 
épúparta Kal. 

1 Properly in Magnesia, Demetrias had been part of 

BOOK XXXI. 8. 6-8 

with Marcus Aemilius and agreed to dismantle the 
walls of Demetrias, the chief city of the Macedonians,! 
to detach Amphilochia from Aetolia, and to bring 
together the prominent men of Macedon at a meet- 
ing: there they set them free and announced the 
removal of the garrisons. In addition, they cut off 
the revenues derived from the gold and silver mines, 
partly to keep the local inhabitants from being 
oppressed, and partly to prevent anyone from stirring 
up a revolution thereafter by using this wealth to 
get control of Macedon. The whole region they 
divided into four cantons : the first comprised the 
area between the Nestus River and the Strymon, the 
forts east of the Nestus (except ? those of Abdera, 
Maroneia, and Aenus), and, west of the Strymon, 
the whole of Bisaltica, together with Heracleia 
Sintica ; the second, the area bounded on the east 
by the Strymon River, and on» the west by the river 
called the Axius and the lands that border it; the 
third, the area enclosed on the west by the Peneus 
River, and on the north by Mt. Bernon,’ with the 
addition of some parts of Paeonia, including the 
notable cities of Edessa and Beroea ; fourth and last, 
the area beyond Mt. Bernon, extending to Epirus 
and the districts of Illyria. Four cities were the 
capitals of the four cantons, Amphipolis of the first, 
Thessalonica of the second, Pella of the third, and 

Macedonia only since 196 s.c. Presumably its earlier status 
was now restored. 

2 Wesseling’s emendation brings the text into agreement 
with Livy, 45. 29, the other chief source for the geographical 
terms of the settlement.. Dindorf’s text gives: “‘the forts 
east of the Nestus and those towards Abdera, ete.” 

3 Livy says Mt. Bora, which is, however, north of both 
Beroea and Edessa. Probably Mt. Bermius is meant. 



9 év Traúrais dpxnyol Téocapes kareordbnoav kal ot 
pópor Ņ)Opoíčovro. év è roîs èoyarors rs Maxe- 
ovias rómois ià Tràs trÕv napakeuévwv èbvôv 
em Povàds kaTréornoav oTpatTuórTas. 

Eri roúrois ó AipiNos dyôvas kal nórovs eya- 
Aonpeneîs tT nÀýbe ouvvráčas rà eúpeðévra ypń- 
parta eis rhv ‘Pounv ånéoreev: karaàaßav òè 
Kai aùròs Îpiaußov karayayeîv dpa roîs oùv aùr 

10 orparņyoîs keàeúerat mapà TS ovykÀńýrov. ral 
mpôros èv `Avikios kal 'Oxráovios ò ts vavriris 
Ôvváuews ýynodpevos åvà uiav uépav ékárepos 
ebpidupevoev, ô è copóraros AiuiMos émi tpeîs. 
kal t pèw npor åpačai yíM\art Šiakóoiat rpo- 
HAGov pépovoar Àevkàs kal Tpayeias’ darias, kal 
dààar yia Õiakóorar duakaı màńpes čonríðwv 
xaàkÂv, kal éTepar Tprakóoiat Àóyyas kal capicas 
kal Tóča kai åkóvra yépovoar mponyoðvro Õè 
aùrÕv os év moàépw oaàmiykral. Ñoav è kal 
Aa modail mokia en gépovoar õràwv, kd- 

1l pakes ôktakóciaı kaĵwnràopévar. Ti è evrépa 
npoekopichy vououátrwv tdàavra yia, dpyúpov 
Ttdàavra ðioyiàa Õiakócıa, ÈKTWHATWV nàñbos, 
ayaàudrwv kal avðpidvTræv Toikiiwv åpačat mevta- 

7 Tpayeias A: rtpayías B, Dindorf, @pęrias Salmasius, 

1 Generally identified with Heracleia Lyncestis. F, Papa- 
zoglu, iva Antika, Antiquité Vivante, 4 (1954), 308-345, 
disputes this identification. He places Heracleia Lyncestis 
near Bitolj (Monastir), and locates Pelagonia somewhat to 
the north-east, in the district of Morihovo. See J. and L. 
Robert, REG, 1956, p. 137, no. 149. 

2 This is wrong. The Fasti Triumphales date the triumph 

BOOK XXXI. 8. 9-11 

Pelagoniat of the fourth; here four governors were es- 
tablished and here the taxes were collected. Troops 
were stationed on the border regions of Macedonia 
because of the hostility of the neighbouring tribes. 
Subsequently Aemilius, after arranging splendid 
games and revelries for the assembled multitude, 
sent off to Rome whatever treasure had been dis- 
covered, and when he himself arrived, along with his 
fellow generals, he was ordered by the senate to 
enter the city in triumph. Anicius first,? and Octa- 
vius, the commander of the fleet, celebrated each his 
triumph for a single day, but the very wise Aemilius 
celebrated his for three days. On the first day the 
procession opened with twelve hundred waggons filled 
with embossed è white shields, then another twelve 
hundred filled with bronze shields, and three hundred 
more laden with lances, pikes, bows, and javelins ; 
as in war, trumpeters led the way. There were many 
other waggons as well, carrying arms of various sorts, 
and eight hundred panoplies mounted on poles.“ On 
the second day there were carried in procession 
a thousand talents of coined money, twenty-two 
hundred talents of silver, a great number of drinking- 
cups, five hundred waggons loaded with divers statues 

of Aemilius on 28-30 November, of Cn. Octavius on 1 
December, and that of L. Anicius Gallus over Gentius and 
the Illyrians on the feast of the Quirinalia, in the following 
February. Cp. also Livy, 45. 40-43. 

3 Perhaps *“‘ rough,” if the shields were of hide. There 
was a famous Macedonian corps of Leucaspides, and the 
Thracians at Pydna were distinguished by their gleaming 
white shields (Plutarch, Aemilius, 18). Plutarch sets the 
display of captured arms, including both Macedonian and 
Thracian, on the second day of the triumph (ibid. 32). 

4 The sense, as Wesseling saw, is determined by frag. 
sedis inc. 8, which probably belongs here. 



kóoiat, doniðes Te ypvoa? kal mivares avabepari- 
12 kol mápmoior. ri TpiTN mponyotvTo Àcukal Bões 
a H A 3 
eÙnpeneîs ékaTòv eikoot, ypvooĵ rdàavra èv foph- 
Laci ĝiakociois etkoci, pidàn éka Taàdvrwv ypu- 
co SidÀbos, ypvowpdrwv mavroîat karaokeval 
lA t 3 + EJ + là 
raàdvrwv éka, éħepávrwv óðóvres ÕioyiMot Tpi- 
mýxes, dppa ìepdvriwvov èk ypvooô kal Abwv, 
gq La 7 bi m~ ~ “ 
immos paàdpois Siadilois kal TÅ ouni karaokevi 
Õiaypýow moepukõs kekoounpévos, kÀivy ypuvoñ 
orpwuvaîs moàvavðéoı kareotpwpévy, popeïov ypu- 
coĝv nepireneracuévov Toppúpav, è’ ois Iepoeùs 
e y ~ 2 kd 3 € a 
ò õvorvyýs Pacieùs Mareóvwv dpa õvotv viois 
kal Jvyatpi pug kat Toîs hyeudo: Õiakociois merh- 
kovra, oTéĥavot Terpakóciot Šolévres èk tÕv 
ld A m la s Fg A 3 1 
módcewv kal rÕv Paciàéwv, kal èml mâow Alpihos 
é$ apparos ¿ñepavrivov karanànkrikoĝ.! 
(Georgius Syncellus, pp. 508-511 Dind.) 
Q hi si LA ~ 2? ~ 0 + 
Te mpòs Toùs bavpátovras Tv èv TÔ bedrpw 
? F e ` > là EJ 7 w 
emuéàciav ò orparņnyòs AipiMos dnepývaro Tis 
aùrĝs elva yuyis dyðvás Te Táda katà TpóTov 
kal TÀ KATA TTOV? otkelws yeipicat kal mapardéa- 
(Const. Exc. 4, p. 372.) 
9. “Ori Ilepoća ròv redàcevraîov Mareõovias 
Baoiàéa, moàdris ‘Pwpaiors ià gidias lóvra, 
La ô ` $ "~ 3 kd À t À l4 
nodàdkis è kal orparıĝ oùk avağıoàóyw moeuý- 
cavra, téàos AluiNos kararoàceuýoas eîàe, kal 
"~ # Z 
Aaurpòv bpiaupov émi rÅ viren karfyaye. Ilepoeùs 
a o A 
Sè ryÀxaúrais mepinrecwv ovppopaîs wore Sokeîv 

1 So Herwerden : xararàýrrov. 
2 So Dindorf (cp. Polybius, 30. 14): rórov V. 


BOOK XXXI. 8. 11—99. 1 

of gods and men, and a large number of golden 
shields and dedicatory plaques. On the third day 
the procession was made up of one hundred and 
twenty choice white oxen, talents of gold conveyed 
in two hundred and twenty carriers, a ten-talent 
bowl of gold set with jewels, gold-work of all sorts 
to the value of ten talents, two thousand elephant 
tusks three cubits in length, an ivory chariot enriched 
with gold and precious stones, a horse in battle array 
with cheek-pieces set with jewels and the rest of its 
gear adorned with gold, a golden couch spread with 
flowered coverlets, and a golden palanquin with crim- 
son curtains. Then came Perseus, the hapless king 
of the Macedonians, with his two sons, a daughter, 
and two hundred and fifty of his officers, four hun- 
dred garlands presented by the various cities and 
monarchs, and last of all, in a dazzling chariot of 
ivory, Aemilius himself. 

Aemilius remarked to those who were amazed at 
the care he devoted to the spectacle t that to conduct 
games in proper fashion and to make suitable arrange- 
ments for a revelry call for the same qualities of 
mind that are needed to marshal one’s forces with 
good strategy against an enemy. 

9. Perseus, the last king of Macedonia, whose rela- 
tions with the Romans were often amicable, but who 
also repeatedly fought against them with a not in- 
considerable army, was finally defeated and taken 
captive by Aemilius, who for this victory celebrated 
a magnificent triumph. The misfortunes that Perseus 
encountered were so great that his sufferings seem 

1 The triumphal games celebrated at Amphipolis; cp. 
above, chap. 8. 9, and Polybius, 30. 14; Livy, 45. 32; 
Plutarch, Aemilius, 28. 



pora púlois dyevýrois elvai Tà náby Tà mept 
aùróv, oð ðs’ droàvbfva roô tiv hhee. mpiv 
yàp Ñ Trův oúykànrtov únèp aùroî adaßetv ô xp) 
mabeiv, rÔv karà móùv orparņyðv eîs èévéßadev 
aùròv eis rov êv ”AÀfpais kápkapov perà tÔVv 
2 rékvwv. ori è Ò kápkapoşs Öpvypa kartáyeiov 
Babú, rò pèv péyebos yov otkov páňoTtd mws 
évveakàivov, okórov è màfpes kal Svooopias Sià 
TÒ nÀÑÂos rv mapaðeðopévwv eis TOTO TOV TÓTOV 
ådvðpôv rv èri Îavarıkoîs èykàypacı karaðıkato- 
uévwv, v èv èkelvois Toîs ypóvois ot mÀelovs 
evraðĝa kabeipyvuvro' èv oŬtrw yàp otev TÓT% 
avykekàciouévwv TmoàÀàðv dvåpðv ámeðnpioĝðro rà 
ĞAÀnv nâoav ypelav dvykóvrwv nmdávræav èv raŭ- 
TÔ nmepupuévav Tocavryy nmpoorinrew Ôvowõiav 
ouvéßawev wore unòéva rv mposióvrwv pgðiws 
3 ĝúvaolaı kaprepjoar. è$ huépas èv oĝv énrTà 
Sreréàcoev évrabba kakovyovpevos, wWoTE kal mapà 
rôv syárwv kal Takta? orovpévwv èmwovpias 
Senliva: ovunaleîs yàp oror yiwvópevot ià TÒ 
uéyeĥos rv dkàņpņnuárwav, ðv pereàdubavov, 
davbpønws rTovrwv èkeivw pereðiðocav Ŝa- 
kpvovres. čppinrto © aùTÔ kal Eidos npòs dvaipeow 
kal káìws mpòs dyyóvnv, étovoías Šðouévnys ©s 
4 Poúorro yphoacðar. AAN oùðèv oŬrw yàvkù 
daiverar Toîs Jruynkóow ùs TÒ Giv, kalnmep aùtôv 

2? ös added by Nock. 
2 So Reiske: orevwr®. 
3 So Vulgate: rakara A, rà éykara B. 


BOOK XXXI. 9. 1—4 

like the inventions of fiction, yet even so he was not 
willing to be quit of life. For before the senate had 
decided on the penalty he should suffer, one of the 
urban praetors had him cast with his children into 
the prison at Alba. This prison is a deep under- 
ground dungeon, no larger than a nine-couch room,? 
dark, and noisome from the large numbers committed 
to the place, who were men’ under condemnation on 
capital charges, for most of this category were in- 
carcerated there at that period. With so many shut 
up in such close quarters, the poor wretches were 
reduced to the physical appearance of brutes, and 
since their food and everything pertaining to their 
other needs was all foully commingled, a stench so 
terrible assailed anyone who drew near that it could 
scarcely be endured. There for seven days Perseus 
remained, in such sorry plight that he begged succour 
even from men of the meanest stamp, whose food was 
the prison ration. They, indeed, affected by the mag- 
nitude of his misfortune, in which they shared, wept 
and generously gave him a portion of whatever they 
received. A sword with which to kill himself was 
thrown down to him, and a noose for hanging, with 
full freedom to use them as he might wish. Nothing, 
however, seems so sweet to those ? who have suffered 
misfortune as life itself, even when their sufferings 

1 Alba Fucens, in central Italy. Other notable prisoners 
detained there were Syphax of Numidia (Livy, 30. 17) and 
Bituitus, king of the Arverni (Livy, Per. 61). For a possible 

identification of the dungeons see L'Antiquité Classique, 20 
(1951), 12-74. 

2 ie. a room capable of accommodating nine at dinner. 

3 “ Those who,” Photius; “ some who,” in the Egcerpta 
de Kententiis, where this sentence appears, followed by “ This 
was the case with Perseus, king of the Macedonians ” 
{=chap. 9. 6). 



gra Îavárov TAOXÖVTWV. kal mépas év Tavras 
àv Taîs aváykais katéoTpee Tov piov, el pù) Map- 
kos Alpiños mporabijevos To Povàevrnpiov, 
TPA ; TÓ TE mepi aŭròv ačíwpa kal TO TÎS maTpiðos 
émeés, mapývece T ovykàńTtw oxerMatwv, el RÀ 
Tòv ávðpómvov póßor: eùàaßoðvrai, Týv ye Toùs 
repnpavws Ttaîs ekovoíais ypwpévovs perepyo- 
5 pévyv vépeow aiðeîoha. Srórrep eis êmerxeortépav 
Solels pvàarýv, kal kevaîs éànio nposavéywv, 
ópoíav Toîs TponTuxqpévos čoxe To fiov TAY 
kataotpopýv. Šer yap ypõvov þiňoļvuyýoas, kal 
Tpookófas Toîs pvàdrtrTovor Bappápois, kwàvópevos 

Úr èkeivwv ùnvov tuyeîv éreàeurnoev. 
(Photius, Bibl. PP- 381-382 B.) 
6 "Or oùðėv oŬTw yàveù paiverar TÕV NTVyNkKOTwV 
eviors s Tò iv, kainmep aùrtõv äga Îavártov 
macyóvrwv: ónep ovvéßn els Iepoća ròv Maxe- 
Sóvwv Paoiàéa yevéobar. (Const. Exc. 4, p. 372.) 
7 "Orn ó Hepoeùs eis TÒ kaTtáyerov epBànleis 
oina èreîoe äv katéotpebe tòv Biov, el pÀ ò 
AipiMos Tpokabńuevos ToÎ Bovhevrnpiov kal TNpõv 
TÒ mept aúrtòv dčiwua” kal TÒ TÎS maTtpiðos è êmeikès 
mapývece Ti ovykàńrw oxerùdgwv, el Rì) Tòv e£ 
åvbpamwv póßov eùàaßoðvrar, rýv ye Toùs nepr- 
hdvws taîs è£ovoiais ypwpévovs perepxopévyv vé- 
peow aiðeîohar. Sıómep eis ènmieikeorépav obels 
puàakhv Sià Tv Tis avykàńrov xpnorórņyra revaîs 
EÀniot nposaveîyev. (Const. Exc. 2 (1), p. 281.) 

t óyov or ġhóvov Reiske. 

2 Valesius has rò rs Bovàñs dĉíwpa (not recorded in 

ł M. Aemilius Lepidus was princeps senatus from 179 B.C. 

BOOK XXXI. 9. 4-7 

would warrant death. And at last he would have 
died under these deprivations had not Marcus 
Aemilius,! leader of the senate, to maintain both his 
own principles and his country’s code of equity, in- 
dignantly admonished the senate, even if they had 
nothing to fear from men, at least to respect the 
Nemesis that dogs those who arrogantly abuse their 
power. As a result, Perseus was placed in more suit- 
able custody, and, because of the senate’s kindness,? 
sustained himself by vain hopes, only to meet at 
last an end that matched his earlier misfortunes. 
For after clinging to life for two years, he offended 
the barbarians who were his guards, and was pre- 
vented from sleeping until he died of it.? 

Plutarch, however, aseribes to L. Aemilius Paullus the easing 
of Perseus’ condition (Aemilius, 37). Unfortunately the 
praenomen is omitted in the parallel passage (chap. 9.7) 
of the Excerpta de Virtutibus et Vitiis, where the context of 
the citation is summarily indicated by the words : “ Perseus, 
cast into the underground dungeon, would have died there, 
had not Aemilius . . 

2 This phrase is omitted by Photius. 

3 Sections 6 and 7 of chap. 9 are not translated separately, 
as they correspond to §§ 4-5, and any divergences in the text 
have already been noted. 



% d ~ ~ 
10. “Ore árpatoúoņs tís rv Mareðóvwv Ba- 
la z y ? Ea 
adeias Anuýrpios ó Daànpeùs v r@ Ilepi Tóxns 
Ld ~ ~ ~ 
úmouvýpatı kaĝánep xpnopwððv úrėp rv aùr 
ouußnoouévwv eùotTóxyws ToúrTovs Toùs Àóyovs dmo- 
1 ? A d A A 3 2 ha 
mepoiParev: Eè yàp AdBois mpò rûs èvvoias uù 
lg Eg ô pi kI AÀ + IAA A z 
xpõvov äreipov uðè yeveàs Todds, AAAA mevrý- 
F A 
kovra uóvov T) Tauti Tà mpò huÕv, yvoins äv 
e A ~ 2 hJ A “~ 
os TÒ TÅS TÝXNs xadenòv évraĵla` mevrykoor yàp 
EJ ! s 3a 1 `‘ : a 
éTet mpóTtepov oieoh’ àv Ñ Iépoas Ñ Bacidéa tôv 
A ~“ a 
IHepoðv ) Makeðóvas } Bacidéa rõv Makxeðóvwv, 
LA ~ k3 A Ka m~ 
et ris Beðv aùroîs mpoŭÀeye TÒ uEAov, moreûocai 
2A 3 A “~ 
ToT äv Ws eis ToĝTov TÒv kupòv Ilepoðv èv où’ 
E ld ` z 
övopa Àciplýoerat Tò nmapárav, ot mádons oyeðòv 
~ F t ? + + ` bj LA 
Tis oikoupévns ¿ðéomogov, Makeðdves è kal mdons 
kparýoovoiv, ©v oùð voua mpórepov v yvópipov; 
2 AX? e e. N hi A d “~ 10 À + + 2 
QAN uws Ñ mpos ròv Piov Ņuðv dðraàóyıoros TóXN 
kal ndvra mapà tòv Àoyiopòv TOV huéÉTEpov kawo- 
~ b3 ~ A~ A 
morosa kal Tv avris úvajuv év roîs mapaðóéois” 
A Po Ea] 
evðeikvuuévy Kal võv, œs uol Soke, ópoiws èv- 
+ ~ 
Seikvurar Marxeðóvas eis rhv Iepoðv ýyepoviav 
evorkisaca, Õióre kat rTovroi? ù TÚXN Tàyaðà 
, e “o y n ` A ta 
kéypnkev éws äv dAdo ri Bovàeúontai mepi aùrôv. 
ô ovvéßņ katà roùs võv ypóvovs ovvrecobfva:. 
Siómep Kal ueis èrpivauev TÑ nmepiordoet Tavr 
4 e ld + 3 t b3 ~ kd : 
Tòr áppóćovra Ààóyov emiġléyčaoðaı kal Ts àro- 
+ m~ m“ ` E 
pdoews tis AnunrTtpiov pvnolivar, peltovos očons 
1 oteo? àv ù Dindorf (ep. Polybius 29. 21): oloba p) V. 
? dõiaàóyıeoros rúyy Post: dvaħoyia ris túxys V, åìoyía tís 
túxņs Mai, dovvĝeros róyņ Polybius, l.c. 
3 So Mai (ep. Polybius, l.c.) : évêéćois V. 

BOOK XXXI. 10. 1-2 

10. While the kingdom of the Macedonians was 
at its height, Demetrius of Phalerum,! in his treatise 
On Fortune, as if he were a true prophet of its future, 
aptly made this inspired pronouncement : ““ If,” he 
said, “ you were to consider, not some limitless ex- 
panse of time nor yet many generations, but merely 
these fifty years just past, you would perceive therein 
the inscrutability of Fortune. Fifty years ago, do 
you think that the Persians or the king of the Per- 
sians, the Macedonians or the king of the Mace- 
donians, if some god had foretold the future, would 
ever have believed that at this moment not even the 
name of the Persians, who were then the masters of 
well-nigh the whole inhabited world, would still sur- 
vive, and that the Macedonians, whose very name 
was formerly unknown, would indeed rule all? But 
nevertheless Fortune, who with her unforeseeable 
effect upon our lives disappoints our calculations by 
her shifts and demonstrates her power by marvellous 
and unexpected events, is now also, in my opinion, 
pointing much the same moral—that in seating the 
Macedonians on the throne of tle Persians she has 
but lent them her riches to be used until such time 
as she changes her mind about them.” The fulfil- 
ment came to pass in the period with which we are 
now concerned. Accordingly I judge it my duty to 
make some comment appropriate to this situation, 
and to recall the statement of Demetrius, an utter- 

1 The Athenian statesman and writėr, born c. 350 B.C. 
For the fragments of his works see Jacoby, FGH, no. 228. 
Diodorus here follows Polybius, 29. 21. 

4 Dindorf adds pol oxe? but omits óxolws (cp. Polybius, 
le.): ds dpolws V. 
è So Dindorf: roúrovs V. 




Ñ kar dvlpwnov: nmpoeîre yàp karov kal mevrý- 
kovTa mpórepov* čreot mept TÔv ÜoTepov ovup- 

11. "Ori rôv Tof Alpuàiov maiðwv rõv éo napa- 
Sófws reňeuvryodvræv, kal toô úuov rmavròs 
Sradepõvrws ovvaàyoðvros, ó mathp ToÚTrwv ovvý- 
yayev êkkàņoiav, êv Ñ mepl TÔv kaTà TÒv módepov 
npaybévrwv åmodoyioduevos éni rédovs SrefhANe 
ToroVTovs Twàs Aðyovs. ëpn yàp éavròv eå `Iraàias 
eis thv ‘EMdõa uéàdovra nmeparoðv tràs Svvdues 
dnobewphou? Ttùv àvaroà)v kal rére tòv mÀoôv 
momodpevor” várs &pas kararàecðoat unõevòs 
amoderblévros eis Képrupav, èrethev &èÈ rerapratov 
ev Aeàdoîs kaùdephoavra t® Oe® perà meévre 
hpépas eis Mareĝoviav yevéoðat kal mapaàaßerv 
Tas Švuvdueis, év huépais è taîs ånmaoais mevTe- 
kaldera Piaoaohar rà orevà rà? karà riw Iérpav 
kal maparáčacðar kal vicoat Iepoća’ kaĝódov 
òè réraprov éros? avrophaàpoîvros roô Paoiéws 
Toîs ‘Pwpaiois, éavròv èv taîs mpoepnuévas hué- 
pus dnepivaro kekvpievrévar máons Mareðovias. 
kal rõte èv Îavuátew $n rò mapáoyov tv 
kaToplwudrwv: ùs è uer’ oàiyov Kkúpioşs eyévero 
To Pacidéws kal rõv Tékvaw kal tis Bacideias 
yáóns, moù uõňdov Îavudtew rùův eùporav rs 
Túxns: Õıakopuobévrwv è TÕv ypnuárwv kal rv 
orparıwtr®v eis Tv `Iraàiav aßàapâs kal rayéws, 
Tó’ óàocyepõs ĝaropetv èri TÔ mávra rdàMov À 

t apórepov added by Boissevain (cep. Polybius, l.e.). 
2 So Dindorf: årobewphoas V. 
3 So Dindorf: momoápevos V. 

4 Herwerden suggests mapayevéoĝar or év Mareĝovig. 


BOOK XXXI. 10. 2—11. 2 

ance of more than human inspiration. For a hundred 
and fifty years in advance he foretold what was to 
occur. ` 

11. The two sons of Aemilius having suddenly 
died, to the great grief of the entire populace, their 
father called a public assembly, where, after giving 
a defence of his actions in the war, he concluded 
his address with the folowing remarks. He said, 
namely, that after seeing the sun rise as he was about 
to begin transporting his army from Italy to Greece, 
he had then made the voyage, and at the ninth hour, 
without a single loss, had put in at Corcyra ; thence 
on the fourth day he had offered sacrifice to the god 
at Delphi ; five days later had arrived in Macedonia 
and taken command of the forces ; and within a total 
of fifteen days had forced the pass at Petra, given 
battle, and defeated Perseus. In sum, though it was 
then the fourth year of the king's defiance of the Ro- 
mans, he, Aemilius, had subdued the whole of Mace- 
don in the aforesaid number of days. Even at the 
time, he ‘said, he marvelled at the unexpectedness 
of his victories, and when, shortly thereafter, he cap- 
tured the king, bis children, and the royal treasure, 
he marvelled even more at the favourable tide of 
fortune. When, further, the treasure and his soldiers 
were conveyed safely and swiftly across to Italy, he 
was utterly puzzled by the fact that the whole affair 
was being brought to an end so much more fortunately 

1 Of the two younger sons one died five days before the 
triumph of Aemilius, one three days after it: Plutarch, 
Aemilius, 35-36 ; Livy, 45. 40-41. 

5 zà added by Dindorf. 
€ réraprov čros Boissevain (cp. Livy, 45. 41): rerapraîos 
V, which Dindorf deletes. 
` 34l 


2 ~ 8 z T ĝe E 
mpooeðóka ovvreàetobar, mavTwr è ovyyarpovrwv 
m 2 
Kal pakapıóvræv Tùv eùnoruiav aùtoĵ TTE pá- 
hI ~ 2 2 
Aora mpooðéyeohðai mapà Ts TÚXNS oúuTTELA 
® a m m z , 
Sidrep npoceúyeoðar T Qe® TÕv pèv ðnpoociwv eis 
` 3? A A Àń 3 3 3? # 
unëèv umece riv perapoàńýv, dÀNX el mávrws 
Pai “~ $ a 9? 3 4 
aùr T? npâža Séðokro Õvoyepés, ToT” eis aùròv 
3 évanepeicaoĝar. Siórep dua TÔ yevéoĝar Tv mept 
A G ko + 2 
toùs malas àrtvyiav èri èv raúry ĉiahepóvrws 
m“ ~ “~ l 7 
Aurniivar, mepi è TÔv Tis naTpiðos mpayypátTwv 
eùlapo)s evar kab? oov h Tx TV maňipporav 
$ ` t k kd k3 ks “~ À Pa AA? 
Kal ròv povov oùK els TÒ KotvÒv TÕV TOÙùUTÕV q 
b $ I k t la 3 + + 
eis ròv iðiov èkeivou Biov anéoknypev. Ttoúrwv 
Ea A r m 
pybérrwv mâs ó Süpos tùy peyadopvyiav aùroô 
3 2 kE.: ò ` A b AÀ À 2 y 
elaúpacev, émi è troîs maoil moanàdoiov éoye 
12. “Ori perà rv Iepoćéws rrav Eùuévns ó 
` A 3 7 
Baciàeùs peydàais Kat mapaðótois ypoaTo pera- 
A e x bi b kd + a 
Bodaîs. ómoàaßòov yàp êv dogaàeig karakeîoha 
kh “~ l ~ 
tùv blav apxýv, ðs äv TS TOÀEUWTÁTNS aÙTÕ 
Baoideias karadeàuuévns, TÕTE HEYÍGTOLS MEPLÉTEGE 
3 ` hJ e 2 N Žž ò 
ayab yap ń rúxn rà Peßneévai ĝo- 
Koûvra doġaàðs avarpéjat, käy” ovvaywvionTai Tt, 

K: wvðúvots . 

ndà èk peraßodfs avreoņnkoĝv kal Avpaiveoĝar Tà 
katophłwbévra. (Const. Exc. 4, pp. 373-374.) 

13. “Ort ó rôv Bapßápwv Tadarôv oTparņyòs 
ånò roô wypo yevóuevos kal ovvaĝpoisas Toùs 
aiyuaàórovs mpâév ènereàéoaro Bapßpapicův kaè 
mavreàðs Únrepýbavov. TOoÚS TE yàp TOoîs elec 

1 So Dindorf: rô V. 

BOOK XXXI. 11. 2—13. i 

than he had expected. But when all men joined in 
rejoicing with him, and felicitated him on his good 
fortune, then above all did he look for some calamity 
from destiny, and therefore he implored the god that 
the reversal might not in any way affect the state, 
but rather, if it was certainly the divine pleasure to 
bring some hardship to pass, that the burden might 
fall on him. Accordingly, as soon as this misfortune 
touching his sons took place, while it was a matter of 
deep grief to him, yet with regard to the state and 
its concerns he was now reassured, inasmuch as 
Fortune had visited her recoil and her malice, not 
upon the citizen body, but on his own person. As he 
said this, the whole people marvelled at his greatness 
of soul, and their sympathy at his loss was increased 
many times over. 

12. After the defeat of Perseus, King Eumenes 
experienced great and unexpected reverses. For 
whereas he assumed that his dominion was securely 
established, now that the kingdom most hostile to 
him had been broken up, at this very time he ran into 
very grave dangers. Fortune is indeed given to 
overturning such institutions as seem to be securely 
established, and again, if ever she lends a helping 
hand to a man, she redresses the balance by shifting, 
and so mars his record of success. 

13. The general of the barbarous Gauls, returning 
from his pursuit, gathered the prisoners together and 
perpetrated an act of utter inhumanity and arro- 
gance. Those of the prisoners who were most hand- 

1 Especially his disfavour at Rome, and the Gallic uprising 
of 168-166 s.c. The passage is based on Polybius, 29. 22. 

2 aùr rı Boissevain : aùrĝ V, aô rı Dindorf. 
? So Dindorf: xai V. 


168-166 3.0. 


KaÀÀNloToUS kal tTaÎîs ŅÀLkiatS AKUQOTÁTOVS kaTa- 
oréhas* člvoe roîs beos, e yé rs rôv beôv 
Séyerar TàS Toraúras Tiuás* robs è Aous mdvras 
Kkarnkóvrioev, ToÀÀ®v? èv êv aùtoîs yvwpigopévwv 
Sià ràs npoyeyevnuévas èmievðoes, oùbðevòs ðè ià 
tùv diàlav èàeovuévov. kal Îavuaoròv oùðèv ei 
Båpßapoi map’ àriðas katoplúoavres únèp àvôpw- 
3 £ A $ 


14. "Ore ó Eùpévns éevoàoyoas ta Te opava 
ánacow dnéðwke kal Õwpeaîs èriunoece kat èn- 
ayyeàíars è&puyayæyet mávras, ékkañovpevos TV 
cuvorav, où óuoiws T® Ilepoe?. éreîvos yàp Šo- 
uvpiwv Iaàarôv mapayevopévwv eis Tòv Tmpòs 
‘Pwpalovs nmóàceuov dnerpijaro riv TÀrkaúrnv 
cvupayiav, iva ġeioņnrar TÕv xpnuárwv: ð ð 
Eùpévns où Àlav eùmopoúuevos eroàoyðv wpeaîs 
èria Toùs Õvuvauévovs udora ypeias nmapéyeoba. 
Toryapoðv èkeîvos èv où Paoiùcùv peyañoppocúvyv 
AAN ibiwrieiv roô ruyóvros avañaßav purpopuyiav, 
dpa t Paoiàeig naon kat rov TypnÂévra nàoôrov 
encîòev aiyudàwrov: obros è ris vikys nmávra 
Seúrepa riÂéuevos où uóvov èk peydàwv kwõúvwv 
èppúoaro tův Řaociàciav, dààà xal nâêv trò tôv 
Ladarâv člvos Ýnoyeíiprov ênoroarTo. 

(Const. Exc. 2 (1), pp. 281-282.) 

15. “Ori kal Ilpovoias ó ris Bðuvvias Bacideùs 
fke ovyyapnoópevos TÅ ovykàńtw kat Toîs ToÙS 
moàéuovs raroplwcaci orparnyoîs: of Tò Tĝs 
yuxĵs ayevvès? ceùk dérov mapaùneîv avemoý- 

2 So Valesius: dxpaórara karaortpéļas P. 
2 So Valesius: roààots P. 
3 So Dindorf: dyevès V. 


BOOK XXXI. 13. 1—15. 1 

some in appearance and in the full bloom of life he 
crowned with garlands and offered in sacrifice to the 
gods—if indeed there be any god who accepts such 
offerings ; all the rest he had shot down, and though 

` many of them were acquaintances known to him 

through prior exchanges of hospitality, yet no one 
received pity on the score of friendship. It is really 
not surprising, however, that savages, in the flush of 
unexpected success, should celebrate their good 
fortune with inhuman behaviour. 

14. Eumenes, having recruited a force of mercenary 
troops, not only gave all of them their pay, but 
honoured some with gifts and beguiled them all with 
promises, evoking their goodwill; in this he did 
not at all resemble Perseus. For Perseus, when 
twenty thousand Gauls arrived to join him in the war 
against Rome, alienated this great body of allies in 
order to husband his wealth.! Eumenes, however, 
though not over rich, when enlisting foreign troops 
honoured with gifts all who were best able to render 
him service. Accordingly, the former, by adopting 
a policy, not of royal generosity, but of ignoble and 
plebeian meanness, saw the wealth he had guarded 
taken captive together with his whole kingdom, 
while the latter, by counting all things else second 
to victory, not only rescued his kingdom from great 
dangers but also subjugated the whole nation of the 

15. Prusias,? king of Bithynia, also came to con- 167 z.c. 

gratulate the senate and the generals who had 
brought the conflict to a successful issue. This man’s 
ignobility of spirit must not be allowed to go without 

1 See Book 30. 19. 
2 Fhis account of Prusias II follows that of Polybius, 30. 18. 



Lavrov. tis pèv yap TÔv dyablðv davðpôv èrawov- 
Lévys dperfs, modot rv èmiyivopévwv mpodyovrat 
mpòs ròv porov Ghàov, ris Sè rv pavwv avav- 
ôpias oveðiopévns, oùk oÀiyot Tv mpòs TV 
kaklav óppúvtTæwv drorpérovrat. Štò kal ypnoréov 
où mapépyws TÑ Ts ioTopias mappnoig mpòs 
eravópłwow To kowoô Biov. 

(Const. Exc. 4, pp. 374-375.) 

2 “Or Ilpovoias aváćios yeyovæs toô ris Bacideias 
npocxyýuaros kat ĵiareéoas mávra ròv toô iv 
xpóvov aioxpðs Kkoħakeðwv Toùs Úmepéyovrtas, kaí 
more ‘Pwpaiwv mpòs aùròv mapayevopévwv mpe- 
oßevrôv, Trà pèv ris Paciàcias oúppoàa, T Te 
Sidònpa kai rùův moppúpav, àréðero, piunodpevos 
Sè rv rv nmpoopárws àmeàcevðlepovuévwv mapà 
‘Pwpalors ráči amývryoev èkvpnuévos rův kepaàńv 
kal miàcor éywv Àeukóv, ért ĝe popôv Týßevvav kal 
kaàikiov, dormaodpevos È tToùs mpeoßevràs aré- 
pawev éavròv drmedeúbepov elva ‘Pwpaiwv: Ñs 
àyevveorépar” pwviv où pgõiov eúpeîv. 

3 Iloààà è kal da rToŬrois oikeîa mpórepov 
Sierpdéato, kal róre è karà Tùův eiooðov yevó- 
Levos Tùv eis Te ovykàntov, katà tÒ Oúperpov 
ávríov oràs To cvuveðpiov kal kabeis tàs yeîpas 
àpporépas mpocekúvnoe ròv oùðòv kal roùs kab- 
pévovs èmipleyéduevos, Xaípere leot owrñpes, 
úneppoàñv oùðeuiav ároùmav koàakeias dvávôpov 
kal yvvaiopoð. dkoàovbws è roúrois kal Tòv 
Aóyov èv T ovykàńtrw momodpuevos, Toraðra SÀ- 
bev wore kat ypáheiw uiv dmperès eîvar. Ñ è 


BOOK XXXI., 15. 1-3 

comment. For when the virtue of good men is 
praised, many in later generations are guided to 
strive for a similar goal; and when the poltroonery 
of meaner men is held up to reproach, not a few 
who are taking the path of vice are turned aside. Ac- 
cordingly the frank language of history should of set 
purpose be employed for the improvement of society. 

Prusias was a man unworthy of the royal dignity, 
and throughout his entire life continually engaged 
in abject flattery. of those above him. Once, for 
example, when visited by a Roman embassy, he laid 
aside the insignia of royalty, the diadem and the 
purple, and in imitation of newly emancipated freed- 
men at Rome went to meet the envoys with shaven 
head and wearing a white cap, a toga, and Roman 
shoes ; having greeted them, he declared that he 
was a freedman of the Romans. A more ignoble 
remark it would be difficult to imagine. 

Much else in his earlier behaviour was in the same 
vein, and now also, when he reached the entrance 
leading into the senate chamber, he stood in the 
doorway facing the senators, and lowering both 
hands kissed the threshold in obeisance and greeted 
the seated members with the words: “ Hail, ye 
saviour gods,” thereby achieving unsurpassable 
depths of unmanly fawning and effeminate be- 
haviour. In keeping with this conduct was the speech 
that he delivered before the senate, in which he 
related things of such a nature that it is not fitting 
for us even to record them. The senate, offended by 

1 So Ursinus: róňov O. 

2 So Einarson (cp. Polybius, 30. 18. 3): xávriov or kaģ- 
tiov MSS., xádàriov Wesseling. 

3 So Dindorf: åyeveorépav O. 





aúykàņros roîs nmÀeioroirs rõv Àeyouévwv mpoo- 
KórTovoa kal roô Ilpovoiov karayıvwokovoa mpe- 
movoas T kodakeig tàs drokpioes emowoaTo' 
e EnS r A bi À 7 3 9 3 ò ? aÀ 
Pwpaîo:i yap ral moàepiovs ên’ avòpeig peyaào- 
ġpovoðvras vikâv onevðovow. 
(Const. Exc. 1, p. 80.) 
15a. “Ore rv piwv Ilroàeuaiov Aiovócios ó 
1 s 12? s , A 
kañoúuevos [lerosápamıs* ênmeyeipnoev eébiororei- 
olai Tà mpáyparta' mapò kal tf) Paciňeig peydàovs 
kivõðúvovs mepiéorņoev. icyúwv yap páoTta TÖV 
mepi Tiv abàùv kat návrwv Aiyunrrtiwv mpočywv èv 
Toîs karà móàepov rwòúvois katehpóvnoe Tâv 
Raodéwv auhorépwv Šid Te Tù MÀuciav kal THV 
aneipiav. npoorompeis Sè úrò Tot mpeoßurépov” 
napakekàñobari mpòs póvov upóňov Štéðwre Àóyov 
d N À A8 t4 3 À z 8 A LA 
eis Tà nÀNin, pdorwv emBovàeúealar Tov vewTepov 
Ilroàeuaîov únò roð dðeàdoð. ovvðpauóvros ðè 
ToD nàńlovs cis TÒ otdõiov, kat mdavrwv mapogvv- 
bévrwv ènmi tocoĝrov wore émiyerpeîv dveàeîv pèv 
Tòv npeopórepov, èyyeipioar è TÔ vewTépw TÀV 
7 A ~ le 
Bacidciav, amayyeàbeions Sè ts Tapayxis eis Tyv 
3 f e AJ 2 ` >? 4 
aùÀńv, ò Paces peraneupápevos Tòv áõeghov 
2 bi 
ånedoyeîro. pETÀ Sarpówv, eÀ moteve TÔ TÀ 
Baciàciav êemyerpoðvri oherepiocacĝar kal Tis àp- 
dorépwv Hias karareppovnróri el’ éri i- 
2 ~ r A 3 z $ ` 
ordtwv ri ðravoig popeîrai,* mapañaußdvew aùròv 
èkéàevoe Kal Trò Ôıdònua kai Tùv àpxýv. Taxù 
òè ro pepakiov ròv dðeàpov ånroàúovros ris 
1 So Müller: rerocáparns S. 

2 So Feder, Müller : mpeoßýrov S. 
3 So Dindorf: gofĝra S 


BOOK XXXI. 15. 3—lša. 3 

most of his remarks, and forming an unfavourable 
impression of Prusias, gave him the answer that his 
flattery deserved. For the Romans desire even the 
enemies whom they conquer to be men of high 
spirit and bravery. 

15a. Dionysius, also called Petosarapis, one of the © 
“ Friends ” of Ptolemy, attempted to win control of 
the state for himself, and thus brought the kingdom 
into great danger.! Wielding, as he did, the greatest 
influence of anyone at court, and being without a 
peer among his fellow Egyptians on the field of 
battle, he scorned both the kings because of their 
youth and inexperience. Pretending that he had 
been urged by the elder to shed kindred blood, he 
spread word among the populace to the effect that a 
plot against the younger Ptolemy was being hatched 
by his brother. The populace assembled in haste at 
the stadium, and when they had all been aroused 
to such a pitch that they were preparing to kill the 
elder brother and entrust the kingdom to the younger, 
word of the disturbance having now been brought 
to the court, the king summoned his brother, and 
protesting his innocence with tears in his eyes, 
begged him not to give credence to one who was 
seeking to usurp the royal power, and who treated 
them both as too young to matter ; in case, however, 
his brother still harboured any doubts and apprehen- 
sions, he urged him to accept at his own hand the 
diadem and the rule. The youth at once cleared his 
brother of any suspicion, and both of them, donning 

1 This incident is not elsewhere recorded, and can be dated 
only to the period (c. 169-164 »B.c.) of the joint rule of 
Philometor and Euergetes. Eleusis lay just east of Alex- 
andria, and was also the scene of Antiochus’ humiliation in 
168 B.c. 



úropias, aupórepoi Bacidıkàs dvañaßóvres oroñàs 
eénAbov eis Tò mÀNhos, pavepòv moroðvres mow ws 
uovooðow. © è Aiovýcios drorvyæv tis mpo- 
Añs knroðwv éavròv eroiņnoe’ kal TÒ èv mpõTov 
Sranreunróuevos énebe TÕV otTpatiwtTÕv ToÙs olkei- 
ovs drootrdoews kowwveîv trÕv ATðwv, celra eis 
° E\ecvoiv dvaywphoas mpoceðéyero Toùs vewrTepi- 
tew mpoarpovuévovs, kal TÕV TapaxwÂv oTpaTw- 
. Ó Õè 

$a ` 7 ` ž 
Baoideds ET aùToùs OTpPATEVOAS KAL VIKNOAS, kal 

a ` 2 1 > 7 
Tv dbporochévrwv” eis TeTpakıoyıÀlovs .. 

` k > A A ` t 2 ` 
roùs èv dveàùv Toùs Ôè Õwéas, ovvyvdykace Tov 
EN ~ 
Aiovýoiov yvuròv ĝiavýčaolat Tò petðpov To morta- 
A 3 
uo kal Tùy àvayæpņoiw eis Toùs Alyurriovs 
momoduevov dvaceleww Tà nÀAýON mpòs dróotaocw. 
Ôpaorıkòs è æv kal peydÀns aroðoyfs TeTevyws 
a - A 
mapà roîs Aiyurmriois Tayù mooùs ëoye Toùs 
kowonpayeîv Povàouévovs. 
(Const. Exc. 3, pp. 198-199.) 
16. "Ori vear rÕv èmfPoðv toô ’Avriðyov ral 
m~ LA A A 2 £ D 
TÔÕv npáčewv Baoi\ıkal kal Îavudorar Teàéws ĝoav, 
` 4 Z r 3 A N £ LA 3 
qivès è mdÀw oŬŭrws eùredeîs kal Ààņnpwðeis woh 
Àooyepâs rò mávrwv karagpoveîohai. ocvuvreàðv 
yàp toùs dyðvas mpõrov èv êvavriav tToîs &Àdors 
Baocideor oye mpoaipeoiw. èkeîvoi yàp aŭtovres 
y 307 + Ki 2 ` lA 
Tùv iðiav pacideiav kal Õvvápeot kal ypnuóTwv 
ed s t r 3 5 ? + 1 a 
nÀýleot, kabò oloi T oav ênekpúntovro Tv atpe- 
2 ` ` t , e 7 a ` ` 
ou? ĝa tmv ‘Pwpaiwv únrepoyýv: oros è Tùv 

BOOK XXXI. 15a. 3—16. 1 

their royal robes, went out and appeared before the 
populace, making it manifest to one and all that 
they were in harmony. Dionysius, on failing in his 
attempt, placed himself out of reach, and at first, 
sending messages to those soldiers who were ripe 
for rebellion, he sought to persuade them to share 
his hopes ; then, withdrawing to Eleusis, he wel- 
comed all who decided in favour of revolution, and 
when a band of turbulent soldiers some four thousand 
strong had been assembled . .. The king marched 
out against them and was victorious, slaying some 
and putting others to flight ; Dionysius himself was 
obliged to swim naked across the flowing river and 
to withdraw into the interior, where he tried to 
incite the masses to revolt. Being a man of action 
and finding himself popular wıth the Egyptians, he 
soon enlisted many who were willing to share his 

16. Certain of the enterprises and acts of Antiochus 
were kingly and altogether admirable, while others 
again were so cheap and so tawdry as to bring upon 
him the utter scorn of all mankind. For example, in 
celebrating his festal games ? he adopted, in the first 
place, a policy contrary to that of the other kings. 
They, while strengthening their kingdoms both in 
arms and in wealth, as far as possible tried to conceal 
their intentions because of the superiority of Rome. 

1 Literally, “ among the Egyptians,” the capital being 
known as “ Alexandria beside Egypt.” 

2 The famous games held at Daphne, near Antioch, in 
emulation of the Macedonian games of Aemilius (Book 31. 
R and 13). The account of Polybius (30. 25-26) is somewhat 

1 åĝporohévras Müller, 
2 So Wesseling: ŝiaipeoiv P, Biav aipeoiw Herwerden. 


166 or 
165 B.¢ 




evavriav Àaßoòov Sidheow ovvýyayev oyeðòv dró 
ndáons tis olkovuévns Toùs empaveorarovs ăvôpas 
eis Thv mavýyvpiwv, ka? ndvra tà To Baoideiov? 
pép ciadepóvrws ekóounoev, eis éva Sè rórov 
dðpoicas kal kabdrep rl oryvip avaßıßáoas Thv 
Paordeiav dracav noioe unòèv ayvoeîv rõv mepi 
"Ori Troùs modvredeîs ayôvas kal Tùv bavuaoryv 
mavýyvpiv ékreàéoas ó `Avrioyos mávraş rToùs 
npiv únmepépadev: ó Õe Õe aùroû yerpropòs moñs 
eùredeias kal karadpovýoews v oikeîos. mapé- 
TpEXxE yàp Tapà TvV mouTIv* inmmápiov čywv eùTeňės 
kal roùs èv mpodyeiw keevúwv, roùs Sè enéyew, 
dAdous Sè ws éruye Õiarárrwv: wore el ris dheîÀev 
aŭro rò Õıdònua, uér àv? rv dyvooúvrwv 
morea ToÔrTov elvar TÒv Paoidéa ròv rôv wv 
kúpiov, ðpðvra unè’ Ómņnpérov perpiov davraciav 
ëyovra, èv è roîs rórois aùròs éßıordpevos raîs 
eigóðors os uèv elioĝyev ods è dvérùwvev, kal Toùs 
ciaxóvovs tovs Tàs mapaléoeis hépovras Šıérarrev. 
akoàovlws Sè roúrois mpoorov Tois eğwyovuévots, 
ei TÚXoL, motè èv ékdltev morè é npooavénminre. 
kal motè uèv danotibéuevos TÒ motTýpiov, morè è 
pimtrwr? ròv pwuòv averýòa kal peraviorato, kal 
mepet mávra ròv nóTov, nmponóoes Àaupávwv 
óplós Te kal Toîs årpoduaocı mpooraitwv. kal ñ 
mote mpokontovons mi noù tis éoridoews kai 
TrÕv nmàceóvwv jòn keywpiopévwv, kev nò TV 
1 kal added by Valesius. Dindorf* indicates a lacuna. 
2? So Salmasius: Bacidéws P. 3 So Valesius: mpv P. 
4 So Valesius (cp. Polybius, 30. 26): cowry P. 

5 pér äv Herwerden : unòéa P. 
€ So Salmasius : virrwv P. 


BOOK XXXI. 16. 1-3 

He, however, taking the opposite approach, brought 
together at his festival the most distinguished men 
from virtually the whole world, adorned all parts of his 
capital in magnificent fashion, and having assembled 
in one spot, and, as it were, put upon the stage his 
entire kingdom, left them ignorant of nothing that 
concerned him. 

In putting on these lavish games and this stupen- 
dous festival Antiochus outdid all earlier rivals. Yet 
for him personally to manage the affair was a shabby 
business, worthy of contempt. He would, for ex- 
ample, ride at the side of the procession on a sorry 
nag, ordering these men to advance, those to halt, 
and assigning others to their posts, as occasion‘ re- 
quired ; consequently, but for the diadem, no one 
who did not already know him would have believed 
that this person was the king, lord of the whole 
domain, seeing that his appearance was not even 
that of an average subordinate. At the drinking 
parties, stationing himself at the entrance he would 
lead some of the guests in, seat others at their places, 
and assign to their posts the attendants who were 
serving food. Continuing in the same vein he would, 
on occasion, approach the banqueters, and sometimes 
sit down, sometimes recline beside them; then, 
laying aside his cup or tossing away his sop, he would 
leap to his feet and move on, and making the rounds 
of the whole party accept toasts even while he stood 
and jested with the entertainers. Indeed once, when 
the merrymaking was well advanced and the greater 
part of the guests had already departed, he made an 
entrance, all bundled up and carried in procession 

7 So Valesius (cp. Polybius, l.e.) : rérov P. 
8 plés re Dindorf: pððs è P, ópðòs Valesius. 


pipwv èrpepõpevost mepikeraàvupévos: Teleis Sè 
emi tyv yiv únò trÔv ovunakóvrwv, perà raîra 
tīs ovupwvias mpokraàovpévys áverńða yvuvòs kal 
Toîs uipois mpooraiwv œpyxeîro Tv pxýoewv Tas 
yéàwra? kal yàevacuòv eiwhvias êmonrâohar, òs 
mávras aloyuvhévras èri roîs mpattopévois devye 
Èk ToÎ nõTov, kal ékaoTov? tv dnmyvrykótrwv èri 
Tv mavýyvpiv, ôte uèv eis Thv úneppoàņv tis 
xopņyias eupàépar kal rův èv toîs dyôci kal 
moureiais oikovopiav kal cidraéıv TÕVv ĠÀwv, kara- 
nàýrreoĵai kal Bavudteiw kal ròv Bacıiàéa kal tùv 
Bacıeiav, ótre Sè eis aùròv drevioat kal TÒ TÔv 
Enmiryõevudrwv kateyvwopévov, amorteîv el mepi 
iav kal Tiv aùrùhv púýow rtocaúryv dperův kal 
kakiav órndpéat Švvaróv etw. 
“Ore Troúrwv ovvreàcolévrwv* Ĥkov oi ToÔ 
T pdryov rpeoßevral karacrepópevoi TÅv Baoideiav. 
oîs ó Baoideùs opiànoe piodpõvws, wore unõèv 
Úronreðoai mepi aùroô nmpaypatıkov Ñ Örahopâs 
éupaow ëyov° tris okoúons Únroikovpetv èk ris 
katrà Tv Alyvnrtov yevouévns npoekonñs.” oùk 
Åv Õe? TH mpoarpéoet ToLoDTOS, AÀÀÀ kat Toùvavriov 
aMorpiwrara SiékeTo mpos ‘Pwpaiovs. 
(Const. Eze. 2 (1), pp. 282-284.) 
"Ore 'Aprdéns ó îs ’Appevias Baoideds 

åTooTàsS ’ Avrióyov TOÀN é EKTLOEV èrwvupov éavroû 

1 elaġepopevos Dindorf (cp. Polybius, l.e.}. 
2? So Salmasius, Valesius : yéìwras P. 
3? So Valesius: éxaocros P. 
4 So Dindorf: drevíso: P. 
5 So Valesius: guveàĝóvrwv P. 


BOOK XXXI. 16. 3—17a. 1 

by the mimes. Placed on the ground by his fellow 
actors, as soon as the symphony sounded his cue he 
leapt to his feet naked, and jesting with the mimes 
performed the kind of dances that usually provoke 
laughter and hoots of derision—to the great em- 
barrassment of the company, who all left the party 
inhaste. Each and every person, in fact, who attended 
the festival found that when he regarded the extrava- 
gance of the outlay and the general management 
and administration of the games and processions, he 
was astounded, and that he admired both the king 
and the kingdom ; when, however, he focused his 
attention on the king himself and his unacceptable 
behaviour, he could not believe that it was possible 
for such excellence and such baseness to exist in one 
and the same character. i 

17. After the games had ended, the embassy of 
Gracchus t! arrived to investigate the kingdom. The 
king held friendly conversations with them, with the 
result that they caught no hint of intrigue on his part, 
nor anything to indicate such enmity as might be 
expected to exist covertly after the rebuff that he 
had received in Egypt. His true policy was not, 
however, what it appeared to be; on the contrary 
he was deeply disaffected towards the Romans. 

ł7a. Artaxes, the king of Armenia, broke away 165 B.o. 
from Antiochus, founded a city named after himself, 

1 Ti. Sempronius Gracchus, whose embassy visited Per- 
gamum, Cappadocia, and Rhodes, as well as Syria. Cp. 
Polybius, 30. 27. 

2 Fhe preferred form of the name is Artaxias, as elsewhere 
in Diodorus. 

€ So Salmasius, Valesius: ywr P. 
7 So Wesseling : npokonfs P. 
8 è added by Valesius. 



4 2 
kal Švuvdueis áðpàs ovvýyayev. ó è `Avrioyos 
? » 3 m 
ioyúwv Kar ékeivovs Toùs xpóvovs ws oùðeis TÕv 
AAA Àé H ? 33 e A} ` l4 
dAAwv Bagiéwv èorpartevoev èm aùròv kal vikýoas 
3 + A, 

17b. “Ori áw &AÀn kivnois ovvéory katà Tùv 

h 3 A a 

Onßaïða, éunesoúons ópuñs Tos mÀńýðeot mpòs 
> + ~ 
anrócrtacıv. ô è Pagıdcùs Ilroàepaîos dvatevćas 
a-a 3 ` A ~ + hI b3 y 
em’ aùroùs perà moñs ðuvdpews rà pèv dÀàa 

Lg Eal (©) {o e Si £ Ea Sè! 
pép tris Onpaiðos piws mpoonyáyero, ris ðè 
kañovuévns Ilavôv móňews Beßnkvias èri tivos? 
> m~ 
apxaíov yæpartos kal okoúons óxvpâs elvat èk 

ÖvorpocitTov, ovvéðpapov eis TAŬÝTŅV Ot TpaKTLKÓ- 
Tato rÔv adeornkórwv. Ilroàepaos è trýv rte 
anóvoav fèr? Alyvrtriwv kal ToÔ TóTov TV 
òxupórTņTa, ovvíoraTto ToMopkiav kal TĜcaV kako- 
ndleav únropeivas. èkpáryoe rts móàcws, ka 
2 ~ 3 7 2 ~ > ri lA 

koàdaas tovs airlovs ènaviàbev cis ° AdeEdrõperav. 

(Const. Exc. 3, pp. 199-200.) 

Chap. 17c : see below, after Chap. 20. 

7. 2. “Ort karà roùs aùroùs ypóvovs To\ðv 
napayeyovórwv npeoßevrðv, mpæoTos Toîs mept 
”Artaàov èypnuáTicev h oúykànTos: ÝnónmTwS yàp 
eÎyov oi ‘Popaîor rà mpos ròv Eùpévy éverev tôv 
ypaupdtwv TÕv evpņnuévæwv, èv ots ovppayiav Ñv 
cvvreleuévos mpòs Ilepoéa karà ‘Pwpaiwv. kar- 

“~ > 
yyopnoadvrwv è mÀàceóvwv ano tis `Acias npes- 
curv kal páň\ora tv dneoraàuévwv nmapà 
Ipovoiov Baciàéws rat Tañaróv, ot mepi Tov ”AT- 

1 qs ð] So Feder (“ nisi aliqua exciderint ”), Müller : 
Kal Tis S. 


BOOK XXXI. l7a. 1—7. 2 

and assembled a powerful army. Antiochus, whose 
strength at this period was unmatched by any of 
the other kings, marched against him, was victorious, 
and reduced him to submission. 

17b. Still another uprising occurred in the The- 
baïd,! where an urge to revolt swept over the popu- 
lace. King Ptolemy, moving against them in force, 
easily regained control of the rest of the Thebaiïd. 
But the city known as Panonpolis stands upon an 
ancient mound and by reason of its inaccessibility 
was reputed to be secure ; hence the most active of 
the rebels assembled there. Ptolemy, (observing ?) 
the desperation of the Egyptians and the strength 
of the place, prepared to besiege it, and after under- 
going every kind of hardship captured the city. 
Then, having punished the ringleaders, he returned 
to Alexandria. 

7. 2. At about this same time many embassies 
having arrived, the senate dealt first with that 
beaded by Attalus.? For the Romans were suspicious 
of Eumenes because of the correspondence that had 
come to light, in which he had contracted an alliance 
with Perseus against Rome. Since charges had also 
been levelled at him by a good many of the envoys 
from Asia, in particular those sent out by King 
Prusias and by the Gauls, Attalus and his com- 

1 This revolt need not be connected with that of Petosara- 
pis (chap. 15a), but reveals the same pattern of native 
unrest, reflected also in the papyri of the period. The 
probable date is 165 s.c. 

2 This fragment, corresponding to Polybius, 81. 1, was 
misplaced by Dindorf. 

2 So Feder, Müller : fefyriav. oirwos S. 
3 Feder suggests &voôv, Müller xainep rv . . . evvońoas. 

VOL. XI N 357 

164 B.C. 


Tañov èvõeyouévws AToàoynoduevot TMpòS ËKAOTOV 
TÕv èykadoupévæv où póvov dnetTpihavro tràs ĝia- 
Boàds, dààà kat riunhévres ènavfàbov eis Tv oi- 
keiav.! ý Öè CúyKANTos où kard nâv éÀnye TiS kar’ 
Eùpévouvs úropias, npoyeipiosauévy ðè Tdiov èg- 
anéoretÀe karonteúgovra? trà karà rov Eùuévy. 

(Const. Exc. 1, pp. 402-403.) 

Chap. 8 : see above, after Chap. 7. 1. 

"Ori roô Ilroàepaiov ro paciàéws ekre- 
cóvros Kal nef drepyopévov eis ‘Põpnv, èyvó- 
pioev aùròv ó Anuýrpios ð roð Bedeúkov, kal 
avuáoas trò mapdðočov roiņcé ri Bacıùıkòv kal 
peyadorperès Seîyua Tis éavuroĝ nmpoapécews. 
mapayphpa yap? Tpoyeipioduevos Baorhueùv eobira 
kat ÒLdÒNUA, TPOS ôe TOŬTOLS Kal imTOV Todureàf 
xpvoopáñapov, erà rÕv iðiwv mawy AnývTNoE 
TÔ Iroàceuaiw. cvuupias è aùr ris móňecws 
darò ðiakosiwv oraĝiwv kal pioppóvws donacd- 
pevos maperdàe kogunbévra toîs TÎS Paodeias 
Tapacýpots agiav avro norjoaohai Tùv eis Tùv 
‘Puny eigoðov, í wa u) Teeiws eùkara$póvnros 
elvai ðdén. ó è Ilrodàepaos rhv èv mpobvuiav 
úneðéćaro, rocoðrov è dréoye roð Öééaohai rı 
TÕv bouévwuv ore kal rov Anuýrpiov ŅĚiwoev 
év rvit TÕv kaŭtà Tùv óðov móàewv karapeîvat kal 
Toùs mepi rov ’`Apylav per aùtoô. 

(Const. Exe. 2 (1), p. 284.) 
“Ore ó Hroàepaîos ð Paocideùs Aiyúnmrov, èk- 
meow Ts PBaciàcias mapà rot iðiou dðeàdoð, èv 

1 oireiav Suidas, s.v. dmerpújavro: oikiav Q. 
2 So Dindorf: xkaronrevoavra O. 
3 yap added by Valesius. 4 So Valesius: rie P. 


BOOK XXXI. 7. 2—18. 2 

panions did all in their power to refute the charges, 
point by point, and not only cleared themselves 
of these calumnies but returned home laden with 
honours. The senate, however, did not entirely abate 
its suspicion of Eumenes, but appointed and sent 
out Gaius 1 to look into his affairs. 

18. As King Ptolemy, now in exile, was approach- 
ing Rome on foot, Demetrius ? the son of Seleucus 
recognized him, and shocked by his strange plight, 
gave a truly royal and magnificent example of his 
own character. For he prepared at once a royal 
costume and diadem, and in addition a valuable 
horse with trappings of gold, and with his family 
went out to meet Ptolemy. Encountering him at a 
distance of two hundred stades from the city and 
giving him a friendly salute, he urged him to adorn 
himself with the insignia of kingship, and make an 
entrance: into Rome worthy of his rank, so that he 
might not be thought a person of no account what- 
ever. Ptolemy appreciated his zeal, but was so far 
from accepting any part of the offer that he even 
asked Demetrius to remain behind in one of the towns 
along the way, and wanted Archias ? and the others 
to remain with him. 

Ptolemy, the king of Egypt, having been driven 

from the kingdom by his own brother, repaired to 

1 C. Sulpicius Galus. For his conduct on the mission see 
Polybius, 31. 6. 

2 The future Demetrius I Soter (162-150 s.c.) who had 
been sent to Rome as a hostage by his father Seleucus IV 
Philopator. He was a first cousin of Ptolemy VI Philometor, 
who on being forced by his brother Physcon to fiee Egypt 
appealed to Rome. 

è Possibly the same Archias who later, as Egyptian gover- 
nor of Cyprus, tried to betray the island to Demetrius 
(Polybius, 33. 5). 


64/3 B.O. 


iDóTov oxýpaTt oikTp® katývryoev eis rhv ‘Po- 
uy perà ondðwvos évòs ka tpv nalĝwv. 
menuauévos è kaTà TÙùV mopelav TÒ kardua TÒ 
To AnunTpiov Toi Tronoypágov npòs Torov ËnTý- 
cas kaTéàvoe nmehiÀočevņuévov? dr aùroô mÀcovádkis 
êv Ti katà Tùy ° Adeédvõperav èmônuig' wrer Sè èv 
Únepww oTev kai mavredðs evrede? id TÒ uéyelos 
3 rô év t) Poun mobðv. wore Tis àv morTevoeev 

Toîs úno TÕv ToÀÀÔv vopubopévois ayaloîs Ñ Tods 
oauTo; ÒurTépav yàp kal peitova ueraßoàiv TúXNŅS 
pqðiws eŭpor. obðepiâs yàp arias åéioàóyov yevo- 
LÉVNS, TÒ TNÀkoîro ris Pactdeias déiwpa mpòs 
DwTiÀv TanewórTyta TÚXNS TETTÓKE, kal ó 
trocaðraıs pupidow ¿àevlépwv èmtrdrruov čġvw 
Tpeïs oikéras čoye póvov mepiÀcÀerupévovs Tò T®V 
Tis ias rúyns vavayíwv. (Const. Exc. 4, p. 375.) 

18a. Polybius et Diodorus qui Bibliothecarum 
scribunt historias, narrant eum non solum contra 
Deum fecisse Judaeae, sed avaritiae facibus accen- 
sum, etiam templum Dianae in Elimaide, quod erat 
ditisimum, spoliare conatum: oppressumque a 
custodibus templi et vicinis cireum gentibus, et qui- 
busdam phantasiis atque terroribus versum in 
amentiam, ac postremum morbo interiisse, et hoc 
ei accidisse commemorant, quia templum Dianae 
violare conatus est. 

(St. Jerome, Commentary on Daniel, Chap. 11. 36, 
Vol. 25, pp. 570-571 Migne.) i 

Chap. 19: see below, after Chap. 17c. 


BOOK XXXI. 18. 2—18a. 1 

Rome in the miserable garb of a commoner, accom- 
panied by but one eunuch and three slaves. Discover- 
ing while still on the way the address of Demetrius 1 
the topographer, he sought him out and lodged with 
him, a man whom he had often entertained when he 
was resident in Alexandria ; now, because rents at 
Rome were so high, he was living in a small and 
altogether shabby garret. In the light of this, who, 
pray, would put his faith in the things that the 
multitude consider good, or would regard as enviable 
those whose good fortune is more than average ? 
Indeed, it would be hard to find a change in fortune 
sharper and greater than this, or a reversal so un- 
expected. For no cause or occasion worth mention- 
ing, his high and kingly estate was brought down to 
the lowly fortune of a commoner, and he who com- 
manded all those thousands of free men of a sudden 
had only three servants left him from the shipwreck 
of his personal fortune. 

18a. Polybius and Diodorus, the authors of the 
Historical Libraries, relate that he ? not only opposed 
the god in Judea but also, inflamed by the fires of 
avarice, tried to despoil the temple of Artemis, which 
was very rich, in Elymaïs. But thwarted by the 
guardians of the temple, and by the neighbouring 
peoples, he was driven mad by certain apparitions 
and terrors, and finally died of disease ; and they 
state that this happened to him because he attempted 
to violate the temple of Artemis. 

1 Valerius Maximus, 5. 1, identifies Ptolemy’s host only 
as a pictor Alexandrinus. He was perhaps a landscape 
painter (see critical note) rather than a writer. 

2 Antiochus IV Epiphanes. 

2 So Mai: meptdotevnuévos V. 

1 tomoypáßov Letronne. 

163 B.C, 


A + A > F 
20. "Ori To 'Avrirárpov Taîs åvdykais varo- 
2 5 2o37 A $ 
Bavóvros,  Aorkànmdsnv ròv émi TS TOEWS TETAY- 
"A 2 Ld m 
pévov yayov Poðvra róðri Tıuóleos Torto rò 
m LA 
òpâpa gvvréleike ral Tò peipáriov mpokekànuévos 
DA A y E A 3 “~ 7 > mM 
ein mpòs ăðixov kal doef Tiuwpiav raðeàhoô. 
~ ~ 2 
To è mÀhbovs rv hyeuóvwv èk ToÚToV? kar 
Ea WA pA 2 Em kg e t 
òÀiyov évvorav Àaupavovros ris őàņs pgðiovpyias 
3 2 + ? A, 
kal roùòs dvýkeora máoyxovras éeoðvros, oßn- 
2 A 
Bévres oi mepl Tiuóbeov roùs Àormoùs trÔv karar- 
rA ~ 
riabévrwuv arnoúcavres rv Pacdvwv kar iôiav 
eraveiñavto. (Const. Exc. 2 (1), p. 284.) 
Chap. 21 : see below, after Chap. 19. 
4 m 
17c. “Ort perà rùv roô Tipobéov? dvaipeow rà 
mÀ . . . kal TÔ Pasie? Õvoyepaivovres kara 
A bd z PN a t ` 
Ttův `Adeéávõðperav émi Toîs TeETOÀuNuEvoS kaTtà 
? "~ Z l A 4 la 
råðeàdot, Týv Te Îepareiav rv Pacidiiv mepié- 
7 a A 
anagav kat ròv npecßúrepov IIroàepaîov èk ris 
Kúrpov pereréunovto. (Const. Exc. 3, p. 200.) 
Chap. 18 : see above, after Chap. 7. 2. 
e ~ 
19. “Ori Àéyovoww éavroùs ot ts Kanraðokias 
Baciàeîs eis Kôpor avapépeiw rò yévos ròv èv 
A T ~ “~ 
Ilépoais, ceafeßarofvrari è kat rõv énrtà Ilepoôv 
rÊv ròv udyov maveàopévwv évòs úrápyxew àrő- 
Ai E4 2 
yovor. kal Thv èv anò Kúpov ovyyéverav oŬðTw 
1 So Reiske: ovvréðņxe P. 

2 toô Dindorf. 
3 So Feder: poĝéov S. 

1 This passage; of which the date (163 or 164/3 B.c.} is 
fixed by- its Postion in the Exc. de Virt. et Vit. (between 
chaps. 18 and 21), almost certainly refers to Egypt, and not, 


BOOK XXXI. 20. 1—19. 1 

20. After Antipater died under torture, they 
carried off Asclepiades, the prefect of the city, loudly 
protesting that Timotheüs was the author of this 
tragedy and that it was he who had provoked the 
youth to take unjust and impious vengeance upon 
his brother. As the populace from this point on was 
little by little becoming aware of the utter knavery 
of their leaders and was beginning to regard the 
hapless victims with pity, Timotheüs and his associ- 
ates, alarmed, put an end to their torture of the rest 
of the accused and had them done away with in 

17c. After the assassination of Timotheüs the 
populace . . . and being disgusted at Alexandria with 
the king for his shameless treatment of his brother, 
stripped him of his royal retinue and sent to recall 
the elder Ptolemy from Cyprus. 

19. The kings of Cappadocia say that they trace 
their ancestry back to Cyrus the Persian, and also 
assert that they are descendants of one of the seven 
Persians who did away with the Magus.? Now as to 

as Dindorf apparently assumed, to Cappadocia. Hence it 
belongs here wìth chap. 17c. The “youth ” and his brother 
would then be Physcon and Ptolemy Philometor. Antipater 
is otherwise unknown. An Asclepiades (the same?) was 
dioecetes and archisomatophylaw in October, 163 (Peremans- 
Van’t Dack, Prosopographia Ptolemaica, 1. 21), i.e. after the 
restoration of Philometor, who according to W. Otto, Abh. 
München, N.F. 11 (1934), left Egypt in 164 and was recalled 
from Cyprus in mid-summer, 163 B.c. Timotheüs is perhaps 
Philometor’s ambassador to Rome in 170 B.c. (Polybius, 28. 
1)}, but cannot be the same as the agent of Orophernes (infra, 
chap. 32) who was still active in 158 r.c. (Polybius, 32. 10. 4.). 
—On the title é èri rĝs nédews see Bengtson, Die Strategie in 
d. hellenist. Zeit, 3. 128 ff. 

. 2 The false Smerdis, who briefiy usurped the throne of 
Persia in 522 s.c. (Herodotus, 3. 61 ff.). 



A z A 2 4 
katapıibpoðvrai. Kapßóosov roô Kúpov marpòs 
> A e- k 2 w Z ` 
dðeàpiv únrápéar ` yvnoíav “Aroocav: taúrns ĝè 

~ Ed A 7 2 2 
kal Dapvákov toô Karraðokias Paciàéws yevéobai 
maîða ITdáàov, kal tovrov yevéoðat Epépðw, oô 
3 7 “~ 13 a pal % A ` 
Apráuvyv, roô Sè '`Avadâv, ôv kal Sieveyreîv uèv 
3? 7 pi ld l4 3 a A e pa 
dvõpeig kai Toàn, yevéoðar & éva trôv émrtà 
2 Iepoôðv. tùy pèv oðv eis Kôpov ovyyéverav oğrw 
A N D 2 , a èl > 
yeveaàoyoðor kat tyv eis `Avaġâv, ®' paot ò 
davõpeiav ovyywpnbivar tův Kanmaðokias . Svva- 
ortelav, worte u) Tedeîv pópovs Iépoais. oô reàev- 
4 > 7 A Ea z ` 
redeuriv dmoàeiphévrwv vetv vioîv, Aatdpov kal 
Ed 7 L4 k3 3 ` lA Ed 
Apıuvaiov, Siadétaohai Thv àpxùv Aatráunv, àvèpa 
kal kard nõàepov kal kar’ dààa pépy tis Baociàeias 
3 z A I + 8 $ 2 ZAO. ` 4 
eêrawovpevov, ôs TMépous Sià pays Abav kat 
Àaunps katrà Tv uáxņv ywvoduevos èv aùr 
A z ` ` EA e er 
Teàeurâ. Sieðéfaro è ryv Paoıdeiíav ò viòs 
° Apiduvns, of yivovrat matdes ’ Aprapáðys rat *Oào- 
hépvns: obros Sè ëry mevrýkovra Svvaortevoas kal 
3 pnõèv čpyov àéiov pvýuns mpaćas TeàevTâ. TÀ 
sè apxiw SredéčaTo ó mpeoßúrepos trôv viðv 
’Aprapáðns, ös pidooropyjoar deadepóvrws Àéyerai 
Tòv dðecàpóv, kal mpodyew aùròv eis tàs êmpave- 
oráras táéeis: ôv kal IMépoais kar? Alyurriwv 
àmooraàévra ovupayĵoar perà peydàow TipÕV 
êmaveàbeiv, ås "Qyos ó Hepoðôv Baoiàeùs úrèp 
dvôpeías ¿ðiðov, kal ròv Biov èv ti martplðr reiv, 

1 So Wesseling: ôv. 

1 Not named as one of the Seven in Herodotus, but an 
Onophas, apparently PRR an to the Otanes of Herodo- 


BOOK XXXI. 19. 1-3 

their connection with Cyrus, they count as follows. 
Cambyses the father of Cyrus had a sister, of legiti- 
mate birth, Atossa. To her and Pharnaces, king of 
Cappadocia, was born a son, Gallus; his son was 
Smerdis, his Artamnes, and his Anaphas, a man 
of outstanding bravery and daring, who was one of 
the seven Persians. Such then is the pedigree they 
trace for their kinship with Cyrus and with Anaphas, 
to whom, they say, because of his valour the satrapy 
of Cappadocia was granted, with the understanding 
that no tribute would be paid to the Persians. After 
his death a son of the same name ruled. When 
he died, leaving two sons, Datames and Arimnaeus, 
Datames succeeded to the throne, a man who both 
in war'and ïn the other spheres of royal duty won 
praise, and who, engaging the Persians in battle, 
fought brilliantly and died in battle. The kingdom 
passed to his son. Ariamnes,? whose sons were Ari- 
arathes and Holophernes ; Ariamnes ruled for fifty 
years and died without achieving anything worthy 
of note. The throne passed to Ariarathes (I), the 
elder of his sons, who is said to have loved his brother 
with a surpassing love, and promoted him to the most 
prominent positions : thus he was sent to aid the 
Persians in their war against the Egyptians, and re- 
turned home laden with honours, which Ochus,’ the 
Persian king, bestowed for bravery ; he died in his 

tus, 3. 70, heads the list of the “ Seven ” in Ctesias, Persica, 
14. It may also be noted that the Otanes of Herodotus, 
7. 62, presumably a kinsman, had a son Anaphes. 

2 The proper form of this family name, as found on coins, 
is Ariaramnes. Holophernes (just below) is a textual corrup- 
tion of Orophernes. ` 

3 Artaxerxes III Ochus (358-338 sB.c.). He was at war in 
Egypt in 351 and 343 ».c. 



v ? e 
4 vioùs êykaraùıróvra `Apiapáðnv kal `Apúonv. ó 
` ? A pi ~ + y A > 2 
sè dðeàdòs kal ris Kanrnaðorias éywv tv dpxýv, 
A 7 ~ 
où yàp ģv aùrÂÔ yov) yvnoia, Tòv npeofýrepov tôv 
lá ? a3 z e ` A 
maiðwtb raeo 'Apiapádlyv viorowira. rarà 
Sè roúrovs roùs ypóvovs ` A\éćavðpos ó Makeðwv 
“A Po bi 
karamoàepe? pèv Ilépoas, eîra ral reàevrâ, kal 
"~ r + 
Ilepõikkas ó rv wv róTe ýyoúuevos Evpév 
p la la A 
néunet Kanmaðorias orparņnyóv. ral kaTanode- 
3 Ea la z 
unlévros ’Apiapdlov meoóvros Te €V TÑ HÁXN, aÙTý 
Te ) Kanrnaðokia kal rà màņyowywpa abris éneoev 
e A 
5 úrò Mareðóvas. `Apıapdðys è ó To mpoße- 
Baodevkóros víðs dreàricas karà TÒ mapòv dro- 
A 3 t 3 
xwpe? uer’ odiywv nmpòs Tùv `Appeviav. per où 
n m~ bi 
° mody è ypóvov rv mepi tròv Eùpévy kal Ilep- 
t 7 > ld b3 bi z 
Sikkav Teàceurnodvrwv,  Avreyóvov ĝè kal Veeúkov 
neponrwpévwv, Aaßpav Sóvajuv mapa Tot Baoidéws 
Pa kd 7 >A ô 7 hi b3 Ea M 8 ld 
rôv ’Appeviwv ’Apõodrov, tròv pèv TÔv Mareðóvwv 
otparņnyòv `Apúvrav dnérrewev, ééépade è kal 
A bi y 3 [a 
Maxeðóvas rayéws ts xæpas, kai Tùv oikeiav 
Cal lé 
6 åpxv åvekrýoaro. Toúrw ðè rpiðv malðwv yevo- 
la e z 
uévæv, napéaße rùv Paoidciav ó mpeofpúraros 
hi > fg ld 
’Apiduvns" ös èmyapiav mpòs `Avrioyov momod- 
? y 7 
Levos Tòv ênovopachévra Oev, Tv TovTov vya- 
m~ 1 ~ 
tépa Xrparoviknv ovvýkioe TÈ npeopurépw TÖV 
viðv `Apiapáðy. úrápywv ðè dıàórervos iade- 
-~ U y 2 
póvrws nepiélero T® mausi idðnpa, kat ovvápyew 
A la z 30 y 
nmávrwv TÕv tijs Paoiàelas mporepnpárwv èr tons 

1 Eumenes of Cardia, secretary to Philip II and to 
2 Diodorus himself says (Book 18. 16) that Ariarathes was 


BOOK XXXI. 19. 3-6 

native land, leaving two sons, Ariarathes and Aryses. 
Now his brother, the king of Cappadocia, having no 
legitimate offspring of his own, adopted Ariarathes, 
the elder son of his brother. At about this time 
Alexander of Macedon defeated and overthrew the 
Persians, and then died; Perdiccas, who at this 
point held the supreme command, dispatched 
Eumenes! to be military governor of Cappadocia. 
Ariarathes (I) was defeated, and fell in battle, and 
Cappadocia itself and the neighbouring regions fell 
to the Macedonians. Ariarathes (II), the son of the 
late king, regarding the situation as hopeless for 
the present, retired with a few followers to Armenia. 
Not long after, Eumenes and Perdiccas having died,’ 
and Antigonus and Seleucus being elsewhere engaged, 
he obtained an army from Ardoates, king of Armenia, 
slew Amyntas, the Macedonian general, expelled 
the Macedonians from the land in short order, and re- 
covered his original domain. Of his three sons Ariam- 
nes, the eldest, inherited the kingdom; he arranged 
a marital alliance with Antiochus (called Theos), 
whose daughter Stratonicê he married to his eldest 
son Ariarathes (III). And being a man unusually 
devoted to his children, he placed the diadem upon 
his son’s head, made him joint ruler, and shared with 
him on equal terms all the privileges of kingship.‘ 
captured by Perdiccas and impaled. According to Hierony- 
mus of Cardia (Jacoby, FGH, no. 154. 4) he was 82 at the 
time of his death. 

3 Perdiccas died in 321, Eumenes in 316 s.c., but Bengtson 
(Die Strategie in d. kellenist. Zeit, 2. 11-18) puts the defeat 
of Amyntas much later, c. 260 B.C. 

4 Ariarathes III is generally considered the first king of a 
sovereign Cappadocia. The recognition of its independence 

was probably a consequence of this alliance with Antiochus 
II Theos (261-247/6 B.c.). 


822 B.C. 

c. 255 B.C, 


peraĝiðwot. TOÔ è martpòs TeÀevrýoavTtos, ° Apia- 
180 À 2 g e + w AÀ + A 
påðnņs Baoideðet rað’ éavróv, kai perañàdoowv Tòv 
Biov rkaréùre ùv Pacidciav °Apiapaby TÔ viĝ, 
[a ~ fg 4 e fd ka yx 
7 vriw navreàðs övre TÅV Akiav. oŬrTos è ynue 
0 t A M IÀ À 0 t A a: kd 
vyarépa roô Meydàov ràņÂévros ’Avriðyov, vo- 
patouévny ` Avrioyiða, mavoðpyov paMLoTa. TAÚTNV 
Sè uù) ywopévwv tékvwv. úrofaàéolai úo madas 
3 A m 2? s > 2 ye t 
dàyvooðvros To dvõpòs `Apiapáðnv kai ‘Oopépvyv. 
uera é twa ypővov trs púoews èmðefauévns 
dveàriorws rtekeîv aùrùv úo uèv Îvyarépas, vióv 
è éva rov ovopaolévra Miðpiðdryv. É of troùs 
e la >» # > A j A 
únoßoàpaiovs avaĝıĝafauévnv ravðpi ròv pėèv 
mpeoßúrepov perà ovupértpov xopnyiás” cis ‘Popnv 
dnmooraàñvat nmapackeváoat, TOv è veðrTepov eis 
Tiv Iwviav yápw To uù) Siaupiofnreiv ónèp ris 
Baoidcias rô yvnoiw. Torov è avðpwlévra Kai 
’Apiapaðnv paci perovopacbivai, maðeias re 
e A A, A kJ $ XAA ? A 
EdÀnvikis peraoyeîv, kal karà Tv QÀÀnv nmaweî- 
8 ofar perv. kal ó pèv nmarùp piàonáropi övre T 
vi® éonevðev droðoðvati TÅV TOÔ þiAorékvou orov- 
ńýv, kal mi rooorov aùroîs mpoéfn Tà TS Tpòs 
dÀÀńÀovs eùvoias wore ó èv matùp étioraoĝbar ris 
bad > ~ 3 + ~ + e ` 3 tA 
ôàns apxis ywvitero T® mabi, ð è dðúvarov 
? A t e Ai T t y LA 
eõeikvu ééaoĝlaı aúròv mapà yovéwv čri ķovrwv 
+ EA + ` # 
mpwpuévov karaàaßóvros ŝieðééaro Tùv Baociàciav, 

1 So Stephanos è úmoßdechu. 
2 So Herwerden : ypeias. 

1 Antiochus III (223-187 B.c.), whom he supported at the 

BOOK XXXI. 19. 6-8 

On his father’s death, Ariarathes became sole ruler, 220 B.c. 

and when he departed this life left the kingdom to his 
son Ariarathes (IV), who was then a mere infant. 
He in turn married a daughter of Antiochus (sur- 
named the Great)? Antiochis by name, an utterly 
unscrupulous woman. Failing to have children, she 
palmed off on her unwitting husband two suppositi- 
tious sons, Ariarathes and Holophernes. After a 
certain time, however, she ceased to be barren and 
unexpectedly bore two daughters and a single son, 
named Mithridates. Thereupon, after revealing 
the truth to her husband, she arranged for the elder 
of the supposititious sons to be sent off to Rome ? 
with a suitable stipend, and the younger to Ionia, 
in order to avoid any dispute with the legitimate 
son over the kingdom. He, they say, changed his 
name to Ariarathes ? (V) after he grew to manhood, 
received a Greek education, and won commenda- 
tion as well for other merits. Now because he was 
such a filial son, his father made a point of taking 
a parental interest in return, and their regard for 
one another reached such a point that the father was 
bent on retiring from the throne altogether in favour 
of his son, while the son declared that it was impos- 
sible for him to accept this kind of favour while his 
parents yet lived. But when the fatal day came for 

his father, he inherited the kingdom, and by his 163 s.c. 

battle of Magnesia. Ariarathes IV soon after, however, 
made a treaty of friendship with Rome. 

3 Livy, 42. 19, records his arrival in Rome in 172 s.c, 

2 Ariarathes V Eusebes Philopator (163-130 s.c.). He 
was the devoted pupil and friend of Carneades, head of the 
Academy, and was a patron of the Attic guild of Dionysiac 
artists: cp. W. S. Ferguson, Hellenistic Athens, 300-301, 
370, and IG, 22. 3781 and 1330. 



Týv re dÀÀnv daywyiv roô ßiov déroàoywrárnv 
3 z ` 7 , 3 a 
evôeikvúuevos Krai hiÀooodig mpocavéywv, ¿É oô 
A e ka Eag e > + F 
kal ý) mapà trois “EMnow dyvoovpévn máar Kar- 
maðokia TóTE Toîs meraðevuévois epprwrýpiov" 
Úmĝpxev. dveveúoaro ð oĝros kal rùv mpòs ‘Pw- 
#. t A + Ed y h. ` 
paiovs ġiàíav Te kat ovupayiav. dÀÀà Tà pèv 
mept rs cis Kõpov avapopâs trv uéypt roððe ris 
Karraðokias Bacıidevodvrwv èv Toùvrois. 
(Photius, Bibl. pp. 382-383 B.) 
9 Karnaðórwv Baoideis émTá, ypóvovs ékarov éń- 
kovra ĝiapkéoavres, katTà ToŬTovs Ñpéavro Toùs 
xpõővovs, œs Aróðwpos ypdget. 
(Georgius Syncellus, p. 523 Dind.) 
Chap. 19a: see below, after Chap. 22; Chap. 20: 
see above, after Chap. 18a. 

“Ort ó Diorárwp rànleis Apiapaðns ŝta- 
Scéduevos TÅv matppav Paoideiav, npõrTov èv Tòv 
narépa peyañonperðs élapfev: čnerra rÕv Te hiàwv 
kal rÕv èp ýyepovias tTeraypévwv kai Tv dÀ- 
Awy rv vnoreraypévwv Ttìv kaÎĵýkovoav èm- 
péÀciav momaapevos, peydàny cùvorar? mapà Toîs 
màhbeow annvéykaro. 

22. "Ore ròv Miðpoßovtávyv rmi tův matpģoav 
3 ` la Ed 7 z3 t è o 
åpxîr karayayóvros `Apiapdlov, ’Apratias ó tĝs 
, 7 va > > z a > > A 
Appevías Paciàeùs* oùx dhiorduevos tis ¿E apxĵs 

ia + > t k” Ed x. 

nàÀcovečías mpéoßeis danéorerÀe mpòs `Apiapdôny, 
mapakaàðv cvuppovjou, kal rv veaviokwv ékd- 
tepov TÒv map’ éavrTÂ* ciayeipiodpevov Õreéohar TY 

BOOK XXXI. 19. 8—22. 1 

whole way of life, and especially by his devotion to 
philosophy, showed himself worthy of the highest 
praise; and thus it was that Cappadocia, so long 
unknown te the Greeks, offered at this time a place 
of sojourn to men of culture. This king also renewed 
with Rome the treaty of alliance and friendship. So 
much, then, for the descent from Cyrus of the dynasty 

.which to this point ruled over Cappadocia. 

Seven kings of Cappadocia, whose dynasty lasted 
one hundred and sixty years, began at about this 
time, as Diodorus writes.? 

21. Ariarathes, surnamed Philopator, on succeed- 
ing to his ancestral kingdom, first of all gave his 
father a magnificent burial. Then, when he had 
duly attended to the interests of his friends, of those 
in positions of authority, and of the other subordinate 
officials, he succeeded in winning great favour with 
the populace.? 

22. After Ariarathes had restored Mithrobuzanes 
to his ancestral domain, Artaxias, the king of Ar- 
menia, abating not a whit his original rapacity sent 
envoys to Ariarathes, urging him to make common 
cause with him, and proposing that they should each 
put to death the young man who was at his court, 

1 Cp. Polybius, 31. 3. 

2? The last king of this line, Ariarathes VIII, died in 95 s.c. 
after a brief reign. This would carry the beginnings of the 
dynasty back to c. 255 B.C. 

3 Cp. Polybius, 31. 3 and 7, for Ariarathes’ conduct on 
siccieding to the throne and for his filial piety. 

"1 So Stephanus : euBóTepov, 
2 So Sainas Valesius : čvvoray P 
3 *Aprapáðov(s) added by Valesius. 
4 So Salmasius, Valesius : Baotdeias P. 
5 So Dindorf: éavroð P. 



Zopnvýv ó òè 'Apiapdðys ToÀÙ keywpiouévos TÎS 
TOLATNS paðrovpyias Toîs mpeoßevraîs énémÀnée, 
kal mTpòs 'Aprağiav čypope mapakañðv aùròv ån- 
éxeolar TÕV ToroóTwv éj épywv. ° Apeapabns pèv oŬŭv 
árodoólws, oğTw yevnleions TÎS Tpáčews, où uer- 
piws qténoe Thv nepil aŭrot Sófav' ð ð Miðpoßov- 
Çávns sià T)V Îavpatopévyv Toĵ KaTayayóvToS 
aùrov miorw kal kaìokåyabiav èkpáryoe tis ma- 
Tp%as àpxĵs. (Const. Exc. 2 (1), pp. 284-285.) 

Chap. 23: see below, after Chap. 19a. 

19a. “Or: ó TÎS Koupaynvis emiorárys Troe- 
aĉos ëre èv ral mpórtTepov kataßpovýoas TÖV 
Zupiarâv Baoidéwv ånootáTs eyévero, kal òia 
Toùs iiovs ékelvwv ntepionaopoùs dðeðs TÄS yÓpas 
dvváorevoe, párta moTevwv Tas TÕV TOTWV 
òxvpóTnow" kal oùk àpkovpevos Ti mÀcove$ig 
TavTy , ovvayay®v Súvapv evépañev eis TÙV raħov- 
pévny Meùryviv oĝoav ‘rs Karnraðokías rat 
terayuévyv ro `Apiapdðyv, kai Toùs eùlérovs 
npokaréàaße rórovs. ortparevoavros ðè eT aùròv 
perà nmoààñs vvápews 'Apiapdlov, aveywpnoev eis 
TIV Wiav èrapyiav. (Const. Ezec. 3, p. 200.) 

Chap. 20 : see above, after Chap. 18a. 

23. “Ori fkov mpeoßevrat eis “Phun TApå TE 
TOÔ vewrépov Iroàeuaiov kal Tapà To mpeopv- 
Tépov. Sohévros ðè aùŭroîs èv T ovveðpiw Àóyov, 
Siarovoaca ń À oúykànros TÀ KaT pépos ecoyuáTioe 
ToÙs èv Tapà TOÔ mpeopurépov IHroñepaiov Tpeo- 
Bevràs ev huépais mévrTe Taîs Tmáoas èk TÎsS 
'Irañías aradárreoðar, kal TÌÀV Svppayiav dveàeîv 
Tù mpòs aùróv, mpòs è ròv vewrepov lIroàepaîov 

2 So Valesius: cwġýv P. 

BOOK XXXI. 22. 1—23. 1 

and divide Sophenê + between them. Ariarathes, to 
whom such villainy was completely foreign, rebuked 
the envoys and wrote to Artaxias, urging him to 
abstain from such actions. When this result was 
achieved, Ariarathes in consequence enhanced his 
own reputation in no slight degree, while Mithro- 
buzanes, thanks to the admirable good faith and 
nobility of his sponsor, succeeded to the throne of his 

19a. Ptolemaeus, the governor of Commagenê, 
who even before had shown little respect for the 
Syrian kings, now asserted his independence, and 
because they were busy with their own affairs, estab- 
lished himself without interference in control of the 
country, being chiefly emboldened by its natural 
advantages for defence. Not satisfied with this gain, 
he raised an army and invaded Melitenê, which be- 
longed to Cappadocia and was subject to Ariarathes, 
and he won an initial success by occupying the points 
of vantage. When Ariarathes, however, marched 
against him with a strong force, he withdrew into his 
own province. 

23. Envoys arrived in Rome both from the younger 
Ptolemy and from the elder. An audience before 
the senate having been granted them, the senate, 
after hearing both sides out, decreed that the envoys 
of the elder Ptolemy must leave Italy within not 
more than five days, that their alliance with him was 
at an end, and that legates should be sent to the 

1 A region east of the Euphrates, lying between Cappa- 
docia and Armenia. Presumably the two claimants to the 
throne, Mithrobuzanes and another, had taken refuge, re- 
spectively, with Ariarathes and Artaxias. The exact date of 
the incident is uncertain. Cp. Polybius, 31. 16. 


. 162 B.œ, 

161l B.C. 


méja nmpecßevràs toùs éuhavioðvras aùr Tùv 
eùvorav ris ovykàńrov kat tà ĉiacecadnuéva 
TAŠEÀpÂ. (Const. Eze. 1; P. 403.) 
24. “Ori veaviokwv Twðv Tpiapévov êpõpevov 
èv Taàdvrov, repádjuov è Iovrikoî Tapiyov 
Tpiakociwv payuðv Arrek Mápros Ióprios 
Kárwv, rv eùðokiuovuévav avðpôv, elrmev év TÔ 
huw ĉiórie pára Súvavraı katıðeîv èk TOoÚTOV 
Tv mi rò xeîpov rĝjs aywyñjs kal moùreias Sia- 
otpopýv, rav mwàoúuevot mÀcîov eúpiokwow? oi 
èv èpopevoi tv dypôv, Trà è kepápia TOÔ 
Ttapiyov TÕv evynàarðv? (Const. Exc. 4, p. 375.) 
“Ore ò Aimiàos ó Ilepoéa kararoàeuńoas 
TiuNTÅs* œv kal oyeðov év nâo. Tos pépeoi TiS 
åperis mpwTeówv TÔV ToT èreàeúrnoev. ös 
è Ù mepi aùroô phun Tĝs redevris Ste5óðn kal 
avvýyyiģev ó ó Ts érpopâs KAPOS, Toravrny cvvéßn 
yevéolar náons Ts móňews cvunálerav WOTE uÙ 
uóvov rovs ėpyaotņpiakoùs kat ròv ÄÀÀov öyÀov 
guvTtpéyew, dÀÀd kai Toùs dpyovras kal Tùv úy- 
kànrov ónephéobaı Toùs ypnpatıouoús. droàovbws 
òè roúrois kal trv mepiorkovoðv tv ‘Pouny 
móňcwv cais ó ypõvoşs Tův dvacrpoġův éððov 
éàleTv mpos ròv ris êkhopâs kapóv, karývrwv eis 
thv ‘Poun oyeðòv re mavðnpe perà npobvuias, 
åa Beacópevot kal teuhoovTtes? Tov peTnàdayóra. 
(Const. Exc. 2 (1), p. 285.) 

2 So Mercati from faint traces in V ; dvaykôv Mai, dyavar- 
tõ Dindorf. . 

3 màcîov eùpiorwow Dindorf (cp. Polybius, 31. 25. ša): 
mÀeciovos EÚPOKWVTAL V. 

3 So Dindorf (cp. Polybius, l.c.): Cevyjuarav V. 

4 So Valesius: riuyryrTor (s. ace.) P. 


BOOK XXXI. 23. 1—25. 1 

younger Ptolemy to inform him of the senate’s good- 
will and of their instructions to his brother.! 

24. Because certain young men paid a talent for a 
male favourite and three hundred Attic drachmas 
for a jar of Pontic pickled fish, Marcus Porcius Cato, 
a man held in high esteem, declared before an 
assembly of the people that they could very readily 
discern herein the turn for the worse in men’s conduct 
and in the state, when favourites were sold at a 
higher price than farm lands, and a jar of pickled fish 
than teamsters.? 

25. Aemilius, the conqueror of Perseus, who held 
the office of censor and excelled his fellow citizens 
in nearly every virtuous capacity, at this time died. 
As the report of his death spread abroad and the 
time of his funeral drew near, the entire city was so 
moved by grief that not only did the labouring men 
and the rest of the common people assemble with 
alacrity, but even the magistrates and the senate 
laid aside the affairs of state. Equally, too, from all 
the towns round about Rome, wherever they were 
able to arrive in time, the inhabitants almost to a 
man came down to Rome, eager both to witness the 
spectacle and to pay honour to the deceased. 

1 Cp. Polybius, 31. 20. 

2 Cp. Polybius, 31. 25. 5 and 5a, and below, Book 37. 3. 6. 
The Diodorus passages are not cited for Cato in Malcovati’s 
Orat. Rom. Frag. Since Polybius apparently records the 
remark in connection with his eulogy of Scipio, the present 
passage should, probably, be placed below, after chap. 26. 7. 
If not, it may belong to a speech in support of the sumptuary 
legislation of 161 B.C., the Lex Fannia. 

: karývræv TA mavõnue] So Dindorf: xai rv tùr els tv 
“Põpnv Tiuhy oxeðov TUY E 
6 So Valesius: riuțoavres P. 


160 B.C. 


2 "Ori mept Aevkiov Aipàiov roô Ilepoéa karta- 
noàeuýoavros tijs ra$ñs Srepxóuevos, kal Aaprpàv 
aùrùv ès Tà påáňora yevéoĥðai \éywv èrdyev rôv 
yap ‘Pwpaiwv ot raîs eùyeveiais kal mpoyóvwv 
Sóén Srapépovres perà Tiv Teduh elðwào- 
moroÎvTat KATÁ TE TÙV TOÔ xapakrtipos ÖLOLÖTNTA 
kal kar Tùv ÕÀņv roô owparos nmepiypahhv, 
piunTàs čyovres k mavròs roô fiov maparernph- 
kõTaS TÚV TE Topeiav kal TAS KATA pépos ióTNTas 
Tis êupdocews. nmaparàņoiws è kai TÕv mpoyóvwv 
ékacros nponyeîrai Toraóryy xwv ĵiackeviv kal 
kóopov wore Toùs lewpévovs ià rs èk roúrwv 
eupdáoews yivóokev é$’ oov kaoto TiuÑs mpohyx- 
Onoav kal peréoyov rv èv Ti moùreig kaìôv. 

(Photius, Bibl. p. 383 B.) 

26. "Ort ó aùròs Aipiňos olos èv TÔ îy ór- 
dpyew Thv puyiv" eotátero, roroðrov améùre Tòv 
Biov perañàdrraw. màcîorov pèv yap? rÔv kab 
arov e£ 'IBnpias ypvoòv kopisas eis thv ‘Popny, 
Leyiotrwv òè Onoavpôv rv rara Makeðoviav 

éykpar)s yevópevos, mÀeiorns È mepi Tà Tpoepn- 

Léva terevyws éćovolas, Tocoĝrtov dméoyero ToÔ 
oherepicachai Te TV XPNÁTWV ÖOTE peT TÙÅV 
Teàeuriv rods vioùs aùroð roùs Solévras els vio- 
Îeoiav Siaðefauévovs Tv kàņpovopiav èk mávrwv 
TÕv èrimàwv u) Súvaohaı Siadoar TH yuva TÅv 
depvýv, e pů kal rôv èyyeliuw rryudrœwv éva 

1 So Herwerden : róyņvy P. 
23 màeîorov èv yàp Büttner-Wobst: màeioraw yap p P, 
nàecîorov yàp Valesius. 


BOOK XXXI. 25. 2—26. 1 

Diodorus, in his account of the funeral of Lucius 
Aemilius, the conqueror of Perseus, states that it 
was conducted with the utmost splendour, and adds 
the following passage: “ Those Romans who by 
reason of noble birth and the fame of their ancestors 
are pre-eminent are, when they die, portrayed in 
figures that- are not only lifelike as to features but 
show their whole bodily appearance. For they 
employ actors ! who through a man’s whole life have 
carefully observed his carriage and the several pecu- 
liarities of his appearance. In like fashion each of the 
dead man’s ancestors takes his place in the funeral 

„procession, with such robes and insignia as enable 

the spectators to distinguish from the portrayal how 
far each had advanced in the cursus honorum and had 
had a part in the dignities of the state.” 

26. This same Aemilius ? in departing this life left 
behind him a reputation for character equal to that 
which he had enjoyed while living. For though he 
had brought to Rome, from Spain, more gold than 
any of his contemporaries, had had in his possession 
the fabulous treasures of Macedonia, and had had un- 
limited powers in the said cases, he so completely 
abstained from appropriating any of this money 
that after his death his sons, whom he had given in 
adoption, on receiving their inheritance were unable 
to pay off from the whole of his personal property 
the dowry of his widow, except by selling some of the 

1 Or possibly “ artists,” but Zadoks and Jitta, Ancestral 
Portraiture in Rome (Amsterdam, 1932), 25, interpret the 
passage as referring to impersonations of the deceased, not 
statues or wax effigies. See also Polybius, 6. 53. 

2 This and the following fragment are modelled closely on 
the more detailed excursus on Aemilius and Scipio in 
Polybius, 31. 22-30. 



hi 4 A 
2 npocanéðovro. Šð kai moois Eofev óreppeßn- 
ki y > f `~ 
kévar Karà Tv àhiapyvpiav rToùs mapà rToîs 
e w A ` 
"Edno. mepit roôTo Tò pépos Bavpachévras *Apı- 
7 saic.: 
areiðnv Te kat 'Erapwawòav. éreivovs pèv yàp 
+ + R.: “A P “m 
SDouévav ypnuáTwv êri T® Àvorreàe? rôv Sóv- 
> [a “~ A “~ 
Twv ànméyechai Ts Öwpeðs, Torov è aùròv 
, , pA K e r 7 4 
éfovoíav čyovra Àaßeîv ónóca Boúňorro unõevòs 
Tv rowoúrav èmbuuhoau. e è ämoróv tro 
7 ` z AEn Al , v 
haiverar TÒ Àeyóuevov, ékeîvo ĝe Àoyieobai, ri 
4 4 A > id > A A 
où xp Triv trõv apyaiwv ahıiñapyupiav èk ts võv 
f , A 
‘Pwuaiwv nàeoveġias Tekpaipeoĝai. èmè yàp toô 
3 e ~ l r e 4 "~ 
kab huâs fiov peyioryv òppv Toro rò ðvos 
a A A 
éoxnkévar ore? npòs TV. TOÔ mÀeciovos mb vpiav. 
3 ` ` vo’ ` n2 9 z > e 
3 Erel è mept davðpòs vv? éuvýoðņv åyaßboô, 
~ w kag 
Boúopar Bpayéa Seebeîv nepi ris Dririwvos ĝia- 
ywyñjs toô Nopavriav ortepov raracrcdipavros, 
4 La L4 € 4 + 
nws uÀ mapdõogós teow ý mpokonr) Toúrov Šóćnņ 
` PEE} P 
yeyovévar kaTà ToÙS ÚoTepov ypóvovs, dyvoovuévns 
m A Ea 
Sevudrwv onovòfs. 
i ~ 
4 Ióràos roivuvv Brimiav AipÀiouv pèv rToÔ 
IHepoća Opiapßeúoavros v rara ġúow viés, 
$ 3. lé ki $i Ed e ti 
kafdnrep Òn mpoeipnrTai, Soleis Sè cis vioheciav 
m w A > 7 
Ekriwv TÔ musl Tob ròv `Avvipav kat Kapy- 
õoviovs kararmoàeuhoavros oye karà béow már- 
nov Dkriwva TÒv `Agppixavòv mpocayopevhévra, 
péyioTov TÕv npò aùrob ‘Pwuaiwv. drò è roraŭŬ- 
e N A 
Tys? pigys yeyovæs kal tThÀkoôro Bápos oikias ral 

1 ĝe? added by Herwerden (cp. Polybius, 31. 22. 8). 

2 võy transposed here by Valesius from a position before 
màciovos, above. 

3 So Büttner-Wobst : rĝs P, raúrņs rĝĵs Valesius. 


BOOK XXXI. 26. 1—4 

real property as well. Hence it seemed to many 
that in freedom from avarice he had outdone even 
those who were the marvel of Greece in this respect, 
Aristeides and Epaminondas. For they had refused 
gifts whenever the offer was made in the interest of 
the donors, but he, with full power to take as much 
as he wanted, had coveted nothing. Now if this 
statement seems incredible to some, they should 
take into account the fact 1 that we cannot properly 
judge the freedom of the ancients from avarice by 
the dishonest greed of present-day Romans. For in 
our lifetime this people has, it appears, acquired a 
strong tendency to want more and more. 

Having just now called a good man to mind, I wish 
to speak briefly of the training of the Scipio ? who 
later destroyed Numantia, so that his success in after 
years may not appear incredible to some through 
ignorance of his youthful concern with the most 
noble pursuits: 

Publius Scipio was by blood, as has already been 
stated, the son of the Aemilius who triumphed over 
Perseus, but having been given in adoption to Scipio, 
the son of the conqueror of Hannibal and the Cartha- 
ginians, he had as his adoptive grandfather Scipio, 
surnamed Africanus, the greatest Roman down to 
his own day. Sprung from such stock, and succeeding 
to a family and clan of such importance, he showed 

1 This observation, not in Polybius, was added by 
Diodorus and refers to his own day. 

2 P, Cornelius Scipio Aemilianus Africanus Numantinus 
(185/4-129 »B.c.). Numantia was destroyed in 133 ».c. 



yévovs ĝiaðeðeyuévos tios ám tis rv mpo- 
5 yóvwv óns. ék malðwv yàp ‘Edris mabeias 
emi moù peradaßpwwv, kal yeyovas karà Toîrov Tòv 
eviavròv okTwkailðeka erðv, Eðwkev éavrTòv mpos 
Toùs év hpiàocogdig Àóyovs, Aaßwv èmoráryv Ioàú- 
Bov ròv Meyañoroàityv ròv tàs ioropias ovvreray- 
uévov. Toútrw è ovußiboas kal máons àperfs 
nàwrhs yevóuevos oùx olov rÕv AùkiwrÕv dÀàÀà 
kal rÔv mpeofurépwv mávrwv noù mpoéoye 
owġpocúvy kal kañokayabiq kal peyañàoyvyig kal 

6 kaĝóov nâo. roîs ris aperis yéveot. kaitot 
êv àpxaîis, mpò Tob fhidocopias dpacbar, Sidànpiv 
čoye mapà Tols moàÀoîs œs vwbpòs ðv riy puyiy 
kal toô Pápovs ris oikias oùxk åfióypews ðtdðoyos 
kat mpoortáTtns. où uv dà Tis hùkias oikeiws 
npôrov Ņpéato neprmoreîohai Thv emi cwpposúvn? 
Sótav: To) yáp Tis pu mpòs tàs avéðnv sovas 
kal rv únepßpoàņy tis dkoàacías toîs TõTe véois 
7 êvenenTwke. ot pèv yàp eis êpwuévovus, oi è eis 
kal kaĝĵóñov riv èm. troúrois moàvréňerav éfeké- 
xuvro. èv yàp T® Iepoix® moàéuw xpővov 
mÀciova ĉiatpibavres Tayéws EbhAwoav rõv ‘EAń- 
vw TV mepi Toro TÒ pépos eùxépeav, dws TE 
kal ypnuádTwv eùropnkóres kat yopnyòv déiðypewv 
Tòv mÀAoDTov yovres Taîs mpòs TAs hÕovàs ardvais. 
27. "Ore ó Ekmiwv òpuhoas ém Tùv evavriav 
dywyhv Toî Biov kal ndoais traîs ts púoews èri- 
Ouuiais orep Tiot Onpiois åvrirakdpevos, èv oùð’ 
ÕÀors névre čTeot mepienrorjoaro mdvðņuov kal 

1 So Valesius: rpocéoye P. 
2 So Salmasius, Valesius: owgpooúrņv P. 


BOOK XXXI. 26. 4—27. 1 

himself worthy of the fame of his ancestors. For 
having had from childhood up extensive training in 
Greek studies, he now, on attaining the age of 
eighteen in this year,! devoted himself to philosophy, 
taking as his tutor Polybius of Megalopolis, the 
author of the Histories. Living in constant associa- 
tion with him, and proving a zealous adept of every 
virtue, he far outstripped not only his peers in age 
but dll his elders as well in temperance, in nobility 
of character, in magnanimity, and generally in all 
good qualities. Yet earlier, before applying himself 
to philosophy, he was generally regarded as a slug- 
gard and no adequate successor to and representative 
of the dignity of his house. Nevertheless, he began, 
as befitted his years, by winning first a name for 
temperance. Now the fashion of the time tended 
strongly to unbridled pleasures and excessive licen- 
tiousness among the younger men. Some had 
abandoned themselves to catamites, others to courte- 
sans, others to all sorts of musical entertainments 
and banquetings, and, in general, to the extravagance 
that these things entail. For having spent consider- 
able time in Greece during the war with Perseus, 
they soon affected the easygoing Greek attitude to 
such matters, the more so as they had acquired ample 
funds, so that their wealth made adequate provision 
for the costs of indulgence. 

27. Scipio, however, embarking upon a contrary 
course of conduct, and taking arms against all his 
natural appetites, as if they were wild beasts, in less 
than five years achieved a reputation, universally 

ł Diodorus has misunderstood Polybius (31. 24. 1), who 
was here referring to an earlier occasion, not to the year of 
Aemilius’ death (the starting-point of the excursus). 



avyxwpovpévny Tv èr eùračią ral owpposóvy 
Só£av. : TaÚTns Ò aùrô gvupóvws PapTUpovpévNs 
kal mapà nâo peydàns è êmonuacias Tvyxavoúons, 
æpunoev mi Tò peyañopvuyig? kal T) mepi Tà 
xpýuara edevhepiótyri eveykeiv rÕv åňMwv. 
mpòs è roðTo TÒ uépos Tis dperñs elye èv kal rò 
Ñlos To karà pvoiv marpòs Aipuàiov mpòs uiunow 
Káà\orov aàpyxérvrov, kal kabóàov tv per 
èkeívov ovußiwow menmoimuévos nmpoeîyev HÒN Ti 
TÔv mpoùpyov kal nmpoùrerórwro? oùk àiya è 
aùrÔ ovvýpyņoe kal raùvróuarov, mapacyópevov 
ahoppas To trayòù mep pönrov aŭro yevéobar Tùv* 

Aipàia yàp ý) To peyádov èv yuv) Ekiriwvos,® 
õed) dè rob Iepoéa kararoàeuoavros AiptÀiov 
uerýàňače ròv ßiov droùroĝoa ueydànv oùoiav, 
fs oros únrğpée kKàņpovópos. èv rtoúrois oôv 
npóryv wke nepav ris iias mpoarpéosews èk 
mepiotráoews ToaŬTS. Ú yàp pýTNpP aùroĝ 
Iarepia moù mpò ris To marpòs redevris èrúy- 
yave keywpiopévy èv dro råvðpós' kar” iðiav &è 
òidyovoa TYV ToÔ Biov yopnyiav eàùreorépav elye 
4rijs mepi aùtùv eùyeveías. Ù Ò’ roð kara béow 

matpòs uhTp Tův kàņpovouiav åmoùroñoa ywpis 

Tis ĞAÀns eùropias peyáànv oyýket mepikoniv? 

kóõouov nmepè arv kal Îeparawiðwv Kait tÕv 

Awy, œs àv ovvykuakvîa TÔ Te Piw kal Ti TÚXN 

TOÔ ueydàov Dkiriwvos. TaÛTNV åTacav TYV kaTa- 



2 ùv . . . óav] So Dindorf (cp. Polybius. 31. 25. 8): 
Thv èr’ eùratig owgpooúvny 


BOOK XXXI. 27. 1—4 

acknowledged, for discipline and temperance. Even 
as this reputation was being accorded him by common 
consent, and was exciting favourable attention in all 
quarters, he set out to distinguish himself by his mag- 
nanimity and his liberal conduct of financial affairs. 
For the attainment of this virtue he had in the charac- 
ter of his real father, Aemilius, an excellent model to 
follow, and, in general, his close association with his 
father had given him certain advantages and left its 
mark on him. Chance also co-operated to no small 
extent, providing opportunities for his generosity 
about money to become quickly well known. 
Aemilia, for example, the wife of the great Scipio 
and sister of Aemilius, the conqueror of Perseus, 
died leaving a large estate, which he stood to inherit. 
Here he gave the first indication of his purpose, under 
the following circumstances. Long before the death 
of his father, his mother, Papiria, had been separated 
from her husband, but in her separate establishment 
her means were inadequate to her high station in 
life. The mother of Scipio’s adoptive father, however, 
the woman who left him the inheritance, had pos- 
sessed, apart even from the rest of her fortune, a 
great array of personal adornments, attendants and 
the like, as befitted one who had shared in the prestige 
of the great Scipio’s life and fortunes. All these 

2 rò peyañopuyig Wesseling (cp. Polybius, 31. 25. 9) : 
peyañofvxiav E: 
z So Schaefer : mpoünmerornobro P. 
t zġv added by Reiske. 
5 So Salmasius, Valesius : gıiapyvpíav P. 
6 Aipa . Ekriwvos] So Dindorf; Aimàla yáp Tot 
pey aae Erenlavos P. 
zap Sè Reiske ; dôeàgiôn (s. ace.) P. 
3 a ali ded by Valesius. 
? So Valesius : mpokoriv P. 



arkeuýv, noMàĝðv oĝoav raàdvræv, pépwv edwpýoarto 
T unTpi. hs karà tàs èmioýpovs efóðovs xpo- 
pévns T boleia xopnyig kal ÀT POTTE, TÒ uèv 
mpôrov év raîs yvvuŻiv, elra êv tToîs dvõpdot raf’ 
Bànv rhv nóv mepBónrtos Åv ù xpnorórns kai 
ueyañopvyia TOÔ veavigKov kal TÒ OÚVOÀOV TPS TÙV 
5 rexkoðoav ógióTņs. roro è katrà mâcav rnóÀw 
kpivoir äv kaàòv kal Îavpacróv, pára ðè mapà 
‘Pwpaiois map’ ols oùĝeis ovðevl Dwor TÕv Úrap- 
yóvrawv eùyepôs ék&v oùðév. perà è raðra rais 
Ekinriwvos roð peydàov Îuyarpáot mpocopeio- 
pévav eis TAV pepviv ToAAÔV xenpáTav, kal TÂ 
Pwpaiwv rávræwv eibiopévaw év Tpioiv éTeEoL KaTÀ 
uépos droððóva ràs hepvás, oðros eùbéws årdáoas 
dnéìvoev. éčñs ðè peraňÀdéavros Aipàiov toô 
Kkarà búow martpòs kal ToÚTtw Te kal TÔ Paßiw 
rots Soleo els viohesiav droùiróvros Tv oùoiav, 
eroiņnoev ó Erkimiwv kaàóv ti kai uvýuns čćiov. 
6 ópôv yap Tòv åðeàßòv avroð kareðeégTepov övTa 
Ca > z “~ 
ToîsS ypýpact, enexophynaev aðt® TŇV ibiav pepa 
ts rÀņpovopias, oŭons rèp éčýkovra Tdàavrta 
TS TLUNTEWS, kal TOÔTOV Tòv Tpõrov èroinoev tonv 
éavr@? npòs ròv åðeàhòv yevéobar TÅv ÕÀnv Ürap- 
éw. ànoðoyis è rvyyávwav kal pýuns àyaðñs 
napà nâo: Îavpacrórtepőv Tt ŠtenpáġaTo. To yàp 
dedo Daßiov uovopayias Bovàopévov moreîv èri 
TÔ martpi, pù õvvapévov $è ónroðégaoðar Tv Šard- 
vyv ŝa rò rAñlos Tôv åvañgkopévwv eis [zobra 
ypnuátav, Tv huiceav rÕv dvaňwpárwv EÕwrev 

7 èk ris bias oùsias. dmoĝavoúons ðè rğs uNTpôs, 

1 So Valesius.: } P. 
2 vù after éavrô deleted by Reiske. 


BOOK XXXI. 27. 4-7 

trappings, worth many talents, he now took and gave 
to his own mother. And since she employed this 
donated pomp and splendour in making conspicuous 
public appearances, the goodness and generosity of 
the young man and, in general, his filial piety towards 
his mother won the acclaim of the whole city, first 
among the women and then among the men. This 
would be regarded as a shining example and as a 
thing to marvel at in any city, but especially so at 
Rome, where no one readily and of his own free will 
parts with anything he has. Later, when a large 
sum of money to complete their dowries remained 
to be paid to the daughters of the great Scipio, 
although it is the practice of the Romans to pay of 
a dowry piecemeal within three years, he paid the 
money to them all in full and at once. Next, when 
Aemilius, his real father, died and left his property 
to him and to Fabius,! the sons he had given in 
adoption, Scipio performed a noble act, which deserves 
to be put on record. Seeing that his brother was less 
prosperous than himself he gave him as a supplement 
his own share of the inheritance, to the value of 
more than sixty talents, and thus equalized his en- 
tire holdings with those of his brother. This being 
greeted with approval and favourable comment on 
all sides, he did a thing even more remarkable. For 
when his brother Fabius, wishing to stage a gladia- 
torial show 2? in honour of their father, was unable to 
assume the expense because of the great outlays in- 
volved, he gave him from his own pocket a half of the 
total cost. On the death of his mother, so far from 

1 Q. Fabius Maximus Aemilianus. 
2 These ludi funebres included also performances of the 
Hecyra and Adelphoe of Terence. 




Tocoûrov dréoyero To kropicachai te TÖV mpó- 
repov Swpnhévrwv dore kal rara kat rùv AANV 
oùsiav gvveyæpnoev ëyeww rTaîs dðeàhaîs, où Tpos- 
nkoúons aùraîs katà vóuov rs kìàņpovopias. det 
Sè kal uâňov mepiBàerros èyévero katà TYV TOW 
àvavríppnrov anroàaußpávwv énmawov xpnorórnTos 
kal ueyadopvuyias, où oŭrws TA nÀýle TÕV Xp- 
udrwv TÒ mpokeipevov katepyacdpevos ÖS TÔ 
kaupô ris õwpeðs kal TÔ yepe Tis npohéoews. 
Tùv è cwdpooúvny mepierorýoaro aravýoas uèv 
oùðév, rv ðè émÛupðv anocyópevos nmposwge- 
Ain rúv re owparichv úylierav kal rv eùetiav, 
Hres aùr mávra ròv Biov ovprapapeivaca kaààs 
duoißàs kal ydpiras. dréðwre. rToÔ è kard TÙV 
dvðpeíav uépovs Àormoð õvros, örep oriy åvay- 
kuórarov napà nâot pév, páMora Sè ‘Pwuaios, 
etenóvņoe kal roro mepirrÂÊs, dhopuv ovans 
aùr® ueydàņy rs Túxņs. TÕv yàp karà Tùv 
Maxeðoviav Baciddwv màeiorny neromuévwv? onov- 
Shv mepl ràs kuvnyecias mávras Ýnepéßañe. 
(Const. Exc. 2 (1), pp. 285-289.) 
27a. "Ore yvwobelons Ts mpòs Anuýrtprov dào- 
Tpórnros rÂv ‘Pwpaiwv, cuvéßn uù póvov rovs 
Aous Baoiàeîs karadpovfjoar TÃs aŭro Paoieias, 
aààà kai rivas rôv úr aùròv Terayuévwv oaTtpa- 
nv, v fv émıpavéoraros Tipapyos. Åv ðè oros 
rò pèv yévos Miàńoios, Avrióyov è roô mpoße- 
Bacieukóros hios’ ôs modrs eis triv ‘Põopny 

1 So Salmasius, Valesius : xoperop® P. 


BOOK XXXI. 27. 7—27a. 1 

taking for himself anything he had given her, he 
allowed his sisters to have not only that but the rest 
of her estate, although they had no legal claim to 
the inheritance. Increasingly he gained the admira- 
tion of the whole city, receiving uncontested praise 
for his goodness and magnanimity ; yet it was not 
so much the amounts involved that brought this 
about as the timeliness of his gifts and the tact with 
which he carried out his proposals. The acquisition 
of temperance, on the other hand, required no outlay 
of money ; indeed, abstinence from indulgence con- 
ferred the boon of bodily health and vigour, which, 
as it lasted all his life, brought him ample compensa- 
tion and requital. One virtue remains, courage, 
which indeed is regarded as essential by all men and 
in particular by the Romans : this too he pursued 
with unusual vigour and made perfect, chance having 
provided him a great opportunity. For the Mace- 
donian kings had always been especially devoted to 
the chase, and Scipio outdid everyone.? 

27a. When it became known that the Romans were ¢. 161 B.0. 

ill disposed towards Demetrius, not only the other 
kings but even some of the satraps subject to him 
regarded his kingship with scant respect. Of these 
satraps the most outstanding was a certain Timarchus. 
A Milesian by birth, and a friend of the previous 
king, Antiochus, he had, in the course of a series of 

1 The excerptor has so abbreviated the conclusion that the 
mention of hunting can be understood only by reference to 
Polybius, 31. 29. 

2 Antiochus IV Epiphanes, not the ill-starred Antiochus V 
Eupator (163-162 B.c.). 

2 àoroô òvros added by Reiske (cp. Polybius, 31. 29). 
3 So Salmasius, Valesius : meromuévny P. 



éfaneoraàpévos mpeopeurhs modà karà ieipyd- 
gato ùv aúykàņrtov. ypnuártwv yàp mÀàñbos koul- 
twv éðwpocókret Tods ovykàntikoús, kal udora 
Toùs Toîs Biois dobeveîs úmeppaňàóuevos trais Šóoce- 
ov éedéaġev. Sa è roð Toroúrou Tpórmov Toà- 
doùs e£biatópevos kal Sboùs óroléoeis dàdorpias 
tĝĵis Popaiwv aipésews àvuývaro Tò ovvéð- 
piov, ouunpárrovros ‘Hparàeiðov raðeàdoð, mdv- 
Twv övroşs eùfveordrov nmpòs traóryv Tv ypeiav. 
T Ôè aùr® Tpónrw Krata ròv éveorÔTa kapòv 
catpánns &v' Myõias karývrnoev eis thv ‘Pounv, 
kal Todd rob Anunrpiov karnyophoas čmeoe Tùv 
oúykàņrov óyua mepi aùroð Oéohaı Toroôrov' 
Tyudpyw verev . . . aùrôr? Pacıiàéa eîvar, ó &è 
énapheis T Sóyuarı ovveorhoaro karà tv Myõiav 
orparóreðov dčióoyov: morýoaro è kal ovp- 
uayíav karà Anņnunrtpiov mpòs `Apragíav rtòv 
Baciàéa 'Apuevias’ ën? è rà mpóoywpa tôv èbvâv 
karanànéduevos tà Tò Bapos tis Övvduews kal 
TodÀods Úmnkóovs morýoas wpunoev èri rò Leypa, 
kal téàos ris Bacideilas èykparhs êyévero. 
(Const. Exc. 3, pp. 200-201.) 
Tyv ôÀvuniáða mpéoßeis mapeyévovro mapa Apia- 
palov oréĥavov kouítovres àro ypvoðv uvpiwv kal 
cracadoðvres rův eùvorav To? Bacidéws Ñv ëye 
1 ðv added by Herwerden. 

2 Tiuapyov verev aúrôv Bevan. 

3 So Feder, Müller : čorı S. 

1 Bevan, The House of Seleucus, 2. 194, translates the 
decree: “ As far as Rome was concerned Timarchus was 
King ” (see critical note)}—Appian, Syr. 45, says that 

BOOK XXXI. 27a. 1—28. 1 

missions to Rome, worked serious detriment to the 
senate. Providing himself with large sums of money, 
he offered the senators bribes, seeking especially to 
overwhelm and lure with his gifts any senators who 
were in a weak financial position. By gaining in this 
way a large number of adherents and supplying them 
with proposals contrary to the public policy of Rome, 
he debauched the senate ; in this he was seconded 
by Heracleides, his brother, a man supremely en- 
dowed by nature for such service. Following the 
same tactics he repaired to Rome on the present 
occasion, being now satrap of Media, and by launch- 
ing many accusations against Demetrius persuaded 
the senate to enact the following decree concerning 
him: “ To Timarchus, because of .. . to be their 
king.” 1! Emboldened by this decree he raised an 
army of considerable size in Media ; he also entered 
into an alliance against Demetrius with Artaxias, the 
king of Armenia. Having, moreover, intimidated 
the neighbouring peoples by an impressive display 
of force, and brought many of them under his sway, 
he marched against Zeugma, and eventually gained 
control of the kingdom.? 

28. In the one hundred and ffty-ffth Olympiad 
envoys arrived from Ariarathes, bringing with them 
a“ crown ” of ten thousand gold pieces, to inform the 
senate of the king’s friendly attitude towards the 

Antiochus had appointed Timarchus satrap of Babylon, and 
Heracleides treasurer. Bengtson, Die Strategie in d. hellenist. 
Zeit, 2. 87, follows Bevan in considering Timarchus not only 
satrap of Media but general commander of the eastern 

2 This is hardly true. Rome gave him recognition but no 
support, and he was soon defeated by Demetrius and put to 

VOL. XI o 389 

160 B.C. 


mpos ‘Pwpaiovs, ért Sè Thv Òr ekeiwvovs yevopévny 
anóppnow Tro ydpov kat hiàlas mpòs Anuýrpiov. 
ovvenipaprupoúvrwv è kal TÕv Tepl ròv T pákyov 
npeofevrõv, ġ oúykàņrtos èrawécaca tòv Apia- 
páðņ tóv Te oréĥavov éðéčaro kal Tà péyiora Tv 
map aùroîs vopubopévwv Ñwpwv åréorTerÀev. 

29. “Ort karà ròv aùròv ypóvov ovverońyðnoav 
kai oi mapà Anunrpiov mpéoßeis ot ròv oréġavov 
kouigovres amò uupiwv ypvoðv kal roùs airtiovs 
ToÔ karà Tòv 'Okrdoviov óvov ecouiovs àya- 
yóvres.! N è oúykànros émi moàùv pèv ypóvov 
Sirópnoe ns xpnoréov v? roîs Ttpdypaow., kai 
Ù oúÝykÀàNTos Tov èv oréġavov npoceðéćaro, Toùs 
Ô perà To orepávov mapaðıðopévovs `Iookpáry 
kal Aerrtivyv oùk éßovàðn nmapadaßeiv. 

(Const. Exc. 1, p. 403.) 

30. “Ori To Anunrpiov mpéoßeis anoorelàavros 
cis ‘Pwpaiovs, drókpiow éwkev aùT® okoàv kal 
Svocvperov, ori TEvÉerat TÕv hiavbponrwv Aquý- 
Tpios, êav TÒ ikavòv noi TÅ OVyYKÀNTW kaTà TÙV 
tis apxĵs ètovoiav. (Const. Exc. 4, p. 375.) 

31. "Ori oi ‘Pwpaîoi kararoàeuhoavres Iepoéa 
TÖV ueracyóvrwv TOÔ moàépov roîs Makeðóot Toùs 
èv êkóňagav, roùs è dnýyayov eis riv ‘Põpnv. 
Tõv ðè karà tùy "Hrepov Aaßàv étovoiav Xápoys 

1 dyovres Dindorf. 

2? ein Dindorf, noting also a lacuna after npáypacı. 

1. A commission, headed by Ti. Sempronius Gracchus, had 
been sent to the East in 162 B.c., after the escape of Demetrius 
to Syria. 


BOOK XXXI. 28. 1—31. 1 

Roman people, as well as of his renunciation, on their 
account, of an alliance of marriage and friendship 
with Demetrius. Since this was confirmed by the 
testimony of Gracchus and his fellow commissioners,! 
the senate, expressing their approval of Ariarathes, 
accepted the crown and sent him the highest gifts 
that it was their custom to bestow.’ 

29. At about the same time the envoys of Deme- 
trius were also introduced. They too brought a 
“ crown ” of ten thousand gold pieces and had with 
them, in chains, the men responsible for the murder 
of Octavius.? The senators were for a long time un- 
certain how to handle the situation. Finally, they 
accepted the crown but declined to accept custody 
of the men, Isocrates and Leptines, whose surrender 
was offered them together with the crown. 

30. When Demetrius sent an embassy to Rome 
the senate gave him a devious and enigmatic reply, 
that he would receive kind treatment at their hands 
if in the exercise of his authority he gave satisfaction 
to the senate.+4 

31. After vanquishing Perseus the Romans curbed 
some of those who had taken part in the war on the 
Macedonian side, and removed others to Rome. In 
Epirus Charops,* who had gained control of the state 

2 The sceptre and the ivory sella curulis: cp. Polybius, 
32. 1. 

3 Cn. Octavius, one of the legati sent to Syria in 163 B.C. 
The murderer was Leptines, Isocrates being merely a “ soap- 
box ” orator who publicly condoned the deed. For the 
reception of the embassy in Rome see Polybius, 32. 2-3. 

4 From Polybius, 32. 3. 13. 

5 For Charops see Book 30. 5. The present passage is 
based on Polybius, 32. 5-6, which includes an account of his 
visit to Rome and mention of his death (e. 160/59 sB.c.). The 
mother’s name is there given as Philotis. 



ôd TÒ õoreîv elva pidopóuatros rò pèv mpôrTov 
dàiya kai mepeouévws eis aùroùs dnuápravev 
alet 8è mpoßaivwv ri mapavopig els téàos eìupúvaro 
Tà karà tùv "Hreipov. où yàp Siéermev airias 
pevõeis empépwv trois eùnopwrdárois, kal rods pèv 
poveúwv, roùs 8è puyaðeúwv kal ràs oùgias ôy- 
pevov où uóvov roùs ävõpas Ñpyupoňóyņoev, å\\à 
kai tas yvvatkas ĝia ris unTpòs DAðras (rmávv 
yàp eùhuès èyévero kal toto TÒ mpóownov es 
opóTNTa kal mapavoulav mÀclova Ñ karà yuvaîka), 
kal moàoùs eoñyayev eis ròv õĝuov, kararria- 
oápevos ġpoveîv dňàótpia ‘Pouaiwv. kal mdvræwv 
karéyvwoav Îdvarov. 

32. "Ori `Opopépvns ròv aðeàġòv ’Aprapáðyv èr- 
Badùv ris åpxĝs Toð èv vovveyôs kaora Siowceîv 
kal raîs eùepyeciais ka} pidavbpwriairs êkraetoha. 
Tà mÀýIN mpòs eŭvorav mÀeîorov oov åméoyev. 
àpyvpooyðv Sè Kai moàdoùs éravarpovpevos 
mevrýkovra èv Taàdvrois ceorepdvwoe Tiuóbeov, 
EPõouýrovra è raňdvrors Anuhrpiov tòv Baoiàéa, 
kal ywpis roúrwv éčakócia TAÀAVTA . . . TpOC- 
enrayyeiduevos kal rà Àomà terpakóoia Õooew 
ev érépw kap®. ópðv ðè roðùðs Kanrrdáðokas 
dÀoTpiws Õıakeruévovs êvýpčaro mávras ápyvpo- 
àoyeîv kat tràs oùcias rÕv empaveorárwv eis TÒ 
Baoctàixòv dàvaàaußávew. dðpoisas Sè ypnuárwæv 
nàñlos rerpakóora ráavra nmapébero Ipiyveôoi 

1 kal added by Valesius. 

1 Ariarathes arrived in Rome, seeking help, in the summer 
of 158 s.c. (Polybius, 32. 10), but may have gone into exile 


BOOK XXXI. 31. 1—32. 1 

on the strength of his reputation as a friend of the 
Romans, at the outset was guilty of but few crimes 
against his people and showed some caution ; but 
proceeding further and further in lawless behaviour, 
he wrought havoc in Epirus. He incessantly brought 
false charges against the wealthy, and by murdering 
some, and driving others into exile and confiscating 
their property, he exacted money not only from the 
men but also, through his mother Philota (for she 
was a person with a gift for cruelty and lawlessness 
that belied her sex), from the women as well; and 
he haled many before the popular assembly on charges 
of disaffection to Rome. And the sentence in all cases 
was death. 

32. Orophernes, having driven his brother Ariara- 
thes from the throne, made no effort—far from it—— 
to manage his affairs sensibly, and to elicit popular 
support by helping and serving his people. Indeed, 
at the very time when he was raising money by 
forced contributions and was putting numbers of 
people to death, he presented Timotheüs with a gift 
of fifty talents, and King Demetrius with a gift of 
seventy, quite apart from the payment to Demetrius 
of six hundred talents with a promise to pay the 
remaining four hundred at another time. And seeing 
that the Cappadocians were disaffected, he began to 
exact contributions on all sides and to confiscate for 
the privy purse the property of men of the highest 
distinction. When he had amassed a great sum, he 
deposited four hundred talents with the city of 

sooner, The thousand talents mentioned below were 
promised by Orophernes to Demetrius for his support. See 
Polybius, 33. 6, on the dissension caused later by the 400 
talents deposited at Prienê. For Timotheüs see Polybius, 
32. 10. 4. 


C, 158 B.C. 


hj A m z 2 Kg JA 
poa TA TS TÜXNS Tapata: a torepov dr- 
éòðwKAV. onst. Exe. 2 (1), p. 289. 
32a “Q E ? ld e ( À ~ ION l ) P hs 9.) 
-Ore Eùuévns ó Baoideds émi r karà ròv 
` p 7 : A a 
Apiapaðny EKTTOOEL Papvvóuevos, ra Sà TÎs 
iðias åáßoppñs onmevðwv åuúvaoða Tòv Anuýrpiov, 
peTenépjaro perpakiorov Tivà TV parðTNTa* Ts 
7 p 
öpews Kat TÀv hAeiav ópoiav éxovra kab’ rep- 
odiy Avrióxw T nmpórepov Peßacidevkóri rôs 
Ed i aA ? 2 
Zupias. SréTpipe è oŭros êv Xuvpvy iaßeßarov- 
A + e 
pevos éavròv Avrióyov ToÎ Paoidéws viov elvai, 
kai mapà modÀoîs morevópevos Šid Thv ópoidTnra. 
e y 1 ? + ? + 
wS sè mapeyéveto eis IMépyapov, êkóounoev aùròv 
~ A + 
Sraðýparı kal TÑ Aoni nposnkovon Paoiéws 
A a 
Tehikonf, er mpõs Twa Tây Kiàikwv éEmeupev 
voua Zyvopdvnv.?” oros? ðè čk twos airlas 
2 A A s kA 
npookófas LEV TÔ AnpnTpiw, avvemingheis“ òè 
M [4 A 
év Tiot oTevoywpovpévois kapoîs Úr Eùuévovs roô 
TóTe Baoidéws, karà Àóyov mpòs ôv uèv dàorpiws 
` A A A 
SiékeTO, mpòs ôv òè pdavbpórws. eis òè xwpiov 
Ts Kdirias Sečdpevos Ttov uepakiokov ĝieðilðov 
kA L 
Aóyovs eis Thv Zupiav ÖS pÉANOVTOS Emi TV Ta- 
~ la 
Tpğav åpyňvy katiévar Toĵ pepakiokov où Diw 
~ Y ? N Ea a 
kupĝ®. oi òè KaTà TÙY Zupiav öxÀor em rais? TÕv 
mporépwv Bacidéwv piňavðpórois evreúćeot Bapéws 
y A > ig l 
čpepov ToÎ AnpnTpiov THV ağornpiav kal TÒ TÔv 
emPoàðv paotıkőv, Šıórep oikeñot ris pera- 
A H 2 A 
Poñs ôvTes peTéwpot raîs mpooðokwuévais eÀTiow 
Ñoav, ws aùTtika uda ueraneoovuévns ris eov- 
$ 3 e 
gias eis Erepov emeikéorepov Baciàéa. 
1 So Dindorf: óporóryra S. 
2 s Teder : cvopdgeiv ohárņv S. 
3o Feder, Müller : aròs S. 
* So Müller: ovvaroàdeihbeis S. 

BOOK XXXI. 32. 1—32a. 1 

Prienê as a hedge against the surprises of fortune, 
which amount the citizens of Prienê later repaid. 
32a. King Eumenes,! grieved at the expulsion of 
Ariarathes and being eager for reasons of his own to 
check Demetrius, sent for a certain youth who in 
beauty of countenance and in age was exceedingly 
like Antiochus ? the late king of Syria. This man 
resided in Smyrna and stoutly affirmed that he was 
a son of King Antiochus; and because of the re- 
semblance he found many to believe him. On his 
arrival at Pergamum the king tricked him out with 
a diadem and the other insignia proper to a king, 
then sent him to a certain Cilician named Zenophanes. 
This man, who had quarrelled for some reason with 
Demetrius, and had been assisted in certain difficult 
situations by Eumenes, who was then king, was ac- 
cordingly at odds with the one, and kindly disposed, 
to the other. He received the youth in a town of 
Cilicia, and spread the word abroad in Syria that 
the youth would reclaim his. father’s kingdom in his 
own good time.t Now after the generous behaviour 
of their former kings the common peoples of Syria 
were ill pleased with the austerity of Demetrius and 
his drastic demands. Being therefore ready for a 
change, they were buoyed up with hopeful expecta- 
tions that the government would shortly fall into the 
hands of another and more considerate monarch. 

-1 Probably the excerptor’s error for Attalus, as Eumenes 
died in 160 or 159 s.c., and the reference to him later in the 
passage suggests that he was already dead. 

2 Antiochus V Eupator. 
3 Antiochus IV Epiphanes. 

4 He did in fact succeed Demetrius on the throne in 150 
B.C., as Alexander Balas. 

5 èm raîs Dindorf : raîs mì S. 



3 kE i 
32b. “Ori oi 'Opodépvov nmpeoßevral aro ‘Pæuns 
ġvepxőpevot kai katà tròv mov émpovňeúsavres 
, 1N 1 ` 7 3o $ 
Apiapaðn! nepi Kóprvpav aùrot Apoavup oyan 
la A x 
únò `Apapdlov. ðpoíws è Kat mept Kópiwvbov 
êmBovàùjv kar aùroô ovornoapévov TÔV TOÔ 
’Opoġépvov, kai raúrņv mapaðótws ðrekhvyæv 
Sreoholby mpòs tròv “Arrañov eis Tò Tlépyapov. 
(Const. Exc. 3, p. 201.) 
33. "Ori ó mpeoßúrepos Iroàepatos rayò ôıà 
A Lg ~ a 2 À a bi 10 À ` 
Tò uéyelos tis orpatiâs? ovykàeilcas ròv dòðeàpòv 
m 7 > 1 3 a 
cis noMopkiav kat meîpav máons dnmopias? Àaßeîv 
? l4 
åvaykdcas maveňćécðai pėv aùròv oùk éróàunoev, 
` ~ F 
ápa èv õià TV xpnaorórnTa kal ià TÒ Tis púoews 
3 e + Ld 
ovyyevés, dpa òè kal õtà ròv arò ‘Pwpaiwv póßov. 
A A 3 ~ A > IÀ ` 8 La 
ouveyópnoe Õè aùr Tùv doáàeav, kal ovvbýkas 
p p4 2? A y z ”, p z 
ênorýoarto kab’ ås ¿ðe Kupvyv čxovra Tòv vew- 
A ~ 5 7 
Tepov cùðokeîv kal oirov nÀñÂos trakròv Àaupdvew 
A kd 
kar èvavróv. kal Tà katrà Ttoùs Baocideîs es 
E + 
Toh dÀorpióryra Kal rivðúvovs åámnÀmouévovs 
` z 
npoayhévra mapaðóćov kai þiiavðpórov ovňàúðocws 
z e S. A `~ 
34. "Ori oi mepi ròv `Opoépvyv, ènmi Tò xeîpov 
~ y 
aùroîs rv npaypárwv npoßaiwóvrwv, čomevðov 
EJ A ` 2 z 4 2 
ånoðoðvar Toùs puobovs, þpoßoúuevor u) oTacidčew 
` . z ` ` ` 
èmiyeiphowow. danopoúpevos è Tò mapòv xph- 
~ A ~ kJ e 2 
uárwv ġvaykdaðn iepoovàñoar TÒ To Aiòs iepóv, 
xy 3 
ô kabiðpuraı pèv rò rò kaħoúpevov òðpos Api- 

BOOK XXXI. 32b. 1—34. 1 

32b. While returning from Rome the envoys! of 157 s.c. 

Orophernes formed a plot during the voyage against 
Ariarathes, but were themselves apprehended and 
put to death by Ariarathes at Corcyra. Likewise 
at Corinth when the henchmen of Orophernes laid 
plans against Ariarathes, he upset their calculations 
by eluding them, and got safe to Attalus at Perga- 

33. Thanks to his large army the elder Ptolemy 
soon forced his brother ? to stand a siege and made 
him undergo every deprivation, yet did not venture 
to put him to death, partly because of his own innate 
goodness and their family ties, partly through fear 
of the Romans. He granted him assurances of per- 
sonal safety, and made with him an agreement 
according to which the younger Ptolemy was to rest 
content with the possession of Cyrenê, and was to 
receive each year a fixed amount of grain. Thus the 
relations of the kings, which had advanced to a state 

of serious estrangement and desperate frays, found 

an unexpected and humane solution. 

34. As the situation worsened Orophernes was 
anxious to pay his men, for fear they might start a 
revolution. But being for the present without funds 
he was driven to plundering the temple of Zeus, 
which stands beneath the Mountain of Ariadnê, as it 

1 For the occasion of their embassy to Rome see Polybius, 
32. 10. Rome’s answer (Appian, Syr. 47) was that the 
brothers Ariarathes and Orophernes should rule jointly. 

2 The younger Ptolemy (Physcon), still seeking to add 
Cyprus to hìs share of the kingdom; was forced to surrender 
to Philometor at Lapethus (cp. Polybius, 39. 7). 

1 So Feder: °Apiapábyy S. 
2 So Dindorf : orpareías P. 
3 So Valesius : åreipías P. 


158/7 B.C. 


r ” 2 5 > a r PR 
dðvys, dovàov & v èk maàuðv ypóvwv. roro 
Lèv ècúàņoe kal rà mpocoheiàóueva tõv ôhwviwv 
35. “Ori Hpovoias ó Bhuvôv Pacideùs drorvyàv 
A A m~ bi ki y m~ 
tis èmpoàfs rs mept ròv ”Arradov. Tò mpò Ttĝs 
ld + hi z + 
móàcews Téuevos Tò kadoŭúpevov Nirnoópiov Šu- 
z p3 A `, ? d > z bi 4 
éhheipev raì tròv veàv éàvuývaro. èoúànņoe Šè kal 
Toùs dvõpidvras kal rà trv Îeðv čóava kal rò 
2 y a 3? A Pps y 
nepiPõnrov yaua Tot ` Aorkànmoð, okov Ëpyov 
evar Dupouáyov, mepirrÂÕs kateckevacpévov, kal 
TE IEG, AS S) A > e a PO ` ` 
Tà iepà mávr” súa. av? &v aùr® rtayù rò 
Saruóviov êneocýuawe: ts yàp Öuvduews Svoev- 
e A Ea A 
Tepig nepirecoúons ot nmÀcoroi TÔvV oTpatiwrTÂv 
Srephapnoav. nmapanàhoiov é ri cuvéßn kal mepi 
tiv vavrik)v Õúvajuv: TOÔ yàp oródov yeuðv 
> A 
nmapaàóyw nepinecóvros èv TÅ Iponrovrð. ovvéßn 
Tv mõrv nods uèv aùroîs Toîs avðpdow Únò ris 
Ea ` bi A 
baàdoons raranobivar, trivàs è mpòs tùv yĝv 
èkneoóvras vavayĝĵoai. kal tàs mpÉTas dpoipàs 
~ ~ 2 
tis eis rò beîov doeßeias toradras? èkopicaro. 
(Const. Eze. 2 0) pp. 289- -290.) 
36. “Ori oi ‘Põdior éxovres dyxívorav kal mpo- 
oraclav, kal Taúrņ xpõpevot, Šieréàovv. kabarepeit 
+ Ea 
tiwas ékovolovs ġópovs Àaußdvovres nmapà tôv 
Baoiàéwv. èm®egiois yàp bwneúpaci? kal foi- 
gauacı tiuÕvrTes Toùs èv ékovolais ővras, kal TOÔTO 
+ hj A "~ 
npárrovres Peßaiws kal perà modiis mpovoias, 
noàaràaciovs yápiras kopitovraı kal Šwpeds 
A t hJ 
Aaufpávovo: napà rôv Pacıiàéuw. napà yàp Anun- 
A Ed 
rpiov čìaßov mupôv Šwpedv eikoci pupidðas peði- 


BOOK XXXI. 34. 1—36. 1 

is called, though from remote times it had been held 
inviolable. This he robbed, and paid off the arrears 
of their wages. 

35. King Prusias of Bithynia, having failed in his 
design on Attalus, destroyed the sanctuary outside 
the walls, known as the Nicephorium,! and despoiled 
the temple. He also carried off the votive statues, the 
images of the gods, and the famous statue of As- 
clepius, reputed to be by the hand of Phyromachus, 
a piece of extraordinary workmanship; and he 
plundered all the shrines. The divine power was 
quick to requite him in signal fashion. The army 
was stricken with dysentery, and the greater part of 
his soldiers perished. A similar fate overtook his 
naval forces : for when the fleet ran into a sudden 
storm in the Propontis, many of the vessels were 
swallowed up by the sea, men and all, while some 
were driven on the shore and wrecked. Such were 
the first returns he received for his sacrilege. 

36. The Rhodians, thanks to their shrewdness and 
the uses to which they turned their prestige, kept 
receiving payments of voluntary tribute, so to speak, 
from the kings. For by honouring whatever men 
are in power with clever flatteries and public decrees, 
and doing this, moreover, with assurance and keen 
foresight, they gain favours and receive donations of 
many times the value from the kings. From Deme- 
trius, for example, they received a gift of two hundred 
thousand measures of wheat and a hundred thousand 

1 See note on Book 28. 5. For a fuller account of the war 
see Polybius, 32. 15-16. 

1 So Büttner-Wobst : mávras P, mávra Vulgate. 
2 raúras Dindorf. 
3 So Wurm: årorņuaci V. 


156 B.C. 


"~ A + y LA 
væv, kpbs dè ðéka, kat Eùpévns mpooopeiAwv 
“~ 2 3 
Tpeîs pupidðas èreredevrýrei ennyyeiñaro è kal 
hi t e À ` A lA 3 AiO 
rò Oéarpov ò Paoideùs karasrevdoeiw ék Alĝov 
àcukoð. ‘Pédior uèv ov kdàora rôv ‘EMhvwv 
moùTevőuevot moÀoùs čoyov ápuwpévovs TÖV 
Svvacrôv eis tàs Ts móÀcws eùepyecias. 

37. Kalóàov è eis roùòs ayôvas Abav orep 
has la ~ lA k ~ ? 2 b A 
Tà KiBònàa TÕv vopuopdTwv dÀdoîos épavy kal Tòv 

módeuov Toîs liors dÀarrópacw nòEnoev. 
e O 2 3 + f4 + x 
Ori ot ‘Póðioi édókovv mapanràýoióv Ti me- 
novĝévat raîs rv åpkrwv kuvņyiais. kal yàp 
èkeîva Tà Onpia karà rò péyehos kal Tv aàrùv 
A F Là 3 ` 3 ~ la 
Sokoðvra elvai hoßepå, èneðàv aùroîs mpooßdàw- 
A L ki m 
ow oi kuvnyoðvres Kkvviðia pmkpå, dvepyà È rais 
dàkaîs, rò Troútwv eùyepéorarta TpénovTat. èxóv- 
“~ 4 
Twv yàp aùrÕv Toùs nmóðas áraňoùs kal CapKwÕELS, 
èk rôv Únrnokdrw pepõv Õákvovra TAS TMTÉpvas 
davaykáģet Kalitew, čws äv Tis TÕv kuvyyerôv 
$ ~ "~ 
Baàùv èmróyy' ŝià yàp rw Bpaðurĵra Kal vo- 
kmoiav dõvvare? fpaîŭpat Tis TÕv rkuvðiwv 
eħadpórnros. xal oi ‘Póðiot Sraßeßonpévyv ëyov- 
"a a 3 ~ 
Tes Tv èv Toîs vavtrikoîs dyĝðow Únmepox)v mò 
pviw? kal rpaywðiwv? mavreðs pkpõv mapa- 
Sóéws ovykvkàovuevo mavrayólev eis Svoypnoriav 
évéminrov TV pEyioTyv. 
Gd b m“ la ld ka A 
39. "Ore èv ri KeàrßBnpig nós v pkpà 
1 Boissevain suggests úreî$ar, Post perâpar. 

2 So Müller: pvaiwv V. 
3 Perhaps corrupt. Mai’s reading, eùaywĝiwv, was emended 


BOOK XXXI. 36. 1—39. 1 

of barley, and Eumenes still owed them thirty thou- 
sand at his death 1; this king had also promised to do 
over their theatre in marble. Thus the Rhodians, 
while maintaining the best government in Greece, 
induced many princes to vie with one another in con- 
ferring benefactions upon them. 

37. But in general when he was put to the test of o 155 ».c. 

combat, like base coin he was found to be of other 
metal, and by his personal shortcomings he enlarged 
the war.? 

38. What happened to the Rhodians was rather 
like a bear hunt. For indeed these beasts, which in 
size and strength appear so fearsome, are very easily 
routed when hunters unleash against them little dogs 
that, though small, are active and brave. For since 
bears have tender and`fleshy feet, the snapping at 
their heels from beneath compels them to sit still 
until one of the hunters gets in a blow that strikes 
home, their slow and cumbersome movements making 
it impossible for them to . . . the nimbleness of the 
dogs. So the Rhodians, though world-renowned for 
their superiority in naval w arfare, when unexpectedly 
surrounded on all sides by a fleet of midget ships, 
“ mice ” and “ goats,” were plunged into the greatest 

39. There was in Celtiberia a small city named 

1 Polybius, 31. 31, notes with disapproval their acceptance 
of a gift of 280,000 measures of grain from Eumenes. 
he reference, as appears from Polybius, 33. 4, is to 
Atistocrates, the Rhodian commander in the war with Crete. 
3 The exact occasion is unknown, but may pertain to the 
war with Crete. 

by Dindorf to dxaríwv, by Herwerden to Àapwslwv. But cp. 
Pollux, 1. 83, for Lycian ships called rpdyor. 
4 So Mai: gvykaħoúpevor V. 


153 B.C. 


Beyéða! kañovpévn, kal Traúrys peydànv èriðocw 
Aaßoúons èpmhioavro aùrův peitova karacrevá- 
bew. ġ Sè oúykànros ónronmrevoaca rhv émi mÀeîov 
tràs ovvłýkas, êv als v oùv Aois mÀeiooi ye- 
ypaupévov pyðè kribew nóv éźtovoíav ëyew 
Keàrißnpas ävev ‘Pwpaiwv. amekpibn Sé ris Tv 
mpeoßurépwv övopa Kdárupos öre kribew pèv 
aùroùs ai ovvbfijkat kwàŭúovow, aŭte ðè rTàs 
martpiðas oùk dmayopeúovow' aúroùs Sè uù kriew 
LÀ yeyevnuévyy nów, dÀàà tv osav èmiokevd- 
tev: oùðèv è mapà tràs ovvôýkras mpárrew oùðè? 
Tò Kowov člos návrwv davðpònmwv. kal tà pèv 
dààa nebapyeiv ‘Pwpaiois kal ovuudyovs elva 
npolúuws, ònrórav aùroîs ypeia yévnrtat, tis Šè 
KATA THV TOÀAW oikoðouias kar oùðéva Òù Tpórov 
dnoorýoeoðai. roô è nàńlovs ópohvuaðov èr- 
onuawopévov Tv yvóunv, ot npeoßevrat ti ovy- 
kàjTw rañra anýyyerav: ý Õe éùvoe tràs ovvôýrkas 
kal móàeuov ênýveykev. 

40. “Ori roùs ‘Eàànvikoùs modéuovs efs Karpòs 
kpivet, roùòs sè KeàrBnpixoùs ý vié Karà rò 
mÀcîorov iéÀvoe, ris ákuis rv davðpôv kal Tîs 
öpuñs čte pevoúons, Tov ðè móňeuov oŬðè* yeruwv 
SéAvoe. ÕtÒ kal Tov Óró Tiwwv Àeyópevov múpiwvov 
móàeuov oùk àv ËTepóv Tis ) ToPTOV vońoerev. 

(Const. Exc. 4, pp. 375-377.) 

1 So Mai, but the fourth letter is uncertain (a, o, or ov 
rather than e) Other sources give Xeyýôa, Leyhðn, or Le- 
algo Dindorf: oðre V. 

3 ù suggested by Boissevain from faint traces in V. 

4 So Mal: of Sè V. 


BOOK XXXI. 39. 1—40. 1 

Begeda,! which, because of a great increase in popu- 
lation, they voted to enlarge. The Roman senate, 
viewing with suspicion their growth in strength, sent 
out a commission to stop them in accordance with 
the treaty, wherein it was stated, along with much 
else, that without the consent of the Romans the 
Celtiberians might not found a city. One ofthe elders, 
named Cacyrus, replied that the agreement prevented 
them from founding a city but did not forbid them 
to enlarge their old homes; that they were not 
founding a city that had not previously been there, 
but were reconstructing the city already in existence, 
and so were doing nothing in violation of the treaty 
or of the common practice of all mankind. In all 
else, he said, they were obedient to the Romans, 
and were wholeheartedly their allies, whenever occa- 
sion required their help, but they would in no wise, 
he added, desist from building their city. When the 
assembly with one accord signified its approval of 
these words, the envoys returned with their answer 
to the senate. The senate then voided the treaty 
and began hostilities. 

40. Whereas a single occasion decides the outcome 
of wars in Greece, in the Celtiberian wars night 
generally separated the combatants with vigour and 
energy still undiminished, and even winter did not 
bring the war to an end. Hence the term “ fiery 
war,” used by some, brings this war to mind before 
any other. 

1 Better, Segeda : see critical note. Certain other details 
on this opening incident of the Celtiberian War may be 
found in Appian, Hisp. 44, probably based on Polybius, 

2 The treaty had been made a generation earlier (179 s.c.) 
by Ti. Sempronius Gracchus. 

3 This passage is harshly compressed from Polybius, 35. 1. 



40a. “Ore TÔ Anuntpiw náv êk trÕv öyàwv 
enéorn nepi trs Baciàeias kivðuvos ià Tv Tmpòs 
aùròv AÀàorpiórnra. rv yàp pmobopópwv ris 
’Avõpiakos õvopa, Tv ðè öpw kal rův hAiav 
píokos övopa, T) ùv Å 
óuolav yaw Ďiinnw TÔ IHepoéws við, rò pèv 
npårov Ýnò TÔv yvwpipwv okwnTero Kai Tlepoéws 
vios ånmekaàeîro’: rayù è mapa rToîs moois ó 
Adyos êmoreúbn. roð ðè ’`Avðpiokou karà Tv TÕv 
nmoðv pnuÌy anmoroàuńoavrtos, kal uù póvov 
éavròv Iepoéws pdokovros viðv, GÀÀà kal nÀaoTiy 
yéveow kal Tpoġiv anoġawopévov, kal perà Ö%àov 
mpooeàlóvros TÖ AnunTtpiw kal mapakaàobvros 
.aùròv katayayeîv eis Makeðoviav éni Thv natTpwav 
Bacıiàeiav, tò pèv mpôrov ó Anuýrpios čoyev œs 
nepi pwpot? roô Sè mÀýlovs áðporobévros, kal 
ToMðv ÀeyõvTwv Sev ì katáyew TÒV ’Avòpíarov 
Ñ Tapaywpeîv rs àpxĥs Tòv Aņuýrpiov, et pýre 
Súvaraı uńre Boúderat Baordevew, popnbeis TIV 
Tôv öyAwv ofóTNTa vUKTÒS avvéňaße tov ’ Avðpiokov 
kal napaxpÎpa els Tù “Poun anéorteie, Šia- 
gaġôv Tà Àcyópeva mept aùrToô ti ovykàýrw. 
(Const. Exc. 3, pp. 201-202.) 
. "Ore oi Keàripnpes perà Tv vikņyv oùk 
TAA Tpovooúpevor To Lé AAovTos mpeofevràs 
eganéoreidav mpos TÒV ÜTATOV mepi Sraàúoews. ó 
Sè dvaykañov ýyoúuevos Typečv Tò Ths maTtpiðos 
peyaàópvyov ánekpiðy roúrois Ñ) SDóvat mepi náv- 
1 So de Boor : mepiyuvov (3. acc.) S; mepuavi Müller, mepi 
póvov Feder, Dindorf’. 

1 Possibly “ abdicate in favour of Andriscus.” This 
incident, of uncertain date, probably took place at Antioch. 


BOOK XXXI. 40a. 1—41. 1 

40a. Once again a popular uprising, due to the dis- © 
affection of the masses, threatened Demetrius with 
the loss of his throne. One of his mercenary troops, 
a man named Andriscus, bore a close resemblance 
to Philip, the son of Perseus, both in appearance and 
stature, and while at first it was only in jest and de- 
rision that his friends called him “ son of Perseus,” 
soon the statement won popular credence. Andriscus, 
boldly taking his cue from this talk, not only declared 
that he was indeed the son of Perseus, but adducing 
a fictitious story of his birth and upbringing, even 
approached Demetrius with a crowd of followers and 
called upon him to restore him to Macedonia and to 
the throne of his fathers. Now Demetrius at first 
regarded him as a crank. But when the populace had 
gathered, and many speakers declared that Deme- 
trius should either restore Andriscus or, if he could 
not or would not play the king, should abdicate,! 
Demetrius, fearing the quick temper of the mob, 
had Andriscus arrested during the night and sent 
him off straightway to Rome with a full report to the 
senate of the claims made for the man. 

41. After this victory the Celtiberians, with a 
prudent eye to the future, sent envoys to the consul 
to treat for peace.? The consul, however, feeling that 
it was incumbent upon him to maintain the proud 
Roman tradition, told them in reply either to place 

The whole career of Andriscus is outlined in Zonaras, 9. 28 ; 
cp. also below, Book 32. 9a, 9b, and 15. 

2 Generally referred to the defeat of Q. Fulvius Nobilior, 
23 August 153 s.c., and the negotiations with the consul 
of 152 »B.c., M. Claudius Marcellus. But the attitude of 
Marcellus was more conciliatory, and the consul here is 
therefore probably Nobilior himself. The order of the 
fragments is not in this case decisive. 



tæv èmrporiv ‘Powpaiois À mpårrew èvepyôs rà 
Toĵ moàépov. (Const. Exc. 1, pp. 403-404.) 

42. "Ori roùs "Ifnpas kal Avoiravoùs òvopáķer. 
dyol yàp s Méupos éžaméňekus orparnyòs eis 
Tùv `Ifnpiav ¿tanéoraàto perà vváuews, ot ðè 
Avoiravol ovorpahévres mpòs aùròv kat Àaßóvres 
åmapágkevov èk kaTáTtàov, páxy Te èvirnoav kat 
Tò mÀeîorov To orparob Sépherpav. nepipoýrov 
Sè yevopévns ris rÕv `IBpwv eùbnpepias, oi pèv 
’Apovakoi, vopicavres moù kpeitrovs elvai TV 
IBúpæv, kareppóvnoav rv moàeuiwv, kal TÒ TÀÑ- 

os Tò karà tùv ekkàņoiav ià raúryv paora Thv 
airlav elÀero ròv npòs ‘Pwpaiovs mõàepov. 
(Photius, Bibl. p. 383 B.) 

43. "Ore ó rôv ‘Poðiwv õfpos èmnppévos uèv 
TÔ buvu mpòs Tùv eis ròv móàepov öppův kal 
nmapackevýv, amorintrwv ŠèÈ év taîs èmpodaîs, eis 
mapaàóyovs evvoias évémrre kal maparànoiovs 
Toîs èv raîs? pakpaîs vógois Švonorpoðow. èreîvoi 
Te yàp ôrav taîs mapà rv iarpôv Îepareiais 
únrakovoavres unõèv BéAriov ådmadárrwct, karta- 
heúyovow émi roùs Oúras kai pdvrteis, čviot Õè 
mpooðéyovraı tàs énwşàs kai mavroðanrà yévn 
nmepiárrwv, kat oi ‘Póðiot mapaàóyws êv máoas, 
raîs èmpodaîs drorinrtovres eis Tàs åmò TÖV kaTa- 
hpovovpévwv Bonheias karépevyov kai Towaîr 
énparrov èE Ôv katayéàaorot mapà Toîs dÀÀois 
épedov úroànghýocoha. 

44. "Ori où% Ñ) karagkevů kal trò péyebos trõv 
vyõv, dÀX ý rópa kai r&v davôpayabovvrwv ér- 
Barârv ai yeîpes karaywvibovrar. 

(Const. Exc. 4, p. 377.) 


BOOK XXXI. 41. 1—44. 1 

themselves enñtirely at the disposal of the Romans or 
to carry on the war in earnest. 

42. Diodorus also calls the Iberians Lusitanians. 
For he says that the praetor Mummius was sent with 
an army to Iberia and that the Lusitanians, gathering 
in force and catching him off guard as he came to 
land, defeated him in battle and wiped out the 
greater part of his army. When the news of the 
Iberian victory became known, the Arevaci,! con- 
sidering themselves far superior to the Iberians, 
made light of the enemy, and the people in their 
assembly, when they elected to enter the war against 
the Romans, acted chiefly for this reason. 

43. Although the Rhodian people had been aroused 
to enthusiastic and eager preparations for the war, 
yet when they were unlucky in their ventures they 
lapsed into strange ways of thinking, like men long 
ill who lose heart. For when such men find them- 
selves no better after observing the regimen pre- 
scribed by their physicians, they have recourse to 
those who deal in sacrifice and divination, while some 
countenance the use of spells and all sorts of amulets. 
So the Rhodians, suddenly failing in all their ventures, 
had recourse to the aid of men whom they ordinarily 
held in contempt, and took a course that was bound 
to make them ridiculous in the eyes of others.? 

44., Tt is not the equipment and size of the ships 
that bring victory, but the deeds and daring of the 
stout fighters aboard them. 

1 A people of Further Celtiberia. For the defeat of L. 
Mummius (called Memmius in the Greek text) see Appian, 
Hisp. 56. 2 Based on Polybius, 33. 17. 

tł So Rhodoman : èk mapackevõv A, èxnapdoxevov dett. 
2 So Mai: roîs V. 3 So Dindorf: dradàdrrovo V. 


153 B.C. 


45. "Ori ot Kpĝres karanàcúoavres els Xipvov 
mpocéßaňov T) móde kal trà èv kararànédpevot 
rà è étararoavres mapeðéyínoav évròs tôv 
reyv: ğóvres è mionv wore unðèv Adike, 
xpopevor è T ovvýber rois Kpnoiv ålecia týv rte 
TOÀ eénvðparoðioavro kal troùs trÕv Îeĝv vaoùs 
ovàńoavres eis Kpýryv .. 3 rKardyopot rTaîs 
ddedeciais vres. rTayù è TS Tmapavouias aùToîs 
Tò Oeov ènéðyke rùv Sikyv, mapaðótws TÙv 
dcéßeiav aùrôv èémonunvapévov tro Šarpoviov. 
ovuvavaykachévres yàp Úno TÕv Tmoepiwv vVUKTÒS 
nmorýoaohar Tòv ékmàovv Õià TÒ Seðévar Ta peyéðN 
tv orkahõv, peyaàov mveúpartos émippáčavtTos ot 
màeîtorot pèv únoßpúyiot kareróðnņoav únò Tis 
Oaàdoons, Tiwwès Sè raîs mpòs T yÅ méTpars mpoo- 
paxlévres amwàovto, mavreiðs Sè oÀiyot Öresw- 
Onoav oi ris? karà rtoùs Zugviovs abeoias pù 
PETAOXŐVTES. (Const. Exc. 2 (1), pp. 290-291.) 


BOOK XXXI. 45. 1 

45. The Cretans, putting in at Siphnos, assaulted 
the city and by intimidation and deceit gained admis- 
sion within the walls. Having pledged their word to 
commit no wrong, but acting with customary Cretan 
faithlessness, they enslaved the city, and after sack- 
ing the temples of the gods (set sail) for Crete, laden 
with their spoil. Swiftly the gods inflicted upon them 
the penalty for their transgressions, and the divine 
power signally dealt with their impiety in unexpected 
fashion. For through fear of the enemy and his large 
ships they were forced to set sail at night, and, when 
a gale burst upon them, most of the men were 
swallowed up by the waves, while some were dashed 
to death against the rocky shore, and a mere remnant 
were saved—those who had had no part in the perfidy 
practised upon the Siphnians. 

1 Valesius suggests arýeoav. 
2 tis added by Valesius. 



1. “Ore Kapynëóviot moàceuýoavres npòs Maca- 
+ Ip TA A v e 2 
vdoonv čðočav karadeàvukévat tàs mpos ‘Pwpalovs 
ovvbýkas. npeoßevodvrwv è aùrâv, ådrókpiow 
EDwkav clðévat ô SeT yevéobar. oap Sè Tùv 
àrókpiow oi Kapynòóviot Aaßóvres èv peyáàn 
tapayĝ Únñpxov. 
Gj eA e 7 z , 
2. “Ori ot tràs hyepovias nmepirorýoachar Bovàd- 
pevot krÊvrat pèv aùtas avòpeig kal ouvéoet, mpòs 
aŭnow òè ueydànv dyovow èmweikeig kat piÀav- 
z > la bS 2 b z 
Opwriq, dodaàitovrar Sè póßw kai kararàńčer 
, ` ` > , r sl a 7 
roúTrwv è ras dmoðeikeis Adßois àv taîs nmdàa 
norè ovoraleicais Suvacreiais émiorhoas Tòv vov 
A A [A e e 
kat TÅ petà Taĵra yevopévy ‘Pwpaiwv hyepovig. 
3. “Ori TÔv npeoßevrõv rv Kapynðoviwv roùs? 
airiouvs To noàépov toô npòs Macavasonv keko- 
Aakéva? anoġawopévæv, trv k toô ouveðpiov 
tivòs dvapwvýoavros, Kal môs où map’ aùròv ròv 
kapòv kareôikdobnoav oi rÅs Sirahopâs airiot ye- 
yovórtes, QÀÀA ueETà TV katTáàvow ToÔ nmoàéuov; 
1 åy added by Dindorf. 

2 toùs added by Dindorf. 
3 So Dindorf: xexoñaxevkéevar V. 

1 By the terms of the treaty of 201 s.c. the Carthaginians 
were forbidden to wage war, even in Africa, without the 



1. The Carthaginians, by engaging Masinissa in 150 r.c. 

war, were considered to have violated their treaty 
with Rome.! Upon sending an embassy, they were 
told that the Romans knew what ought to be done. 
Since the answer they received was so ambiguous, 
the Carthaginians were greatly disturbed. 

2. Those whose object is to gain dominion over 
others use courage and intelligence to get it, modera- 
tion and consideration for others to extend it widely, 
and paralysing terror to secure it against attack. The 
proofs of these propositions are to be found in atten- 
tive consideration of the history of such empires as 
were created in ancient times as well as of the Roman 
domination that succeeded them.? 

3. When the envoys of the Carthaginians announced 
that they had punished those responsible ? for the 
war against Masinissa, a member of the senate 
exclaimed : “ And why were those responsible for 
the dispute not punished then and there, instead of 

consent of Rome. In the winter of 151/0 s.c., after long 
provocation, they fought the Numidians in a brief and un- 
successful war.—This poorly condensed passage seems to be 
a mere doublet of chap. 3, though it may be noted that 
Appian, Pun. 74, mentions two embassies to Rome. 

2 Possibly, with chap. 4, an excerpt from the preface to 
the book. 

3 Hasdrubal and Carthalo (Appian, Pun. 74). 



oi rôv Kapynðoviwv mpeoßeis dmeorwnmyoav, oùk 
y $ 3 $ kA 3 # € 4 
čyovres Õikarov oùðè eüoyov aródaow. ù\ &è 
oúykànros anópaow ¿wke Svorpdredov ral vo- 
raravóņrov’ ¿ðoyudrioe yàp ywwokew Toùs Pw- 
palovs ô Òe? mpårrew aùToŬs. 
(Const. Exc. 4, p. 378.) 
4. “Ore Dirrros ò `Apuivrov Sovàcvovoav `IAv- 
pioîs tv Nyepoviav mapaàaßaw, toîs ràois dpa 
kal TÅ katà Tġv orparnyiav åyywoig Thv Baoiàeiav 
àvekrýoaTto, Taúryv Šè peyiorv TÖV KATA TÅV 
pepóuevos rToîs kparņnherow. ’Abnvaiovs yàp 
auhþioßnroðvras rs yepovias vikýoas èmihave? 
LÁXN, Toùs pèv rereàeuTykóras TÖV NTTNUÉVÆV 
àráhovs moeder pévovS peT TOAS êmiueeias 
3 AN Ai ĝe SÀó e A ô Ài Ed 
ekhðevoe, roùs è dàóvras úrèp ŠıoyıÀlovs övras 
A 3 hl Ed + > ld 3 A XQ 7 
ròv àptðpòv vev Aúrpwv anéàvoev eis tùv iav 
matpiða. Toryapoĝv oi mepl Ts Hyepovias cià TV 
öràwv ayæwviodpevoi Õià TÅV eis aùtToùs émeireav 


e 7 ? 4 a n N 7 2 e e. 
EKOVOLWS eéexyópnoav TNS TWV Edývwv aPXNS, O 

Sè Sià moðv ayævwv kal kiwvðúvwv uù) ðvvápevos 
tuye ris apys ĉa pâs didavðpwrias čape 
mapà rv moàepiwwv ebedovriv tv rĝs ‘EMdõos 
Nyepoviav, kat Tv TeÀcuraiav ths Baoieias mapa- 
Loviv TÔ góßw raréoye, karaokdias möv 
t A kid e + 3 $ 2 3 
pvpiavðpov Tv “Oàvvĝov. ópoíws' Sè roútw kal 
e A O’ 1 2 ? O e z A z 
ó viòs °` Adéfavðpos? Ońßas uèv dpráoas T TaÚTNsS 


1 So Valesius: pws P. 
2 So Salmasius, Valesius : °Aàeċávôpov P. 

1 Presumably the Carthaginians. According to Appian 
(loc. cit.) the Romans told the Carthaginians that they * had 
not yet sufficiently cleared themselves ° and must “ give 


BOOK XXXII. 3. 1—4. 3 

at the end of the war?” At this the Carthaginian 
envoys stood silent, having no honest or plausible 
reply to give. The senate then returned them an 
awkward and elusive answer, for they adopted the 
statement that the Romans well knew what they 1 
ought to do. 

4. Philip, the son of Amyntas, having succeeded to 
the throne at a time when Macedonia was enslaved 
by the Illyrians,? wrested his kingdom from them by 
force of arms and by his shrewdness as a military 
commander, but it was by the moderation that he 
displayed towards the vanquished that he made it 
the greatest power in Europe. When, for example, 
in a famous battle ? he defeated the Athenians who 
disputed his dominance in Greece, he took great 
pains with the funeral of those slain in the defeat 
and left behind unburied, while he released without 
ransom and sent back to their own land the captives, 
to the number of more than two thousand. As a 
result those who had taken up arms in the contest 
for leadership now, because of his clemency towards 
them, willingly resigned their authority over the 
Greek states ; while he, who in many struggles and 
battles had failed to achieve that authority, through 
a single act of kindness received with the free con- 
sent of his opponents the leadership of all Hellas. 
And finally he secured the permanence of his king- 
dom by the use of fear, when he levelled to the 
ground a populous city, Olynthus. In like manner 
his son Alexander, after seizing Thebes, by the de- 

satisfaction to the Romans.” Asked to spell out what this 
meant, the Romans replied “ that the Carthaginians well 

2 Cp. Book 16. 1. 

3 The battle of Chaeronea, 338 s.c. ; cp. Book 16. 87. 



Tis móňews dmwÀeig TOÙS TMpÒS VEwTEPLOLÒV Öppw- 
uévovs `Abnvaiovs kal Aakreðarpoviovs TiS àmo- 
oráoews ànérpepev, ev Sè rois mpòs roùs Ilépoas 
moàépois emeikéorata ypwpevos Tos alypaNoTois 
où uóvov dvõpeiíq dÀàà kal uepre mepiponry 
Toùs karà Tv `Aciav oikoðvras èmbÂuunràs čoye 
Tis lias àpxhs. 

Er è roîs vewrépois ypõvors ‘Pwuator ris Tôv 
SÀwv ýyeuovias pexhévTes ovveorýoavro pèv aŭti 
Sià ris rv öràwv åvõpelas, mpòs aŭnow Šè ue- 
yiorņny Ñyayov émeéoraTa ypwpevot Tos kaTa- 
moàcunÂeîow. rocortov yàp ånméoyov TIS KaTÀ 
Sokeîv uù) ós modeuiois AX ©s eùepyérais kal 
hioi! mpoopépeoĝðar. oi uèv yàp kparņlévres 
npooeðókwv tris èoydrys Teúeoða tiuwpias ©s 
moàépuot yeyovõres, of è rparoðvres únrepßoàyv 
èmeikeias érépois où karéàeimov. ols pèv yàp 
noùrelas peréðooav, ots è émiyapias? ovveywpn- 
cav, triol òè tùv aùrovopiav aréðocav, oùvðevi 
ö pvyoikakhoavrtes mkpóTepov TOÔ ĎéovToS. Toryap- 
ov à rhv únmeppoàv ts ýuepórnTos ol re 
Paoiheîs kal al móÀers kal avààńßðnv rà čðvy mpòs 
TAV ‘Popaiwy iyepoviav nèropónoav. oŬrot Òè 
ayeðòv TV QPXŇV TATNS râs oikovpévns ëxovrtes 
Tarv johaňcavro póßw kal ri Tv émpaveord- 
Twv nóewv ànmwieig. Kópwbov yàp katréokapav 
kal roùs kara trùv Mareðoviav êppiboróunoav, olov 
ròv Ilepoća, kal Kapxyņnðóva karéokańav kal èv 

BOOK XXXIIL. 4. 3-5 

struction of this city deterred from rebellion the 
Athenians and Lacedaemonians, who were starting 
to revolt ; yet in his Persian campaigns, by treating 
prisoners of war with the greatest kindness, he made 
the renown of his clemency as well as his courage 
contribute to his success in making the Asiatics eager 
to be ruled by him. 

In more recent times the Romans, when they 
went in pursuit of world empire, brought it into being 
by the valour of their arms, then extended its in- 
fluence far and wide by the kindest possible treatment 
of the vanquished. So far, indeed, did they abstain 
from cruelty and revenge on those subjected to them 
that they appeared to treat them not as enemies, but 
as if they were benefactors and friends. Whereas 
the conquered, as former foes, expected to be visited 
with fearful reprisals, the conquerors left no room 
for anyone to surpass them in clemency. Some they 
enrolled as fellow citizens, to some they granted 
rights of intermarriage, to others they restored their 
independence, and in no case did they nurse a resent- 
ment that was unduly severe. Because of their sur- 
passing humanity, therefore, kings, cities, and whole 
nations went over to the Roman standard. But once 
they held sway over virtually the whole inhabited 
world, they confirmed their power by terrorism and 
by the destruction of the most eminent cities. 
Corinth they razed to the ground, the Macedonians 
(Perseus for example) they rooted out, they razed 

1 modepiors . > . eùepyéras . . . ġois] Nock suggests ro- 
Àépiot . . . edepyérat . . . ior 'P has moàeuiovs, corrected 
by, Valesius, and ečepyeras (s. acc.). 

2 So Valesius : xe coba P. 
3 So Salmasius, alesius ; : émyapius P. 



Keàripnpig thv Nopavriav, kat moààoùs kare- 

5. "Ori a$óðpa ot ‘Pwpaîoi hidoripoðvrar Širai- 
ous évioraoĝĵaı roùs moàéuovs kal pnòèv eiki kal 
nponerðs mept rÕv Torobrwv ymhibeoba. 

(Const. Exc. 2 (1), pp. 291-292.) 

6. “Orn tv ‘Pwpaiwv orpatevodvrwv. mpòs 
Kapynõoviovs, ot Kapgnõðóvioi mvðópevoi Tòv ets 

4 z + bi A h td 
Tò Aúßfarov karáràovv Kat mpos rtòv móňepov 

? ~ 7 x 3E kd 
oùðapðs karaßaivovres mpeoßevràs èkéreppav eis 
‘Põunv, ot èveyeipioav toîs ‘Pwpaiois éavroús te 
kal rs matpios tà mpáypara. ý è oúykànrTos 
Setauévy rýv mapáðoow Tis xøpas éðwkev amókpi- 
ow, ènel kaìðs Bovàevovraı Kapxnõóvior, Siwo 
aùroîs ý) oúykàņrTos vóuovs, xyØðpav, itepá, Tá$ovs, 
E4 7 e kJ A Ea f A 
eìevlepiav, Ürapéw, obðauod nmpoorbeioa mów tùv 
Kapynõóva, maparpúnrovoa Šè Thv raúrņns ávaípe- 
ow. Teúćeolai 8è roúrwv rv hiàavðpwmiðv, àv 
ópýpovs Šo Tpiakogiovs vioùs TÖV OVYKÀANTIKÕV 
kal melbðwvrat tois únrò rv dndárwv mapayyeàào- 

2 pévois. oi Õè vouisavrtes åmoàcàúobat TOÔ moàépov 
Pa bd A 
roùs ópńpovs éémepfpav perà modis oipwyĵs. 
celra ÑÀbov eis 'Irórynv* ot ðè máùv mpeoßevràs 
eféneppav roùs mevoopévovs et Tt čTepov aùroîs 
oi ‘Pwpaîot morty kedeúovoi. rTtÔv è Ýrárwv 
? + ô A ` v À 1 SÀ A AI 
einóvrwv mapaðoðvaı Tà Ömàa dðóàws Kal Toùs 
karanéàras, ot ÔÈ Tò pèv mpõrTov Õtà TÒV mpos 
’Acôpoúpav móňcpov Bapéws čġepov: mapéňaßov õè 

BOOK XXXII. 4. 5—6. 2 

Carthage and the Celtiberian city of Numantia, and 
there were many whom they cowed by terror. 

5. The Romans make it a point to embark only 
upon wars that are just, and to make no casual or 
precipitate decisions about such matters.* 

6. When the Romans sent out an expeditionary 
force against the Carthaginians and news reached 
Carthage that the fleet was already at Lilybaeum, 
the Carthaginians, abstaining from all acts of hostility, 
sent legates to Rome,? who placed themselves and 
their country at the disposal of the Romans. The 
senate, accepting their surrender, made answer that 
inasmuch as the Carthaginians were well advised, 
the senate granted them their laws, territory, sanctu- 
aries, tombs, freedom, and property (the city of 
Carthage, however, was nowhere mentioned, their 
intention to destroy it being suppressed): these 
mercies the Carthaginians were to obtain provided 
they gave three hundred hostages, senators’ sons, 
and obeyed the orders of the consuls. The Cartha- 
ginians, thinking that they were quit of the war, 
sent the hostages, not without great lamentation. 
Then the Romans arrived in Utica.? Carthage again 
sent envoys to learn if the Romans had further de- 
mands to make upon them. When the consuls told 
them to surrender, without fraud, their arms and 
artillery, they were at first cast down, inasmuch as 
they were at war with Hasdrubal 4; none the less 

1 For the sentiment cp. Polybius, 36. 2 and frag. 99. 

2 For the narrative ep. Polybius, 36. 2-6, and, more fully, 
Appian, Pun. 15 ff. 

3 Utica had already surrendered to Rome. 

4 Now in exile, Hasdrubal had taken up arms against the 

1 So Ursinus: rén O. 

149 B.C. 


Sràwv navroðanÂv cikocı pvpidðas kal karanéàras 
õioyiàlovs. eira mdàw oi ‘Pwpañoi Seréppavro 
npòs Kapynõoviovs drooreñai twas èk ris ye- 
povoías reàeúovres, oîs! TÒ katTañeinópeyov mpõo- 

3 raypa iaoaphoovow. ot è tpiákovra TÖV èm- 
haveordrwv dnéorerdav. Ò Òè mpeofórepos Tv 
úndádrwv Mavihos? elnev öre T ovykàńrw SéðokTar 
Ñv pèv võv oikoĝoi nów èkùneîv, érépav òè rrioar 
tis adoos dnréyovoav oraðiovs oyðońkovra. 
TÕv ğè npeofevrõrv eis oîkrtov kal éàeov Tpanévtwv, 
kal ndvrav pubdvrwv éavroùs émi trùìv yîv Kal 
moàùv kÀàavhpov perà akpúwv nmpoïepévwv, ia- 
Tpon) peydàn To ovvéðpiov éréoyev. póyis* ðè TÔv 
Kapynðoviwv darò ris karanàńgews avadetapévwv, 
uóvos ó Bàávrvæwv raħoúpevos oikeiav Tis mepi- 
aordocews pwviv npoépevos Šieàéxðn mapaoratıxðs* 
čpa kal mappnoiačópevos, eis T€ olkrov mpoayó- 
evos ToÙS koŬovTas. 

4 “Or oi ‘Pwpaio dperaheroi Tais yvopais vres 
npòs Thv karádìvow tîs Kapxnèóvos mpocéraav 
åmiévat Tayéws cis Thv Kapynôóva kal tà Seðoy- 
péva toîs moàirais dmayyéàeiv. TÕv Õè mpéoßewv 
mives? èv dmoyvóvres TÙv eis Thv martpiða mopeiav 
čhuyov of mor” oĝv čkaortos éðúvaro, ot Õè orrol Tiv 
êndávoðov éàóuevoi énaviàlov Tův cÀéĝpiov mpeo- 

1 So Ursinus: ot O. 2 So Ursinus: Maios O. 

3 uós Suidas, s.v. åvañefápevos. 

4 rapaorarıkðs Suidas, 3.V. mapaorareîv : TMEpPLOTATIKÕS O. 

5 eïs re Reiske : els 8è O. Dindorf indicates a lacuna after 
drovovras. € oi after rives deleted by Dindorf. 

7? ol nor Post: órór O. 


BOOK XXXII. 6. 2-4 

(the Romans)! received from them two hundred thou- 
sand weapons of all sorts and two thousand cata- 
pults. Thereupon the Romans again sent word to 
the Carthaginians, bidding them appoint a delega- 
tion of Elders, to whom they would make known 
their final directive. The Carthaginians dispatched 
thirty men of the highest rank. Manilius, the elder 
of the consuls, stated that the senate had decreed 
that they should abandon the city they now in- 
habited, and should found another at a distance of 
eighty stades? from the sea. At this the envoys 
resorted to lamentation and appeals for pity, all 
casting themselves to the ground and mingling cries 
of grief with tears. And a great wave of emotion 
swept over the assembly. When the Carthaginians 
after a struggle recovered from their consternation, 
one man alone, a certain Blanno, uttered words 
appropriate to the occasion, and speaking with des- 
perate courage yet with complete frankness aroused 
feelings of pity in all who heard him.4 

The Romans, being immovable in their resolve to 
destroy Carthage, ordered the envoys to return 
straightway to Carthage and to report to the citizens 
what had been decreed.’ Some of the envoys, con- 
sidering it hopeless to return home, individually 
sought refuge as best they could, but the others, 
electing to return, made their way back, their fatal 

1 The abrupt transition and the omission of the subject 
seem to indicate that the narrative has been condensed. 

2 M’. Manilius. The Greek text gives the name as 

3 About ten Roman miles. 

4 His speech is recorded in Appian, Pun. 83-85. Appian 
gives his name as Banno (Bdávvwv), surnamed Tigillas. 
a5. EE Appian, Pun. 86-91, especially 90-91, and Polybius, 



Beiav rereàekóres. tÔv è öyàwv únranavrávræv, 
ToúTors uèv oùðEv EÀdÀovv, tàs è éavrÂv kepadàs 
TÚTnTovTeES kal tàs yeîpas èravareivovres kal Toùs 
Beoùs empoðuevor npoñyov eis Thv ayopdv, kal tå 
yepovoig ànýyyerňav Tà mpooreraypéva. : 

(Const. Exc. 1, pp. 404-405.) 

7. “Ori Dririwv ó `Agppikavòs ràņbeis borepov, 
TóTe Õè yiÀlapyos &v, rÕv ÄAÀwv Tods eis ópoñoyiav 
kal ôpkovs karavrýoavras napaonovĝoúvrwv kal 
Tv Soberoav mior àberoúvrwv, oĝros roùvavrlov 
paara tàs Soleicas mioreis Tois moNopkovuévois 
eTypet kal Toîs éavroùs èyyeipllovow ènweikôs 
mpocepépero. SÒ Kai trs mepi abro huns 
õikaias daddouévns karà rv Aßúnv, oùbeis tõv 
moopkovpévwv èveniorevev avróv, el ph Driniwv 
avvríboiro! Tàs öpodoyias. 

8. "Ori kara Tv axy tpv ‘Pwpaiwv mesóv- 
Twv kal ToÝrwv àráĥpwv yeyovőtrwv, mávrTes 
xadenrðs épepov émi ti Trv dvðpðv danwàeig Te 
kal orepjoet tÃs rapis. ó è Dkiriwv ovyywph- 
Aoòpovßav Îdpar roùs ävðpas. o mowýoavros rò 
mapakànlèv kat eTa Eyans Tius kyõcúsavros 
Toùs ävõpas kat Trà døTéa mémpavros mpòs rTòv 
ÜrarTov, 0 Dkimiwv npoékonte TÀ ÕóÉN, ws äv kal 
mapà rois modepiois peydàns Tvyxávwv anoðoyis. 

(Const. Exc. 2 (1), p. 292.) 

1 So Valesius: gvverlborro (but o in ras.) P. 

1 The council of elders. Polybius, 10. 18 and 36. 4 (cp. 
Livy, 30. 16), distinguishes this council from the senate 
(oúykàņros), but elsewhere the two terms (and ovvéðpiov) seem 
to be used without discrimination (e.g. above, Book 25. 16). 


BOOK XXXII. 6. 4—8. 1 

mission completed. As the populace thronged to 
mcet them, they said not a word to them, but beating 
their heads, raising aloft their hands, and calling upon 
the gods for aid, they proceeded to the market-place 
and reported to the gerousia ! the orders imposed by 
the Romans. 

7. Scipio (he who was later called Africanus but 
who at this time was a mere tribune of the soldiers), 
unlike the other tribunes,? who disregarding their 
pledged word broke faith with those who had reached 
sworn agreements with them, was most faithful in 
adhering to his promises to the besieged and was 
honest in his dealings with all who put themselves 
in his hands. For this reason, and because his repu- 
tation for justice was becoming known throughout 
Libya, no one under siege would give himself up 
unless Scipio was a party to the agreement. 

8. Since three Romans who fell in this engage- 
ment ê had remained unburied, the whole army was 
distressed at the loss of the men and, above all, at 
their being deprived of burial. Scipio, with the con- 
sent of the consul, sent a written appeal to Hasdrubal t 
to give them burial. He acceded to the appeal, per- 
formed the rites of burial with all due honour, and 
sent their bones to the consul; whereby Scipio ad- 
vanced in esteem, as a man who was highly influential 
even with the enemy. 

2 “ Tribunes ” is lacking in the text, but can be supplied 
from the parallel account in Appian, Pun. 101. 

3 The battle fought near Nepheris. According to Appian, 
Pun. 102 and 104, the three Romans were tribunes who out 
of jealousy of Scipio had urged the consul to disregard his 
good advice. 

4 He had been recalled from exile and appointed general 
as soon as Carthage decided to resist (Appian, Pun. 93). 

VOL. XI p P 421 

149/8 B.C. 


9. “Ori ai yvvaîkes rôv Kapynõoviwv mposégpe- 
pov xpvooðs kógpovs’ ÈoxáTns yàp oŬons ts toô 
piov nmepiypadhs ämavres oùk amoààúvat Tà xph- 
para Šàdupavov, dààà ià ris Toúrwv ócews 
črpiwov èravophoĝobari tù éavrôv owrnpiav. 

(Const. Exc. 4, p. 378.) 

Chaps. 9a, 9b: see below, after Chap. 17. 1 
Chaps. 9c, 9d, 10-12 : see below, after Chap. 27. 

13. [T karà rv Kapxņðóva uér, mpocayo- 
pevopévy Sè Kobwv: mepi oÔ tràs karà pépos 
eùxpnorias èv roïŭs oixeiois ypõvois mepacóueba 
Sreàbeîv.] (Diod. 3. 44. 8.) 

14. “Ori rò reîyos rôv Kapynõoviwv ris móňeos 
pow ipos èv eivai mNyõv Teocapdrkovra, mÀdTos 
Sè eikoobúo' ópws kal Torovrov övrwv at ‘Pw- 
paiwv unyavai kal Tà kaŭtà móàepov åvõpayaðń- 
parta kpeirrovs wphyoav tis ekeivwv doġadeias, 
Kal édÀw h TOAS kal kaTnpeimohn. 

(Photius, Bibl. p. 383 B.) 

15. [Mep aùroð máàw Mws ý Sýynos.] Ay- 
uqTpiov Tob RaociMéws åvarépþjavros eis rùv 
“Põunv veaviokov rwà œs Ilepoéws viòv övopa 
’Avõpíorkov, ToôTov ý oúykànrTos oikeîv mpooéračev 
év tvt módel TrÕv karà Thv 'Iraàíav. Ò õè perá 
Twa xpóvov Štaðpàs åmñpev es Miànrov. èv raúry 
sè SarpiBowv edoyorolet Tepi éavrot Ilepoéws 
čavròv amoßawópevos nmapyew vióv. čġņ ð 
avrò? výmeov ôvra Šeðóolar . . . ry TÔ Kprr, 

2? So Kallenberg : mapaypaphs V. 

2 & éavròv Feder: è ačróv S. 


BOOK XXXII. 9. 1—15. 2 

9. The Carthaginian women contributed their gold 
jewelry. For now that life clung to the last narrow 
foothold, the whole populace felt that they were not 
losing their wealth, but were by their gift re-establish- 
ing their own safety. 

13. [The harbour of Carthage is known as Cothon., 
Of its several advantages we shall endeavour to give 
a full account at the appropriate time.] 

14. He says that the wall of Carthage is forty cubits 
in height and twenty-two in breadth.? Notwithstand- 
ing, the siege engines of the Romans and their martial 
exploits proved stronger than the Carthaginian de- 
fences, and the city was captured and levelled to the 

15. [Concerning him there is again an account @ 
elsewhere.) When King Demetrius sent on to Rome 
the self-styled son of Perseus, a young man named 
Andriscus, the senate ordered him to live in a certain 
city of Italy. But after a.period he escaped and 
sailed off to Miletus. During his stay there he in- 
vented tales about himself purporting to demonstrate 
that he was the son of Perseus. He said that while 
still an infant he had been given to . . . the Cretan 

ł For the remainder of this book some adjustment of 
Dindorf’s arrangement has been made, wherever it seemed 
demonstrably at fault. In particular, Dindorf disregarded 
the order of the fragments in the collection De Insidiis, 
where chapters 15 and 17. 1 precede 9 b-d. In addition, 
chap. 9 should perhaps follow chap. 6, as indicative of the 
attitude at Carthage (ep. Appian, Pun. 93) at the outbreak 
of open war. 

2 See Appian, Pun. 95-96, for a description of the city, its 
fortifications, and its harbours. 

2 An editorial comment of the excerptor, linking this 
chapter with Book 31. 40a. For the story of Andriscus see 
also Polybius, 36. 10; Livy, Per. and Oxy. Per. 49-50. 



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óðòv fòpyvañov’? rò Báðos övra éra, ëyovra è 
> $. LA t 
apyvpíov tráavra ékaròv kal mevrýkovra, Tòv Šè 
Eg ? la tA e z 
črepov èv Oeocañoviky, Taàdvrwv éßõouýkovra, 
hl $ Al 3? t $ A 
Kkarà uéonv TÀv èčéðpav TV èv TÔ TEpPLOTÝÀAW KATÀ 
A 3 L m ~ 5 
3 Tiv aùàńv. moMðv è aùr mpoceyóvræv, FAbev 
£ lg 3O A 
ó Aóyos èm roùòs dpyxyovras r@v Miànoiwv, of 
ovàdaßóvres aùròv eis hvarv arébevro. kai 
Twv npéopewv napemðnuovvrwv, mpooavýveykav 
pI A A 
aùroîs? ovufpovàevópevor TÉ xp) mpâčar. oi Šè 
kd lA A 
êyyeàdoavres éréàevov åġevar ròv ävôðpwrov 
4 màavâobai. ó è abaw riv àġeow èpidoriuhiy 
A ~ + 
Tùv TOÔ Òpáparos ovvréňceiav mpòs réàos dyayeîv. 
2-4 A fd 
del è Aaprpórepov eis rův Baoidikiv eùyéverav 
Srarihéuevos éénrárnoev moàoús, kal aùroùs 
5 Makeðóvas. xwv è ovvepyòv Nixóaóv Twa 
IÀ M ó A t ? 38 Ed 3 ~ 
ypáàrnv, Makxeðóva Tò yévos, ènúbero nmap aùroô 
l A 
nmaàakiða yeyevnpévyv Iepoćéws ro Bacıiàéws 
voya Kañirrav ovvoikeiv ° Abnvaiw rÊ Mepya- 
Ea] b kod 
u. mpòs raúryv ov ieàbov kai Tpaywsýoas 
h e A 
Tùv éavroĝ npòs Iepoća ovyyéverav eùòrópnoe map 
3o 2 sò A A 4 A + 
aùrĝĵs éfóðia kal oroàùv Baciùkiv kal Sidônpa 
A 2 Al A 
kal òúo naiðas mpòs ràs ypeias cùhérovs' Ñkovoe 
v oo m hg A Tř e À ` A `~ 
aùrhs õrı kai Thpns ó Baoidcùs rôv Opakôv 
y A A 
eye yuvaîka Pidirrov toô Beßaocidevkóros* vya- 

1 So Müller: mepoéwv Seaorpaġeiy S. 


BOOK XXXII. 15. 2-5 

to rear, and that the Cretan had transmitted to him 
a sealed tablet, in which Perseus revealed to him the 
existence of two treasures, one at Amphipolis, lying 
beneath the highway at a depth of ten fathoms (?), 
containing one hundred and fifty talents of silver, and 
the other, of seventy talents, at Thessalonica, in the 
middle of the exedra of the colonnade, opposite the 
court. Since his story attracted much attention, it 
finally reached the ears of the magistrates of Miletus, 
who arrested him and placed him in prison. Certain 
envoys happening to visit the city, they referred the 
matter to them, seeking advice on what should be 
done. They scoffingly bade the magistrates let the 
fellow loose to go his own way. He, on receiving 
his release, set himself in earnest to act out and make 
a reality of his mummery. By constantly embroider- 
ing the story of his royal birth, he gulled many, even 
the Macedonians themselves. Having as his accom- 
plice a certain harpist named Nicolaüs, a Macedonian 
by birth, he learned from him that a woman called 
Callippa, who had been a concubine of King Perseus, 
was now the wife of Athenaeus of Pergamum. 
Accordingly he made his way to her, and pouring out 
his romantic tale of kinship to Perseus procured from 
her funds for his travels, a regal costume, a diadem, 
and two slaves suited to his needs. From her he 
heard, moreover, that Teres, a Thracian chieftain, 
was married to a daughter of the late King Philip.: 

1 ie. Perseus’ son, the man whom Andriscus was imper- 
sonating. He had survived his father by two years but never 
held the throne, and died a captive in Italy. 

2 èpyvrðv Müller, Dindorf. 
3 So Feder, Müller : aùrô S. 
¢ So Feder, Müller : Bacıàevróros Š. 



1 3o73 ` ? 4 > Js ` 

6 répa. ano òè rovrwv rv apoppðv perewpioleis 

npoñyev eis Opdryv. èv mapóðw Sè karavrhoas 

4 $ m 

eis Bvtavriov ênu’ kal raúrns tis apposúvns 

dwkav ikas roîs ‘Pwpalois oë Bvutdvrior. 
mÀedvwv è mpos aùròv gvppeðvrwv, Ĥkev eis 

2 "~ 

Opáryv npòs Týpyv. ó ðè roðrov tiuhoas ËSwrev 
aùT® otpariwras ékatròv kal Sidðnua mepiébnkev. 
dià è rovrov kal Tois dÀdois Õuváorais ovorabeis 
y ? $ m EA e Ld ` ~ 
čape nmap aùrõðv dovus ékaróv, kal nopevlels 

A A A m l4 y 3 E 
mpòs Bapoaßàrv ròv Opgkôv Pacıéa ëneioev aùròv 
avykowawioat TÃs orTpaTeias kal katrayayeîv aùròv 
> 7 , E a z 
eis Marxeðoviav, audpioßnrõv tris rõv Makeðóvwv 
Bacidelas ws obons marpwas. únò Sè Maredovi- 
ko’ kararoàeunleis ó Fevdohidrros ëpvyev eis 
Opákyv . . . Téàos* èykparůs èyévero TÖV KATÀ 
Maxedoviav móàewv. (Const. Exc. 3, pp. 202-203.) 

16. “Ore Macavdoons* ó Aßúwv Beßacidevkas 
kal Thv npòs ‘Pwuaiovs hiàiav trernpnkòs evevý- 
kovra pèv eßiw éry èv õuvduer, matas éka èv TÔ 
? 7 r a ve , Pg 
danradàdrreoĝlai karaùınwv, oùs kal ‘Pwpaiois èm- 
Tponeóeoĵar napekarélero. Ñv ðè kal katà Tùv 
toô cwparTos eùroviav ciadépwv kal kapTepig kal 
móvois ovvýlns r maðós: ös ye oras év Toîs tyveow 
bànv Tv huépav akirnros éueve, kabeķóuevos Šė 


1 of added by Feder, Dindorf. 

2 åupioßnroôvra Müller, Dindorf. 

3 So Walton (cp. Zonaras, 9. 28): Maxeðóvos S, Maxeóvæov 
Müller. f 

4 réàos] ó è Méreňos Herwerden. 

5 So Hoeschel : Mavac(oyĝs. 

1 Q. Caecilius Metellus Macedonicus, sent out as praetor 
in 148 B.c. after the defeat and death of P. Iuventius Thalna 


BOOK XXXII. 15. 5—16. 1 

Encouraged by this support he made for Thrace. On 
the way he stopped at Byzantium and was received 
with honour—-a display of folly for which the citizens 
of Byzantium later paid the penalty to Rome. With 
more and more people flocking to him, he arrived in 
Thrace at the court of Teres. As a mark of honour 
Teres presented him with a troop of a hundred 
soldiers, and placed a diadem on his head. Recom- 
mended by him to the other chieftains, Andriscus 
received from them another hundred men. Proceed- 
ing to the court of the Thracian chieftain Barsabas, 
he prevailed upon him to take part in the expedition 
and to escort him home to Macedonia, for he was 
now asserting, on the grounds of inheritance, a legal 
claim to the Macedonian throne. Defeated in battle 
by Macedonicus! this false Philip took refuge in 
Thrace. . . . Finally he? gained the upper hand in 
the cities throughout Macedonia. 

16. Masinissa, the late king of Libya, who had 
always maintained friendly relations with Rome, 
lived till the age of ninety, in full possession of his 
faculties, and at his death left ten sons, whom he 
entrusted to the guardianship of Rome. He was a 
man remarkable for his physical vigour, and had, 
from the days of his childhood, accustomed himself 
to endurance and strenuous activities: indeed, 
standing in his tracks he would remain motionless 
the whole day long, or sit all day until nightfall with- 

(cp. Livy, Per. and Oxy. Per. 50; Zonaras, 9. 28). The two 
final sentences seem to be carelessly abbreviated from a later 
part of the nårrative. 

2 Probably Metellus. 

3 Or “ lived ninety years in a position of authority.’ —The 
eulogy of Masinissa is somewhat abbreviated from Polybius, 
36. 16. For his death see Appian, Pun. 105-106. 


148 B,C. 

149/8 B.C. 


oùk Ñyeipero, péypi vuktòs èrņpepeúwv raîs tÔv 
nóvov peňéras, émi òè ròv imnov èmpaivov 
ouvveyðs Ĥpépav kal výkra kal raîs innmacias 
xPpúpevos oùk é$eňúero. oņpeñov õè ris mepl aòròv 
eùeías re kal Õvvdpews uéyioTov: evevýkovra yàp 
oxeðóv ëywv éry viov eye rerpaerĝ ciaépovra TÅ 
TOÔ owuaros poun. èv òè rais rÕv åypôv èn- 
pecias Troooĝrov ðiýveykev òs ékdorw trv viðv 
ànoMmeîv dypòv uupióràebpov, kekoounpévov md- 
odis Taîŭs Karaokevaîs. ¿ßaoievoe © èmgdavôs 
érn ééńrkovra. (Photius, Bibl. p. 383 B.) 
17. 1. "Ori ò Ekimiwv eis Àdyovs ovveàbdv TÂ 
Dapég' Kol peydàas aùr nporevuv èinibas 
énewoev dnoorivar TÔv Kapynõoviwv pe? innéwv 
xiiwv kal ĝiakociwv. (Const. Exc. 3, p. 203.) 
Chap. 17. 2: see below, after Chap. 9b. 
9a. "Ore ó YFevõopiùnnos reppońrw páxy 
nkýoas ‘Pwpaiovs èkerpánn npòs ©pórnra Kal 
mapavopiav Tupavvikýv. moàoùs pèv yàp TÖV 
eùnópwv dveîev, èmppipas alrias Saßodñs pev- 
oñs, oğk dÀlyovs õè rv piAwv épmarpóvnoev. Åv 
yap púoe npuóðns kal povikòs kal karà ràs 
evreúčeis únepńhavos, črt Ďè mÀcovećias kal náons 
kakias åvánews. (Const. Exc. 2 (1), p. 293.) 
“Ore Káaræav Mápros Ióprios, droðoyĝs? tvy- 
xávæwv peyáàns ml ovvéoet, épwrTnÂeis óró twos ti 
npárrer ò Dririwv karà Thv ABúnv elrev, 

f: Z a ` h 
OLOS MEMVUTAL, TOL òè oKiaL atogovow. 

ł So Müller : Pavég S. 
z è after droĝoyis deleted by Dindorf. 


BOOK XXXII. 16. 1—9a. 2 

out stirring, busy with his affairs ; and mounted on 
horseback he would even ride a whole day and a 
night, continuously, without growing faint. The 
following is a prime indication of his good health and 
vitality : though nearly ninety, he had at the time 
of his death a son aged four, who was a remarkably 
sturdy child. In the care of his fields Masinissa was 
so outstanding that he left each of his sons a farm of 
ten thousand plethra, well equipped with all neces- 
sary buildings. His distinguished career as a king 
lasted sixty years. 

17. 1. At his rendezvous with Phameas, Scipio, by 
holding out great hopes, persuaded him to desert the 
Carthaginians, along with twelve hundred cavalry. 

9a. The pseudo-Philip, after gaining a resounding 
victory over the Romans, shifted to a course of savage 
cruelty and tyrannical disregard for law. He put 
many wealthy persons to death, after first throwing 
out false and slanderous charges against them, and 
murdered not a few even of his friends. For he 
was by nature brutal, bloodthirsty, and arrogant in 
manner, and was, moreover, shot through with greed 
and every base quality. 

Marcus Porcius Cato, a man widely acclaimed for 
sagacity, when asked by someone how Scipio was 
faring in Libya, said: “He alone has sense, the 
others flit about like shadows.” Moreover, the popu- 

1 Cp. Appian, Pun. 107-108. The date is late winter, 
149/8 B.C. 

2 Probably the victory over P. Iuventius Thalna, praetor 
of 149 B.c., whose death, however, probably occurred early 
in the following year. For the conduct of Andriscus cp. 
Polybius, 36. 17. 13. 

3 uóvos pove? after olos deleted by Dindorf. 
4 So Mai: roîs V. 


148 B.C. 



ó è fuos ryAkaóryy eŬvorav čoye mpòs tóv ävpa 
Torov worte Ünatov aùðròv yevéobat. 
(Const. Exc. 4, p. 378.) 
"Ori ó pos TyAkaúryv eðvorav čoye mpòs ròv 
Ekmiwva Wore pre tS ŃAkias ovyxwpovons 
Lýre rÕv vőpwv èmiTperóvrwv peydànv elopépeoba 
amovðňv eis Tò Tùv Úrartov dpx)v aùr® nepibeîva.. 
(Const. Exc. 2 (1), p. 293.) 
9b. “Ore ó Fevõopiàinros Tecor mpoeyeipi- 
cato orparnyóv. ó Šè raîs dnrò rôv ‘Pwpalwv 
éànioi puyaywyoúpevos ådnéory perà rôv innéwv 
ó è Fevõo- 
piùnnos émi roîs npaybeiow åyavakrýoas rýv re 
yvvaîka kai tà tékva roô Teňeoroð cvàdaßàv 
êrpwphoaro. (Const. Exc. 3, p. 203.) 
Chaps. 9c, 9d, 10-12: see below, after Chap. 27. 
17. 2. "Ori Á róxy nâv kabðanmep’ èrnirnões dywvo- 
Berosa ràs ovppayias évaňàdé roîs Sraroepoûot 
(Const. Exc. 4, p. 378.) 
18. "Ori ó rõôv ‘Pwpaiwv raros Kaàroúpvios 
òr ópodoyias rivàs TÖV möňewv eiðs karé- 
okafev, obðèv ris miorews hpovriosas. Sıórep èv 
Taîs êmpPodaîs dmoroúpevos dneróyyavev, woTep 
emBodàs . 

19. “Ori ó Ilpovcias ó Bacideds thv re öv ðv 

N A 
kal mpòs Kaiàov dreyøæpnoev. 


eis moàààs yàp 
© © ÔUCETLTEÚKTOUS ëoxe Tàs npaées. 

1 nâv kaĝðdrep Herwerden : mapkalĝárep V. 


BOOK XXXII. 9a. 2—19. 1 

lace conceived such a liking for the man that he 
became consul.t 

The populace conceived such a liking for Scipio that 
even though his age did not allow it nor the laws 
permit, they bent their best efforts to confer upon 
him the consulship. 

9b. The false Philip appointed Telestes general. 
He, however, seduced by the promises of the Romans, 
revolted and went over with his cavalry to Caecilius. 
The pseudo-Philip, enraged at his conduct, arrested the 
wife and children of Telestes, and vented his anger 
on them. 

17. 2. Fortune, embroiling the whole situation as 
if of set purpose, furnished alliances to first one and 
then the other of the contestants.? 

18. The Roman consul Calpurnius,’ after accepting 
the surrender of certain towns, razed them to the 
ground in disregard of his pledged word. Hence, 
being distrusted, he failed in all his undertakings, 
as if some divine agency were working against him. 
For though he attempted much his actions were 

19. Since King Prusias had repulsive features and 

1 Cato died in 149 B.c., and Scipio was elected consul in 
148 for the following year (Appian, Pun. 112). The present 
passage could therefore belong to the narrative of either 149 
or 148 s.c. Cato’s remark is an adaptation of Homer, Od. 
.10. 495. 

2 It is not certain to whìch conflict thìs refers, but the 
order of the fragments is against placing it with chap. 17. 1, 
where Dindorf has it. 

3 L, Calpurnius Piso Caesoninus, consul in 148 B.c. For 
his conduct and lack of success in Libya see Appian, Pun. 
110, and Zonaras, 9. 29. 

2 Herwerden suggests for the lacuna ŝoùs éavrov. 

149 B.C. 


clòexhàs kal rò oôpa Sià thv tpupiy čxwv yuvar- 
ketov úrò tõv Biuvôv émoeîro. 
(Const. Exc. 2 (1), p. 293.) 
20. “Ore ý ovykànros npeoßevrås étanéorerhev 
eis tùy °Aciav toùs raraúoovras ròv nmóňepov 
Nikouýõovs kal Ilpovolov roô idiov marpós, ka 
eiÀero dvõpas els tùv npeoßeiav Akimov noda- 
ypıkòv kal Mayrîvov,! ôs karatrerpnpévos ġv TÀV 
kepaà)v kepapiðos èmimecoúons kal rò mÀeîov 
pépos tv darv èfnpnpévos, kal Aeúkiov mavre- 
ôs dvaioðyrov. ó sè Kárwv apnyoúuevos roô 
avveðpiov kal ovvéset Siapépwv erev èv ti ovy- 
ràýrw iðri npeaßeliav drooréňopev oğre nóðas 
oŭre kepaàùv oŬre kapõiav ëyovoav. oðros pèv 
oðv Tùv eùoroyiav meppönrTov čoye kard tův nóàw. 
(Const. Exc. 4, p. 379.) 
21. "Ori Nixouńðns Ipovoiav ròv éavroô narépa 
katanoàeuńýoas, kal katrahvyóvra eis rò To Aiòs 
iepòv åveàcóv, mapéiaße thv Baciàeiav ris Bbuvias, 
doefeorárw dóvw krnoduevos Tův àpxýv. 
(Photius, Bibl. p. 383 B.) 
22. "Ore karà tùv moopkiav Kapynõoviwv 
’Aoðpoðßas Sıanpeoßevoápevos nmpòs Toàóoonv 
npoekadeîro èdleîv els aúàdoyov, kal kaTà TàS 
evroààs To arparnyoð npoérewe T ’`Aoðpovba 
aùr re kat éka oikiais? als äv Poúăņtart åsġd- 
Àciav kal Swpeàv Traàdvrwv Õéka kal Soda owpara 
ékatóv. ó ðè 'Acõpovfas ånekpiðy pnlénrore 
énópeobar Tròv ÑAov muproovpévns ris martpiðos 

BOOK XXXII. 19. 1—22, 1 

had become physically effeminate through soft living, 
he was detested by the Bithynians.t 

20. The senate dispatched a commission to Asia 
to settle the war between Nicomedes and his father 
Prusias, and selected for this service Licinius, a man 
afflicted with gout, Mancinus, who had had his-head 
pierced by a falling tile so that most of the bones 
were removed, and Lucius, a person utterly without 
perception. Cato, the leader of the senate and a 
man of great sagacity, thereupon remarked in the 
senate : “ We are sending out an embassy without 
feet, without head, and without heart.” His shot 
was well aimed and became the talk of the town. 

21. Nicomedes, having defeated his father Prusias 

in battle, put him to death after he took sanctuary 

in the temple of Zeus. Thus he succeeded to the 
throne of Bithynia, having gained this eminence by 
perpetrating a most sacrilegious murder. 

22. While the Carthaginians lay beleaguered, 
Hasdrubal sent and invited Gulussa to come to a 
colloquy. ïn accordance with the commands of the 
general, Gulussa offered Hasdrubal an asylum for 
himself and ten families of his choosing with a grant 
of ten talents and a hundred slaves. Hasdrubal 
replied that while his country was being ravaged 

1 Despite the fact that the affair of Prusias occurred in 
149 B.c., Diodorus seems, from the order of the fragments, 
to have placed it with or after the events of 148 s.c. Chapters 
19-20 are based on Polybius, 36. 14-15. The envoys men- 
tioned in chap. 20 are M. Licinius, A. Hostilius Mancinus, 

f and L. Manlius Vulso. For chap. 21 cp. Zonaras, 9. 28. 

2 i.e. Scipio. Gulussa (or Golosses) was a son of Masinissa, 
actively allied with Rome. fThis`chapter corresponds, in 

part, to Polybius, 38. 7-8. 
1 So Dindorf: Mayvovoiov V. 2 So Mai: oiklas V. 


147 B.C, 


éavròv iaowbópevov, kal toîs pèv Àdyois ¿bpa- 
oúvero, ià è TrÕv čpywv épwpáðy Siadðpáorwv, 
ós ye kal tis marplðos oðons èv dneyvwouévas 
eàmioiw èrpú$a, mórovs åkraípovs ovváyæwv kal 
moure Ôeînva morðv ral ĉevrépas Tparéķas 
únepnpávws maparıðépevos* xal of pèv nodra 
ApG anélvnarov, ó è npòs roîs ğAdois kakoîs 
epópet moppúpav kal movreàñ yàaviða, kabárep 
erBakyeúwv roîs rÅs marplðos drànphpacw. 

23. "Ori karà Tiv dàwow ris Kapxynèóvos ó 
arparqyòs rÅs peyaňopvyias Ñ põMov ueyaňav- 
xías emıÀabópevos kal roùs aùrouóàovs kara\ır®v 
Åke npòs Lririwva peb’ ikernpias. npooreoùv ĵè 
Toîs yõvaoı perà akrpówv nmâoav ĝenreùv pwviy 
npoépevos eis ovunáðerav ġyaye rv Ekiriwva. ó 
òè mapakaàéoas aùròv Îappeîv kaè mpòs roùs ovv- 
eõpeúovras pious eimav, Orós otw ó mpórepov 
pù Bovàópevos émi moois piñavbpæórois owbfvar 
ToaŬrtv peraßoàiy ý róxy kal õúvapuv čyet, nâcav 
dvôpwnrivnv únrepoyùv dveňriorws opdňovoa. 

24. "Ori ris Kapynðóvos éunpnoðbeions ral ris 
pàoyòs dracav tùy mów karanìņrrikôs Avpar- 
vopévns, ô Drimiwv ånpoonroiýTws ákpvev. pw- 
rnleis è rò roô Iodvßiov roð eniorárov rivos 
éveka TOÔTO mdoyer elre, Aiórti Tis kard Tùv Tyyny 
peraßodñs čvvorav \apßávw' čoeobai yàp tows noré 

1 So Dindorf; Siarıbépevos V. 

BOOK XXXII. 22. 1—24. 1 

with fire the sun would never behold him seeking 
safety for himself. Now in words he cut a brave 
figure, but his deeds exposed him as a renegade. For 
though his city was in desperate straits, he led a 
luxurious life, holding drinking parties at all hours, 
giving sumptuous banquets, and arrogantly serving 
second courses. Meanwhile his fellow citizens were 
perishing of starvation, but he, as the crowning in- 
sult, went about in purple robes and an expensive 
woollen cloak, as though revelling in his country’s mis- 

23. At the fall of Carthage the general, forgetting 
his proud courage, or rather his proud talk, abandoned 
the deserters and approached Scipio in the guise of 
a suppliant. Clasping Scipio by the knees and sob- 
bing as he urged every possible plea, he moved him 
to compassion. Scipio exhorted him to take heart, 
and addressing the friends who sat with him in 
council, said : “ This is the man who a while back 
was not willing to accept an offer of safety on highly 
favourable terms. Such is the inconstancy of Fortune 
and her power ; unpredictably she brings about the 
collapse of all human pretensions.” 

24, When Carthage had been put to the torch and 
the flames were doing their awful work of devastation 
throughout the whole city, Scipio wept unabashedly. 
Asked by Polybius, his mentor, why he was thus 
affected, he said : “ Because I am reflecting on the 
fickleness of Fortune. Some day, perhaps, the time 

1 Hasdrubal. The *‘ deserters ” referred to were some 900 
Romans, who with Hasdrubal and his family had barricaded 
themselves in the temple of Esmun and refused to surrender. 
After the defection of Hasdrubal, his wife killed their sons 
and threw herself into the flames. See Polybius, 38. 19-21, 
and Appian, Pun. 130-131. 


146 B0. 


Twa karpòy ev ĝ tò napanrìńoiov nábos Únåápéer 
kaŭtà Tù} “Põpnv kal Toúrovs roùs oriyovs mapà 
TOÔ moNTo® nponvéykaro,! 
čogeTo Ñuap tav mor’ dàwàn "Ios ip) 
kal IIpiauos kal àacs. 
` (Const. Exc. 4, pp. 379-380.) 
25. Or: ó Ermiwv perà rhv äìwow Kapynëóvos 
Tols àmò Ts Zixeàlas katnvrykóot mpeoßevrais 
embeifas änavrta Tà Àdpvupa mposéračev ékáorovs 
Tà èk rôv biwv marpiðwv eis Kapynòóva máa 
ToTÈ perevyveypéva émÀeyopévovs årokouitew els 
Zirediav. kat moai pev evpéðnoav èmońpwv 
dvðpõðv ypaßpaí, modot Sè dvõpıdvres èmpaveîs 
Taîs karagkevaîs, ok àiya Sè dvaðýuara ŝia- 
mpeni beðv ápyvpâ Te Kal ypvoâ. èv è roúrois 
Úmñpxe kal ó mepiónros Taðpos £ ’Arpåyavros, 
ôv karagkevdoas* Iepiaos Daddpið? TG Tvpdvvw, 
kal mpõTos Tv àmóðerčw ris las réyvns èv ri 
kab’ abròv tiuwpig Sikaiws ùroueivas, avnpébn. 
g a (Const: Exc. 2 (1), p. 293.) 
26. Ori oùðérore vppopai Tyàaĝrar Tiv 
EAAdða karéoyov å% õrtov pvýuns iotopiñs ai 
mpáčes Tereúyac.. õa yàp Tův únmeppoàùv tTÔv 
drànpnpáTwv oùre ypáßwv mis oð? vaywoskwv 
dõarpvs ây yévorro. ey% Õè oùk dyvoðô uèv őri 
mpógavrés oT pepvijoða rõv ‘Eňyvixðv årv- 
XNuaTwv kat roîs êmiyiwvouévois ià Tis ypapis 
mapaððóvaı Tà mpaylévra mpòs alóviov pvýunv 
2 LE Sa 2 ? ta WA ki d 
aÀÀ opô pépos oùk ¿àdyiorov npòs ophlwow tv 
1 So Mai: mpooņnvéyraro V. 
2 So Salmasius, Wesseling: xaraoxáoas P. 
3? So Valesius: awp: P. 

BOOK XXXII. 24. 1—26. 1 

will come when a similar fate shall overtake Rome.” 
And he cited these lines from the poet, Homer : 

The day will come when sacred Ilium shall perish, 
with Priam and his people.! 

25. After the capture of Carthage Scipio, showing 
the collected spoils to the envoys who had arrived 

` from Sicily, bade them severally pick out whatever 

things had in times past been carried off from their 
particular cities to Carthage, and to take them home 
to Sicily. Many portraits of famous men were found, 
many statues of outstanding workmanship, and not 
a few striking dedications to the gods in gold and 
silver. Among them was also the notorious bull of 
Acragas : Perilaüs fashioned it for the tyrant Phalaris, 
and lost his life in the first demonstration of his device 
when he was justly punished by being himself made 
its victim.? 

26. Never in all.the timè that men’s deeds have 
been recorded in history had Greece been a prey to 
such calamities.* Indeed, so extreme were her mis- 
fortunes that no one could either write or read of 
them without weeping. Iam not unaware how pain- 
ful it is to rehearse the misfortunes of Greece, and 
through my writings to pass on to coming generations 
an enduring record of what then befell; but I note 
too that warnings drawn from experience of events 

1 Jliad, 6. 448-449. For the narrative cp. Polybius, 38. 22 
(=Appian, Pun. 132). The Polybius of the incident is the 

2 See Books 9. 1819 and E 90 for the bull, and, on the 

assage in general, Appian, Pun. 133. 
Pa The present diapier is freely adapted from Polybius, 
38. 1-6 (his introduction to the book), and 9-13. A few 
specific parallels are noted below. 



duapravopévwv ovußaňàduevov Tots avôpwrois Tà 
ia ts TÔv dnoreàeoudrtwv neipas vovhlerýpara. 
woT où yP) Toîs ioropoðot ràs pépes dvahépew, 
dAd pâdov Toîs keyeipikóor tàs mpáčers aġpóvws` 
où yap è àvavôpiav orpariwriwhv GAMA 8? a- 
mepiav orparnyðv tò člvos rôv 'Axyarðv mepi- 

2 éneoe tois åkàņpýpaoi. mepl yàp Toùs aùrtoùs 
kapovs ðewo rndhovs mepi roùòs Kapynõoviovs 
reàcolévros oùx rrov ádróynua, ueîtov! Sé, eè xP) 
råànņlès eireîv, åákìńpnpa ovvéßaiwe roîs “Edànow. 
ékeîvot pév yàp ódooyepôs dpavolévres kal riv 
enl rois dkàņnpýpaoci Amny ovvaréßadov, oi Sè èv 
òġphaňuoîs iðóvres ovyyevôv kal pi\wv opayàs kal 
meàekiouoùs kal matplðwv dÀàóoes kal åprayàs 
kal mavõýuovs e0 Ùßpews dvðparoðiouoùs kal Tò 
búvoàov Tùv eàevlhepiav kal Tùy mappnoiav åro- 
Badóvres, peyiorwv ayabðv HAdÉavrto tàs oyáras 
ovuopás. dġpovéorara yàp eis tòv mpòs ‘Pw- 
uáTtwv ènreipdlnoav. 

3 Ex Qeðv ydp, Ós čowce, AŬooa Tis kareye rò 
čhvos rõv `Axaðv kal mapdðofos öpp mpos Tv 
ànmóàceav. aitoi È hoav tTÔv mávrwv kakôv oi 
aTtparņyoi. ot pèv yàp aùrâv övres karáypeor 
kwocews kal moéuwv únhpyov oikeîor kal ypeðv 
dmokoràs eionyoðvro kal modoùs tv årópwv 
xpewperierðv éxovres ovvepyoùs dvéoerov TÀ TÀ- 
On, Tivès Õè Õe dgpooúvny èvéreoov els åneyvw- 

1 So Dindorf: pêňov V. 

1 For the comparison with Carthage see Polybius, 38. 1. 6. 

BOOK XXXII. 26. 1-3 

and their outcome are of no little service to men 
in correcting their own shortcomings. Accordingly 
criticism should be directed not at the historians, but 
rather at those whose conduct of affairs has been 
so unwise. It was not, for example, the cowardice 
of the soldiers, but the inexperience of their com- 
manders that brought the Achaean League crashing 
to its fall. For though it was a dreadful disaster that 
overtook the Carthaginians at about this same time, 
yet the misfortune that befell the Greeks was not 
less but even, in all truth, greater than theirs. For 
since the Carthaginians were utterly annihilated, 
grief for their misfortunes perished with them ; but 
the Greeks, after witnessing in person the butchery 
and beheading of their kinsmen and friends, the 
capture and looting of their cities, the abusive en- 
slavement of whole populations, after, in a word, 
losing both their liberty and the right to speak freely, 
exchanged the height of prosperity for the most 
extreme misery. Having so heedlessly allowed them- 
selves to get into war with Rome, they now experi- 
enced the greatest disasters.! 

Indeed the frenzy that possessed the Achaean 
League and their surprising plunge into self-destruc- 
tion had all the appearance of a divine visitation. 
The men responsible for all their troubles were the 
generals. Some of them, being involved in debt, 
were ripe for revolution and war, and proposed the 
cancelling of all debts ; and since there were many 
helpless debtors who supported them, they were 
able to arouse the commons.? And there were other 
leaders who through sheer folly plunged into coun- 

2 See Polybius, 38. 11. 7-11, who places these proposals in 
the winter of 147/6 B.C. 


4 ouévovs Šiadoyiouoús. pudora è ó Kpiródaos 
etékavoe Tàs pàs ToÔ màńbovs mpòs kawoTtopiav, 
xpõópevos è T rìs àpxĵjs déwparı pavepôs 
karņyópet “Pwpaiwv eis brepnhaviav kai mÀecov- 
etiav: ëpn è dios pèv Boúdeobar ‘Pwpaiwv 
Únápyeiw, Šeoróras è ékovoiws dvaĝðeikvývat uù 
mpoarpeîolar. SreßeßaroðTo è kahódov rois mÀ- 
eow, òs àv uev dvõpes ow, oùk dmophoovoi 
ovupdywv, àv òè dvðpdroða, kupiwv: êupdoes Te 
Sà Aóywv anréàerev os òn kal Paoiàedot kal 
móàcor ÕieldekTat mepi ovupayias. 

5 “Or dà rôv Aóywv ekkaúoas tôv öyÀwv Tv 
ppv ciońveyke Yýhiopa moňepeîv TÔ èv Àóyw 
npòs Aakeðaruovlovs, T® è čpyw mpòs ‘Pwpaiovs. 
oùrw Sè moàdkis ) kakia tis dperis mporepe? 
kal ý mpòs tTòv öàelpov veðovoa yvon TÅs mpòs 
gwrnpiav ànéyeoĝbar mapakàńoews.? 

27. “Ort mepi rs Kopivðov kal ot moral mpo- 
epnköres sav 

Kópıvbos darpov oùk donpov “EdMdòos. 

arn mpòs kardnàņnéw TÕv uerayeveorépwv Úm 
Ttv kparoúvrwv Npavioðny. où uóvov è karà Tòv 
tis katraorpopijs kaupòv ù) mós éTvye mapa rtoîs 
pôct peydàņs ovuraleias, dÀÀd kal karà Toùs 
Ŭorepov ypóvovs eis čðaßos kaTeppiupévy Tmoàùv 
émoiet? roîs del Bewpoðow aùr čÀeov. oùðets yàp 

1 ù Herwerden, 
2 The text is uncertain ; Dindorf suggests the addition of 


BOOK XXXII. 26. 3—27. 1 

sels of despair. Above all it was Critolaüs 1 who 
enflamed the sparks of revolution in the populace. 
Using the prestige that his position gave him he 
openly accused the Romans of high-handed behaviour 
and self-seeking: he said that he wished to be 
Rome’s friend, but that he certainly did not choose, 
of his own free will, to hail the Romans as overlords. 
The assemblies were sweepingly assured that, if they 
showed themselves men, they would not lack allies ; 
if slaves, that they would not lack masters ; and in 
his speeches he created the impression that conversa- 
tions had already been held with kings and free cities 
on the subject of a military alliance. 

Having by his oratory inflamed the passions of 
the mob he brought forward a proposed declaration 
of war, nominally against Sparta, but in reality 
against Rome. Thus all too often vice prevails over 
virtue, and a declaration that leads to destruction 
over an appeal to refrain and be safe. 

27. Of Corinth the poets had sung in earlier time : 

Corinth, bright star of Hellas. 

This was the city that, to the dismay of later ages, 
was now wiped out by her conquerors. Nor was it 
only at the time of her downfall that Corinth evoked 
great compassion from those that saw her; even in 
later times, when they saw the city levelled to the 
ground, all who looked upon her were moved to pity. 

1 Strategus of the Achaean League. For the remainder 
of the chapter the scene is the general assembly of the League 
at Corinth (cp. Polybius, 38. 12-13). 

mow?; Herwerden would read mapaxaàoúons for mapakàýoews, 
Van der Mey dréyera: for áméyeoba. 
3 éverole: Herwerden, Dindorf*. 



TÕV TApOÕEVÓVTWV aùtiy maphAbev ãõarpvs, kanep 
opôv Àcúpava Ppayéa Tis mepi aùThv yeyepévns 
eùõaruovias re kal sóéns. ciò kal katà ToÙS Tî 
maàuâs’ NAkias kapoús, Šieànàvhórwv ypővæv 
oxeðov ékaróv, eacáuevos aùrův Tdïos 'Iovdios 
Kaîisap ó ðıà ràs mpdéeis ovopacðets Beòs raúryv 
kd + 
°Evavria yàp náðn ovveîye tràs pvyàs trÔv àv- 
Bpònmwv eàn cwrnpias kal mpocõokiais TÎS 
ånwàecias. (Const. Erc. 4, pp. 380-381.) 
3 "Ori karà rtoùòs tis maàuâs* hùkias kapoŭs, 
Seeànàvlórwv oyeðòv érv ékaróv, ðeacdpevos Tův 
Kópwbov T'diïos `Ioúos Kacap ó ĝia tàs mpdées 
òvopaoðleis Beòs eis roraúryv ÑÀAÂe ovunalerav kal 
diìoðoéiav ore erà nois onovòfs máy aù- 
Tv dvaortioat. Šıónep Tòv dvðpa ToĝrTov kal Tùv 
únepßpoàńv Ts mept aùtòv émeikeias ikav éori 
peydàņs anoðoyfs déroðoĝðai kal à ris iorTopias 
ànovépew aùr® TÒV alwvov TAS XPNETŐTNTOS 
čnmawov. rtÕv yàp mpoyóvwv aùroĵ okÀnpórepov 
keypnuévwv ti móÀc, obros ià Ths ilas uepóTN- 
TOS Srwphóoaro tàs èkeivwv dnotopias, mTpokpivas 
Tî Tipas kaid avyyvóunv. ÚnepeßdÀero è 
oros ToÙS apò aùroô T peyébe TtÕv katepya- 


oĝévræv kal TÀV ènwvvuiav àno TIS mepi avrov. 

àperîs Sıkaíws ékrýoaro. kaĝódov è ó dvùp 
e , 

oros eùyeveig Te kal Àdyov ðewóTyTi kal oTparn- 

A x kA + ~ 

yýpacı moepikoîs Kat ågıňapyvpig ånroðoxis 

ðikaós or déioðohar kal Sa ris ioropias ğérov 

1 ġuerépas Valesius. 2 So Salmasius, Valesius; vò P. 

BOOK XXXII. 27. 1-3 

No traveller passing by but wept, though he beheld 
but a few scant relics of her past prosperity and glory. 
Wherefore in ancient ! times, nearly a hundred years 
later, Gaius Iulius Caesar (who for his great deeds 
was entitled divus), after viewing the site restored the 

Their spirits were gripped by two opposite emo- 
tions, the hope of safety and the expectation of 

In ancient times, nearly a hundred years later, 
Gaius Iulius Caesar (who for his great deeds was 
entitled divus), when he inspected the site of 
Corinth, was so moved by compassion and the thirst 
for fame that he set about restoring it with great 
energy. It is therefore just that this man and his 
high standard of conduct should receive our full 
approval and that we should by our history accord 
him enduring praise for his generosity. For whereas 
his forefathers had harshly used the city, he by his 
clemency made amends for their unrelenting severity, 
preferring to forgive rather than to punish. In the 
magnitude of his achievements he surpassed all his 
predecessors, and he deserved the title? that he 
acquired on the basis of his own merits. To sum up, 
this was a man who by his nobility, his power as an 
orator, his leadership in war, and his indifference to 
money is entitled to receive our approval, and to be 

1 The point of view is Byzantine. Unless the whole phrase 
is an addition, Diodorus must haye written ‘“‘ In the period 
of my lifetime.” —The Colonia Tulia Corinthus was founded 
in 44 B.C. 

2 i.e. the title divus :- see above and Book 1. 4. 7. The 
following sentence, with its repetition of what has been said 
above, may come from the conclusion of a longer eulogy of 



dmovépeww aÙT®* Tòv TS yxpnorórnrTos ënmawov. 
peyéðe yàp mpáčewv dnmavras roðs mpò avroð? 
‘Pwuaiovs Ýrepébero. 
(Const. Exc. 2 (1), pp. 293-294.) 
9c. "Ore Iroeuaiños ó Ọidouýrwp frev eis 
Zupiav ovpuaxýowv `Adeédvðpw Sià oikeióryra. 
katayvoùs è aŭro ris puys nmavreàñ åðvvauiav 
kal npoonombeis èmpovňeveobari Tùv èv Bvyarépa 
Kåeordrpav amýyaye mpòs Anuýrpiov, kal ovvðé- 
pevos hiÀlav èveyúņoev aùr® raúrņv. ol è mepi 
ròv ‘Iépaka kal Aróðorov roô *`Adeéávðpov kare- 
yvwkóres, ròv è Anuýrpiov oßoúuevoi Šid ràs 
eis Tròv matépa yeyevnuévas åuaprías, åvéoecav 
roùs `Avrioyeîs mpòs dróoraow, kal ròv Ilroàe- 
paîov eis Thv nóv Seédpevoi Sidðnua mepiébykav 
kal rův Paodeiav eveyeipioav. ó Sè ris uèv 
Paoeias obk ðpeyóuevos, rv Sè Konv Evpiav 
enDvuðv npookrýoaocðat, ovvéðero mpòs Anpý- 
piov roworpayiav iiq, rupieúeiw Iiroàepaîov 
tis Łvupias, ròv è Anuýrpov rs matpğas 
Baoiàeias. (Const. Exc. 3, pp. 203-204.) 
9d, 10. 1. “O Sè `Adééavðpos drò pèv ris uá- 
xns? perà mevrarooiwv Tv pvyùv ênorýoarot ris 
’Apaßias eis ràs kañovuévas "ABas mpòs Aroràda 
ròv Öuvdornv, mpòs v v kal ròv viðv ”Avriloyov 
1 So Salmasius, Valesius: aùròr P. 

2 So Büttner-Wobst: mpòs aùròv P, mpò aùroô Salmasius, 

3 “O... páyņs] “Ori *Aħétavðpos ýrryðeis S.—Photius’ 
own introduction to chaps. 10-12, printed by Dindorf as part 
of chap. 10, has been omitted here. 


BOOK XXXII. 27. 3—10. 1 

accorded praise by history for his generous behaviour. 
For in the magnitude of his deeds he surpassed all 
earlier Romans. 

9c. Ptolemy Philometor entered Syria intending to c, 146 s.o. 

support Alexander on the grounds of kinship.t But 
on discovering the man’s downright poverty of spirit, 
he transferred his daughter Cleopatra to Demetrius, 
alleging that there was a conspiracy afoot,? and after 
arranging an alliance pledged her to him in marriage. 
Hierax and Diodotus, despairing of Alexander and 
standing in fear of Demetrius because of their mis- 
deeds against his father, aroused the people of 
Antioch to rebellion, and receiving Ptolemy within 
the city, bound a diadem about his head and offered 
him the kingship. He, however, had no appetite for 
the throne, but did desire to add Coelê Syria to his 
own realm, and privately arranged with Demetrius 
a joint plan, whereby Ptolemy was to rule Coelê 
Syria and Demetrius his ancestral domains. 

9d and 10. 1. Alexander, worsted in battle,’ fled 145 s.c. 

with five hundred of his men to Abae in Arabia, to 
take refuge with Diocles, the local sheikh, in whose 

1 Alexander Balas (on whom see Book 81. 32a} had over- 
thrown Demetrius I with the aid of Ptolemy Philometor 
(150 z.c.) and had then married Ptolemy’s daughter. Alex- 
ander was now threatened by Demetrius, the young son of 
Demetrius I, who gained the throne, as Demetrius (II) 
Nicator Theos Philadelphus, in 145 B.c. 

2 Cp. 1 Macc. 11. 10; Josephus, Ant. Iud. 13. 103 ff. 
1 Macc. 10. 67 dates the invasion of Demetrius in the year 
165 of the Seleucid era (148/7 s.c.) The exact date of 
Ptolemy’s entry on the scene is uncertain. 

3 The combined forces of Demetrius and Ptolemy engaged 
him by the river Oenoparas (early summer 145 8.c.). Abae 
is unknown but must have been in northern Syria. 

4 êrorýoavro S. 



npoekTeleuévos övra výmov. el! oi uev? mepi 
rov ‘'Hàdônv kal Káotov? ýyepóves, o? ovvĝoav 
’Adebdvðpw, àdôpa crerpeopevoavro mepi ths bi- 
as dopadeias,* emayyeópevor Soodovýoew ròv 
AAéEarðpov: avyywpýoavros òè To AnunrTpiov 
mepi dv Ņéiovv, où uóvov mpoĝõrat To Baoiàéws 
ddà kal poveîs êyevýðnoav. ’Aétavðpos uèv ov 
úno rõv þiàwv roôrov ròv Tpórov àvnpéðn 
(Const. Exc. 3, p. 204; Photius, Bibl. p- 377 B.) 

10. 2. Oùr ğérov è mapedbeiv rv yevopévyv 
mepinérerav mpò ris ’AdeÉdvðpov redevris, ià 
òè rò nmapáðofov tows dmiornônyoopévyv. ° Adeédv- 
õpov yàp toô Paoiàéws Bpaxòù npò rôv èveorórwv 
xpóvwv xpyoTnprakopévov karà Thv Kiùikiav, ëvba 
faciv  Arówvos Baprnõoviov iepòv elvari, åveňeîv 
aùr Àéyera TÒv beòv pvàdéachat rv tónov ròv 
éveykóvra ròv õípoppov. Kal róre èv aivryparóðn 
Tòv ypnapòv elvat Õóéar, Úorepov pévror LETA TÙV 
Teevriv toô Baoiéws émeyvwobivar rò Adyiov ŝtà 
toravras Tivàs airias. 

Tûâs `Apaßias v raîs kañovuévaiss ”ABais ğre 
tıs Åióhavros voa, rò Sè yévos Maredov. oros 
êyxópiov ’Apaßiav yvvaîka yýpas yévvņoe viðv 
pėv òpwvupov éavr®, Ovyarépa è Tův mpoo- 
ayopevbeîoav “Hpaiða. ròv uèv oðv viðv mpò ris 
druis énelde reeurýoavra, tùv 8è Bvyarépa yáuov 
éxovoav ðpav npoikigas ovykarókıoé tivi övopa 
3 Zapudõn.® oros pèv ov ovufióoas tÅ yaun- 

Qeloy xpõvov évaðoirov åreðýunoe pakpàv àroðy- 

1 efra Photius. 
3 Photius omits xai Kácov. 


2 S omits pèr. 
4 ġyepovías Photius. 

BOOK XXXII. 10. 1-3 

care he had earlier placed his infant son Antiochus.? 
Thereupon Heliades and Casius, two officers who 
were with Alexander, entered into secret negotia- 
tions for their own safety and voluntarily offered to 
assassinate Alexander. When Demetrius consented 
to their terms, they became, not merely traitors to 
their king, but his murderers. Thus was Alexander 
put to death by his friends. 

10. 2. It would be a mistake to omit the strange 
occurrence that took place before the death of Alex- 
ander, even though it is a thing so marvellous that it 
will not, perhaps, be credited. , A short while before 
the time of our present narrative, as King Alexander 
was consulting an oracle in Cilicia (where ? there is said 
to be a sanctuary of Apollo Sarpedonius), the god, we 
are told, replied to him that he should beware of the 
place that bore the “ two-formed one.” At the time 
the oracle seemed enigmatic, but later,after the king’s 
death, its sense was learnt through the following 

There was dwelling at Abae in Arabia a certain 
man named Diophantus, a Macedonian by descent. 
He married an Arabian woman of that region and 
begot a son, named for himself, and a daughter 
called Heraïs. Now the son he saw dead before his 
prime, but when the daughter was of an age to be 
married he gave her a dowry and bestowed her upon 
a man named Samiades. He, after living in wedlock 
with his wife for the space of a year, went off on a 

1 Soon afterwards put forward as king by Diodotus 
(Tryphon), with the title Antiochus (VI) Theos Epiphanes 
Dionysus. 2 At Seleuceia. 

5 Photius omits °Aàéżavðpos uèv . . . åvnpéðn. 
€ So Rhodoman ; Zapia A, Zapıdðns cett. 


iav. tùv È ‘Hpaiða paoiv dppworig nepireceîv 
mapaðóčw kal mavreðs åmotovpévn. pàeypoviv 
yàp ioyvpàv yevéoðar mept rò Ñrpov aùris. èm 
nÀéov Ôè olðýoavros ToÔ róTov, čnera tTôv Tupe- 
rÕv peydàwv ovvemiywouévav, karaĝoédoat Toùs 
latpoùs EAkwow yeyovévar Tepl TÒV TpáxnAov Tîs 
pýrpas. xypwpévov è aùrôv bepareiais als óne- 
Adußavov karaoreàci tràs fàeypovás, éBõopaias 
è oŭons påéw èmvyevéobos Tis êmgaveias, kal mTpo- 
neoeiy èk TÕV TÎS Hpaiðos yuvarxeiwv aiĝotov 
dvôpeïov čyov Šðúpovs npookermévovs. Thv &è 
pÂgw Toýrwv kal rò mábos yevéoðaı pýre latpoô 
ýT dwy rv ééwðev mapóvrwv mÀàùv unrTpòs 
4kal óo beparawiðwv. rére pèv ov åyaveîs 
yevopévas tà TÒ mapáðogov rův evõðeyouévyv èm- 
péceav morjoachai tis ‘Hpatðos kal karaciwrs- 
cat TÒ yeyovós. Tův è amovbetoav ris vócov rhv 
¿olira dopey yuvaixeiav, kal riv AÀ åywyhv 
oikovpòv kal ünravôpov ðiadvàdrreiww. raraðo- 
édbeobai Sè nò rv ovveðórwv Tv nepiréreiav 
éppaßpóðiTov eivai, kal katrà tiv yeyevnuévyv 
peT àvõpòs ovußiwow, tris karà ġúow èmmÀo- 
KÑs ávrinparroúons, ðoretv ariv taîs dppevikaîs 
5 ovunepiġopaîs rabwpuàñjobar.  Aavłavoúoņs &è 
Toùs ékròs rtis ĝıabéoews rTaúrns, èmavedbeiv 
Tòv Dapudôny, kal kabdrep Åv èmBdáàov Tv yaun- 
Qeoav êmignreîv: où roàuwons § èreivns els öuv 
Ebey Sià rÅv aioyóvyy, ròv Bapudånv daci Bapéws 
eveykeîv. émikeruévov è ovveyéoTtepov kal ànat- 
Toñvros Tù oúpßiov, kal To maTpòs u) ovyyw- 
poðvros uév, aioyvvouévov è Tův airiav einer, 
cis péya yüfero ý ðahopå. ènmeveykev re Šid 

BOOK XXXII. 10. 3-5 

long journey. Heraïs, it is said, fell ill of a strange 
and altogether incredible infirmity. A severe tumour 
appeared at the base of her abdomen, and as the 
region became more and more swollen and high 
fevers supervened her physicians suspected that an 
ulceration had taken place at the mouth of the uterus. 
They applied such remedies as they thought would 
reduce the inflammation, but notwithstanding, on 
the seventh day, the surface of the tumour burst, and 
projecting from her groin there appeared a male 
genital organ with testicles attached. Now when the 
rupture occurred, with its sequel, neither her phy- 
sician nor any other visitors were present, but only 
her mother and two maidservants. Dumfounded at 
this extraordinary event they tended Heraïs as best 
they could, and said nothing of what had occurred. 
She, on recovering from her illness, wore feminine 
attire and continued to conduct herself as a home- 
body and as one subject to a husband. It was 
assumed, however, by those who were privy to the 
strange secret that she was an hermaphrodite, and 
as to her past life with her husband, since natural 
intercourse did not fit their theory, she was thought 
to have consorted with him homosexually. Now while 
her condition was still undisclosed, Samiades returned 
and, as was fitting, sought the company of his wife. 
And when she, for very shame, could not bear to 
appear in his presence, he, they say, grew angry. As 
he continually pressed the point and claimed his wife, 
her father meanwhile denying his plea but feeling 
too embarrassed to disclose the reason, their disagree- 
ment soon grew into a quarrel. As a result Samiades 

1 So Herwerden : xaraeréààew. 



Toro dikyy T® matpi mepi ris ias yvvaikós, TÅS 
TÚXNs orep év Õpdpacı Tò mapdõofov TS mepire- 
teias dyoúons eis čykàņua. ovveðpevodvrwv ğè 
Tv kpirðv kal Àóywv pylévrav ovunmapetvat èv 
TÑ kpioet tò dupioßnrtoúuevov opa, Siaropeiv &è 
Toùs Öıkaoràs möTepov mpoońket Tv ğvõpa Tís 
yvvaikòs Ñ TÒv matépa tis Îvyarpòs kvpieðew. 
6 mépas rÕv kpirõv oiouévwv ĝeîv drkoàovbev rav- 
õpi Tv yapnleioav, riv dAńbeav ciacaphoa, kal 
Ouu® Teroàunkóri tv kabðvrorpwopévyv cbira 
Aúoacav ðeîéar nâo. rò TÜs púoews dppev, phéaí 
Te ġwviw Òeworaloðoav, et twes dvaykráčovoi 
7 cuvoixeîv dvòpi Trov åvõpa. mávtwv è karanàayév- 
Twv kal pavi Oavuatovon rò mapáðočov monuar- 
vopévwv, Tùy pèv ‘Hpaiða paciv árokaàvobeions 
tis aioyóvns peraupidoaochar tòv yuvaieîov Kó- 
gpov eis veaviokov Ŝidheow, toùs Sè iarpovs, 
emDeiyhévrov aùroîs rv avévrwv, yvðvat órti 
katekékpurnro ġúois äppevos èv woede? róTmw 
púocws Onàeias, kal Sépuaros mepreiànpórtos map 
Tò oúvyles rův púow oúvrpnois èyeyévnro, Š? ðr’ 
ečwõeúovro TA mepirróp para’ Šómep TÒV mpo- 
oeovpiyywpévov tórov é\kwoavras Šetv katTovÀð- 
oa, ùv è dvðpòs $úow eðkoopov morýoavras 
8 Țoùr* évõeyopévy Šóčaı keypoðar Qepareig. Tùv 
© “Hpaiða perovopacheîsav Aióhavrov eis rToùs 
inneîs raraàeylivar, kal oùv TÔ Paoi mapa- 
raáuevov eis tàs "Aas ovvavaywpfoar. iò ral 

1 rò ris púoews dppev transposed by Rhodoman from a 
position following ŝıagagñhoai, above. 

2 So Bekker: dpoebe? A, pede? cett, 

BOOK XXXII. 10. 5-8 

brought suit for his own wife against her father, for 
Fortune did in real life what she commonly does in 
plays and made the strange alteration lead to an 
accusation. After the judges took their seats and 
all the arguments had been presented, the person in 
dispute appeared before the tribunal, and the jurors 
debated whether the husband should have jurisdic- 
tion over his wife or the father over his daughter. 
When, however, the court found that it was the 
wife’s duty to attend upon her husband, she at last 
revealed the truth. Screwing up her courage she un- 
loosed the dress that disguised her, displayed her 
masculinity to them all, and burst out in bitter protest 
that anyone should require a man to cohabit with a 
man. All present were overcome with astonishment, 
and exclaimed with surprise at this marvel. Heraïs, 
now that her shame had been publicly disclosed, 
exchanged her woman’s apparel for the garb of a 
young man ; and the physicians, on being shown the 
evidence, concluded that her male organ had been 
concealed in an egg-shaped portion of the female 
organ, and that since a membrane had abnormally 
encased the organ, an aperture had formed through 
which excretions were discharged. In consequence 
they found it necessary to scarify the perforated area 
and induce cicatrization : having thus brought the 
male organ into decent shape, they gained credit for 
applying such treatment as the case allowed. Heraiïs, 
changing her name to Diophantus, was enrolled in 
the cavalry, and after fighting in the king’s forces 
accompanied him in his withdrawal to Abae. Thus 

3 8e ĝs Wesseling. 
4 oòùv] Post suggests ovverôs äv rf. Perhaps simply rĝ for 



TÒv mpórtepov àyvoovuevov xpnapðv tóte yvwolivat, 
odayévros* toô Paciàéws èv rais "Abas Kab’ ôv 
9 rómov ó Šipophos èyeyévnro. ròv Sè Bapaðnv 
Àéyovow, čëpwri kal tÑ npoyeyevnpéry ovvyleiq 
Seõovwuévov, aloxúvy Te toô napà púow ydápov 
cuvveyópevov, tís èv oùsias ròv Aióhavrov åva- 
delé Siabýen Kànpovópov, éavròv òè To iv 
LETAOTÃOQ, WOTE TV pè yvvaîra yeyevnpévny 
àvôpòs ávaħaßeîv Šóčav kał rópav, ròv © dvõpa 
yuvaixeias puyis dohevéorepov yevéobar. 

11. Iaparànoia Sè raýry ri Srabéoet ovvereñé- 
oy nepirérera Tpidrovra éreow Ùarepov êv TÅ 
nóa rv Ermdavpiwv. fv yap ris Embavpia, 
kópņ pèv elvai õoroðoa, yovéwv dè öppavý, Kado 
© övopa. ary ròv émi ts púocews dmoðeðery- 
uévov taîs yuvačl mópov rpnrov elķev, mapà ôè 
Tòv kadoŭpevov Kréva ovpiyywbévros Tómov? èk 
yeveris tàs mepirrooes Tv ypõv èfékpivev. eis 
Sè rv akuiy Tis Aklas mapayevopévy ovvwkiobny 
Twil TÕv nourâv. ier pèv oðv ypõvov ovveßiwoe 
råvðpí, Tġv èv yuvaikeiav èmimÀokiv oùk èmDeyxo- 
én, TtÌìv ôè Tapà póow ópAlav úropévew 

2 dvaykatopévy. perà òè TaÎra pàeypovis aùr 
avupáons mepl ròv kréva Kal ðewôv dàynåóvwv 
êmyevopévaw ovvekàńðn nàñlos iarpôv. kal rv 
pev wv oùðeis úmoyveiro bepanevew, happa- 
konwàns ÕE tis érayyedÀðpevos Ýyidoewv ETEME TÒV 
êmnppévov TõTov, č orep ebéneoev avòpòs aiðoîa, 
Siðuvpor kal kavàòs äTpnros. mavrwv Sè Tò mapd- 
oov rkararàayévrwv ó papparorwàns ßońbe 

BOOK XXXII. 10. 8—11. 2 

it was that the oracle, which previously had not been 
understood, now became clear when the king was 
assassinated at Abae, the birthplace of the “ two- 
formed one.” As for Samiades, they say that he, a 
thrall still to his love and its old associations, but 
constrained by shame for his unnatural marriage, 
designated Diophantus in his will as heir to his 
property, and made his departure from life. Thus 
she who was born a woman took on man’s courage 
and renown, while the man proved to be less strong- 
minded than a woman. 

11. A change of sex under similar conditions 
occurred thirty years later in the city of Epidaurus. 
There was an Epidaurian child, named Callo, orphaned 
of both parents, who was supposed to be a girl. Now 
the orifice with which women are naturally provided 
had in her case no opening, but beside the so-called 
pecten she had from birth a perforation through which 
she cxcreted the liquid residues. On reaching 
maturity she became the wife of a fellow citizen. 
For two years she lived with him, and since she was 
incapable of intercourse as a woman, was obliged to 
submit to unnatural embraces. Later a tumour ap- 
peared on her genitals and because it gave rise to 
great pain a number of physicians were called in. 
None of the others would take the responsibility for 
treating her, but a certain apothecary, who offered 
to cure her, cut into the swollen area, whereupon a 
man’s privates were protruded, namely testicles and 
an imperforate penis. While all the others stood 
amazed at the extraordinary event, the apothecary 

So Wesseling : pavéros. 
2 So Stephanus : xaàoúpevov ovpeyywbévros (-łévra B) A, 
kañovuevov Tórov ovpryywbévros dett. 
3 Bepareúoeiw Herwerden, Dindorf*, 

VOL. XI Q 453 


3 roîŭs Àerrouévois uépeot ts mypocews. rò pèv 
ov npõrTov TÒ aiðoîov dkpov èmiTeubv ovvérpnoev 
eis Tòv oùpnTipa, kat kabeis åpyvpoðv kavàlokov 
TaT TÀ mepirróuara TÕv Úypôv éfekóuiķe, Tòv 

aA 7 lg 
è geovpryywuévov TóTov éàkúoas guvéġvoe! rat 

Toûrov Tòv Tpórov úyiororýoas Širàoðv ånýrer ròv 
pobóv: $n yàp aúròv mapeingévat yuvaîka 
vosoðgav, kabeorakévar Sè veaviokov úyiaivovra. 

4ú dè Kado Tàs pèv êr rôv iorôv kepriðas kal 
Tv dàànv rv yvvukðv raňaciovpyiav årébero, 
peradaßoðoa è dvõpòs èobĝra kal rv AAÀnv 
õrdheow perwvouachn Kdàwv, vòs ororyelov èri 
TÔ TéÉNet roô N npoorelévros. Àéyerat © óró rwwv 
ÖTi Tpò TOÔ peradapeîv Thv eis åävõpa popphv iépera 
Tis Ańuyrpos èyeyévnTo, kal Tà Toîs čppeow 
dàópara iðoðoa kpioww čoyev doeßeias. 

12. ‘Ouoiws © ev rý Nearóàei kal kar’ &Movs 
Tómovs mÀeiovas iotropoûvraı yeyovévai ToaÔTat 
mepinéTerat, oùk &ppevos kai Onàeias púoews els 
Siuoppov Túmov ðnpovpynleions, dðúvarov yàp 
Toro, aààa Ts púoews ià Tv toô TØuaTOS 
pepôv pevõoypahovons eis čknànéw kat arnárnv 
rõv avbpænrwv. Õıórep kal hues TAs mepirereias 
taúras avaypaġñs )rócauev, où puyaywyias ÀX 
opheeias veka TÕv dvayiwwokóvrwv. ToÀÀol yàp 
TépatTa Tà ToaÛTa vouigovres eÎvar Seroiðaruovoô- 
ow, oùK iDOTaL uõvov dÀàà kal čhvn kal módes. 

2 kar dpxyàs yov roô Mapoikoð modéuov mÀnolov 
rĝs ‘Pouns oikovrá paom Iraàıkóv, yeyaunróra 

BOOK XXXII. 11. 2—12, 2 

took steps to remedy the remaining deficiencies. 
First of all, cutting into the glans he made a passage 
into the urethra, and inserting a silver catheter drew 
off the liquid residues. Then, by scarifying the per- 
forated area, he brought the parts together. After 
achieving a cure in this manner he demanded double 
fees, saying that he had received a female invalid 
and made her into a healthy young man. Callo laid 
aside her loom-shuttles and all other instruments of 
woman’s work, and taking in their stead the garb 
and status of a man changed her name (by adding a 
single letter, N, at the end) to Callon. It is stated 
by some that before changing to man’s form she had 
been a priestess of Demeter, and that because she 
had witnessed things not to be seen by men she was 
brought to trial for impiety. 

12. Likewise in Naples and a good many other 
places sudden changes of this sort are said to have 
occurred. Not that the male and female natures 
have been united to form a truly bisexual type, for 
that is impossible, but that Nature, to mankind’s 
consternation and mystification, has through the 
bodily parts falsely given this impression. And this 
is the reason why we have considered these shifts of 
sex worthy of record, not for the entertainment, but 
for the improvement of our readers. For many men, 
thinking such things to be portents, fall into super- 
stition, and not merely isolated individuals, but even 
nations and cities.! At the outset of the Marsian 
War, at any rate, there was, so it is reported, an 
Italian living not far from Rome who had married 

1 The Liber Prodigiorum of Iulius Obsequens briefly 
records many such portents. 

1 So Reiske: évépvoe. 
VOL. XI Q2 455 


maparàýoirov Toîs elpnuévois åvðpóyvvov, mTpo- 
ayyeia TÀ avykàiTo, Tiv òè Ŝeroðaruovýoacav 
kat toîs anò Tuppryvias iepockónois meioheicav 
tõvra npooráfat kaoa. roôrov pèv oĝv óuoías 
kekowwvykóta púsews, AX où npòs ådńberav 
. Tépas yeyevnuévov, paoiv dyvoig Tis võgov mapà 
Tò npooñkov dnoñwiévor. uer? dàiyov è kal 
Tap Alyvaiors TOÔ ToroŬrtov yevouévou Ŝià Tv 
äyvorav ToÛ mdbovs Câvrá hacı katrakañvar. kal 
yàp tàs Àeyopévas valvas tivès pvlboňoyoðow dppe- 
vaş äua kal Onàcias únapyew, kal map èvwavròv 
aAAas oxevew, TÎs dànleias où oŬTws yovons. 
3 éekaTépov yàp TOÔ yévovs ånÀĵv čyovros xal dveri- 
pikTOV TÙV púow, mpocúpioratr TÒ pevdoypadoiv 
kai Tapakpovópevov Tods eiki Bewpoðvras' r èv 
yàp, Onàeig Tpóorerai Te kaTà TÙY pýow mapen- 
Pepës dppevt popiw, TÊ Sè åppevı xarà rÒ êvavriov 
énpacis Onàelas púoews. ó © aùròs Àdyos ral 
émi ndvrwv tôv twv, ywopévav uèv mpòs 
dàýbeav moàðv kai nmavroðanrðv repárov, LÀ 
Tpepopévwv è kal eis redelav aŭënow ehbe où 
vvapévov. raĝra uev eiphobðw npòs Šióphwow 
Serodaruovias. ( Photius, B:bl. pp- 377-379 B.) 

t So Bekker: yevouévæv. 

TA: 56, PA example Di Aelian (De Nat. Anim. 1. 25), 
oug e error had been recognized as early a i 
(Hist. Anim. 6. 32). s E SENE 

2 Both before and after this long citation (chapters 10-12) 
Photius states that it is taken from Book 32, adding in his 
epilogue that it comes from the end of the book. Dindorf, 
working from an erroneous chronology, which placed the 
death of Alexander Balas in 149 sx.c, disregarded this 
evidence. The proper chronological order has, it is hoped, 
been restored in the present edition, Dindorf was, however, 

BOOK XXXIIL 12. 2-3 

an hermaphrodite similar to those described above ; 
he laid information before the senate, which in an 
access of superstitious terror and in obedience to the 
Etruscan diviners ordered the creature to be burned 
alive. Thus did one whose nature was like ours and 
who was not, in reality, a monster, meet an unsuit- 
able end through misunderstanding of his malady. 
Shortly afterwards there was another such case at 
Athens, and again through misunderstanding of the 
affliction the person was burned alive. There are 
even, in fact, fanciful stories to the effect that the 
animals called hyenas‘ are at onee both male and 
female, and that in successive years they mount one 
another in turnt This is simply not true. Both the 
male and the female have each their own sexual 
attributes, simple and distinct, but there is also in 
each case an adjunet that ereates a false impression 
and deceives the casual observer : the female, in her 
parts, has an appendage that resembles the male 
organ, and the male, conversely, has one similar in 
appearance to that of the female. This same con- 
sideration holds for all living creatures, and while it 
is true that monsters of every kind are frequently 
born, they do not develop and are incapable of 
reaching full maturity. Let this much then be said 
by way of remedy to superstitious fears.? 

probably right in assuming an error in Photius, or his manu- 
scripts, in regard to the next fragment (Book 33. 1), which is 
identified in the superseription as being from Book 32. There 
are other, and demonstrable, errors of the sort in Photius, 
and the now standard division of the two books is, if un- 
certain, at least satisfactory. The fact that the Histories of 
Polybius conclude at this point, with the fall of Carthage and 
of Čorinth, and the death of Ptolemy Philometor and (pre- 
sumably) of Alexander Balas, is a strong argument in support 
of Dindorf’s division. 





Adherbal, 121 

Aemilia, 383 

Acmilius Lepidus, M., 233, 259, 
275 (2), 337 (?) 

Aemilius Papus, L., 161 

Aemilius Paulius, L. (cos. 216 
B.C.), 171; (cos. 168), 305-311, 
327-333, 337 (7), 341-343, 375- 
379, 383-385 

Aemilius Regillus, L. (?}, 257 

Agatharchus (Archagathus)}, 11, 

Agathocles, s. of Lysimachus, 17 

Agathocles of Sicily. 9-15, 25-35, 
57; his son, 25-29 

Alexander, s. of Cassander, 15 

Alexander (s. of Lysimachus ?}), 51 

Alexander, s$. of Pyrrhus, 57 

Alexander Balas, 395, 445-447 

Amyntas, 367 

Andriscus, 405, 423-431 

Andronicus (Mac.), 295; 

Anicius Gallus, L., 331 

Antigonus I, 3-7, 367 (?); II (Go- 
natas), 71; III (Doson), 165 

Antiochis, 369 

Antiochus I (Soter}, 39; II 
(Theos), 367; III (the Great), 
231, 237-263, 269, 323, 327, 
369; IV (Epiphanes), 277-279, 
285, 297-303, 313-315, 351-357, 
361. 387, 395; V (Eupator), 
395; VI (Epiphanes), 447 

Antipater I, 15; (Bg.), 363 ; (Ete- 
sias}, 51 


Antonius, M., 319 

Apollodorus, 51-53 

Archagathus, see Agatharchus 

Archias, 359 

Archimedes, 193-197 

Arjioates, 367 

Ariamnes (Ariaramnes}, 367 

Ariarathes II, 367 ; III, 367-369 
IVY, 369-371; V, 369-373, 389- 

Aristocrates, 401 

Aristomenes, 241 

Artaxias, 355-357, 371-373, 389 

Asclepiades, 363 

Astymedes, 319 

Athenaeus, 425 

Atilius Regulus, ©., 159; M., 97- 
111, 139-143 

Attalus I, 233, 258 n.; II, 271, 
281, 357, 395 n., 397-399 

Audoleon, 23 

Barsabas, 427 

Blanno, 419 

Bodostor (Yodostor}), 135, 141-143 
Brennus, 61-63- 

Caecilius Metellus, L., 119; Q. 
(Macedonicus), 427, 431 

Callina, 425 

Calliphon, 53 

Calpurnius Piso, L., 431 

Carthalo, 113, 125-129 

Cassander, 5, 9 

Charops, 287, 391-393 

Cichorins, 63 

Cineas, 39 n., 53-55 

! A few minor figures are omitted, aiso some historical figures of an 

earlier period, as in Book 31. 19. 



Ciôs, 75-77 

Claudius Caudex, Ap., 83-87 

Claudius Marcellus, M., 193-197 

Claudius Pulcher, P., 125, 129-131 

Cleopatra, 445 

Cornelius Scipio, L., 251-257 ; P. 
{Africanus}, 175, 197-199, 205- 
219, 251-257, 267-269, 309; P. 

{Africanus Aemilianus}, 309, 
379-387, 421, 429-437 
Cotys, 285 

Critolaŭüs, 441 

Decius, 45-47 

Decius Mus, P., 13 

Demetrius, s. of Philip V, 243, 

Demetrius I (Soter), 359, 387-395, 
399, 405, 423; II (Nicator), 

Demetrius Poliorcetes, 7, 15-17, 
23-25, 29, 39 

Demetrius topographus, 361 

Dicaearchus, 229 

Diocles, 445 

Diodotus, 445-447 

Dionysius Petosarapis, 349-351 

Dorimachus, 183 

Dromichaetes, 17-23 

Eulaeus, 297-303 
Eumenes Il, 259-261, 273, 279- 

281, 287, 343-345, 357-359, 395, - 


Fabius Maximus, Q. (dict.), 181 ; 
{Aemilianus}, 385; (Rullianus), 

Fulvius Flaccus, Q., 269-271 
Fundanius Fundulus, C., 135 
Furius Crassipes, M., 259 

Gelo, 189 
Gentius, 291, 327 
Gesco, 143, 147 n. 
Gulussa, 433 

Hamilcar, 91-93 ; —, 141-143 

Hamilcar Barca, 119, 131-135, 
143, 147-159, 165-167, 199 

Hannibal, 77-79, 87-89, 95 

Hannibal, s. of Hamilcar Barca, i 

119, 157-201 passim, 215, 239, 
249, 255, 263-267 : 
Hannibal the trierarch, 125, 149 


Hanno, s. of Hamilcar, 97-99 

Hanno “ the Elder ” (s. of Hanni- 
bal), 81, 89-91; (the same ?), 

Hanno “the Great,” 135-137 

Harpalus, 279 

Hasdrubal, s. of Hamilcar, 157, 
165, 169, 199-201 

Hasdrubal, s. of Hanno “the 
Elder,” 117; (admiral 203 
B.C.), 217 ; (leader in 3rd Punic 
War), 411 n., 417, 421, 433-435 

Hasdrubal, son-in-law of Hamil- 
car, 155-161, 167 

Heracleides (Byzantium), 253; 
(Leontini), 61; (Miletus), 389 ; 
(Tarentum), 229, 235-237 

Hicetas, 35, 47-49, 55 

Hierax, 445 

Hiero, 73-93, 113, 123, 127, 161, 
183, 189 

Hieronymus, 189-191 

Holophernes, see Orophernes 

Hostilius Mancinus, A. (cos. 170 
B.C.), 287 ; (leg. 149), 433 

Indibeles, 199 

Indortes, 155 

Isocrates, 391 

Istolatius, 155 

Iulius Caesar, C., 443-445 

Iunius Pullus, L., 127-131 

Iuventius Thalna, M., 321 

Laelius, C., 213 

Lanassa, 11, 57 

Lenaeus, 297-301 

Leocritus, 273 

Leptines, 391 

Licinius, M., 433 

Licinius Crassus Dives, P., 203-205 
Lutatius Catulus, C., 137-139 
Lysimachus 5, 15-23, 39 

Mago, 191 

Manilius, M’., 419 

Manlius Vulso, Cn., 259; L. (leg. 
188 B.C.), 259 n.; (leg. 149), 

Masinissa, 213-215, 411, 427-429 

Matho, 149 

Meleager, 51 

Menedemus, 11 

Menippus, 243 

Menon, 25-31, 35 


Minucius Rufus, M., 181 
Mithrobuzanes, 371-373 
Mummius, L., 407 

Nabis, 203, 239-241 
Nicomedes, 433 
Nicon, 295 

Octavius, Cn., 331, 391 

Orophernes {(Holophernes), 369, 

Otacilius Crassus, M°., 87 

Oxythemis, 25, 29 

Pancylus Paucus, 185 

Papiria, 383-387 

Pelops, 203 

Perseus, 275-345 passim, 357, 391, 


Phameas, 429 

Pharnaces, 273 

Philemon, 89 

Philip, s. of Perseus, 405, 425 (see 
also Andriscus) 

Philip V, 165, 229-243, 261, 273- 
277, 287, 323, 327 

Philophron, 319 

Philopoemen, 263 

Philostratus, 287 

Phintias, 47-49, 55, 65 

Pieminius, Q., 205-209 

Polybius, 381, 435 

Popilius Laenas, C., 313-315 

Porcius Cato, M., 315 n., 375, 429, 

Prusias II, 345-349, 357, 399, 

Ptolemaeus of Commagenê, 373 

Ptolemy (3. of Lysimachus ?), 51 

Ptolemy I (Soter), 5-7, 51; V 
(Epiphanes), 237-241, 271; VI 
{Philometor}, 283-285, 297-303, 
313-315, 349-351, 357-363, 373- 
375, 397, 445; VILI (Euergetes 



Callias, 31-35 

Demetrius of Phaleron, 339-341 
Diyllus, 13 

Duris, 13 

Epicurus, 145 

Homer, 437; cp. 123, 431 

“ Physcon ”), 3813 n., 349-351, 

359, 363, 373-375, 397 
Ptolemy Keraunos, 49-51 
Pyrrhus, 39 n., 43-45, 51-73, 207 
Python, 287-289 

Quinctius Flamininus, T., 237- 
247, 287 

Seleucus I (Nicator), 5-7, 39, 
367 (?); IV (Philopator), 263, 
273, 289 

Sempronius Gracchus, Ti. (cos. 
213 B.C.), 191; (pr. 180), 275, 
355, 391 

Sophonba, 213 

Sosistratus (Sostratus), 55-59, 65 

Sosthenes, 51 

Spondius, 147-149 

Stilpo, 15 

Stratonicê (d. of Antiochus II}, 
367; (d. of Demetrius), 39; 
(m. of Demetrius), 7 

Sulpicius Galus, ©., 359 

Syphax, 211-215 

Telestes, 431 

Terentius Varro, C., 171 

Teres, 425-427 

Theodotus, 287 

Thoas, 255, 277 

Thoenon, 55-59 

Timarchus, 387-389 

Timotheüs (Capp.), 393; 

Tyndarion, 47, 57-59 


Valerius Maximus Messala, M’., 87 
Vodostor, see Bodostor 

Xanthippus, 99-101, 105-111 
Xermodigestus, 23 

Zenophanes, 395 


Menodotus, 183 
Philinus, 91, 113 n., 139 
Philistus, 113 

Polybius, 199 

“Psaon; 13 

Sosylus, 183 

Timaeus, 29-33 





Abac, 445-447, 451-453 

Abdera, 237-239, 329 

Abydus, 233 

Achaean League, 261-263, 439- 

Acra Leucê, 155-157 

Acrae, 87 

Acragas, 47, 55, 59, 65, 81, 89-93, 
113, 437 

Aegeae, 73 

Aegithallus, 129 

Aenus, 329 

Aetolia, 183, 249, 257, 279, 329 

Agyrium, 49, 73 

Alba Fucens, 335 

Alexandria, 357, 361-363 

Alexandria Troas, 253 

Alps, 169 

Ameselum, 73 

Amphilochia, 329 

Amphipolis, 329, 425 

Antigoneia, 7 

Antioch, 7 n., 9, 197, 445 

Apollonia, 297 

Arabia, 445-447 

Arevaci, 407 

Argyrippa. 171 

Ariadnê, Mt., 397 

Armenia, 355, 367, 371, 389 

Ascelus, 89 

Asia, 5, 9, 237-257 passim, 269- 
271, 279, 357, 415, 433 

Athens, 235, 413-415, 457 

Axius R., 329 

Azones, 65 

Babylonia, 5 

Balearic Is., 147 

Begeda, 403 

Bernon, Mt., 329 

Beroea, 329 

Bisaltica, 329 

Bithynia, 175, 345, 399, 433 
Boeotia, 23 

Bruttium, 11, 15, 187 
Byzantium, 427 

Camarina, 83, 93, 113, 127 
Camicus, 93 

Campania, 45-47, 185, 191 
Cannae, 169-171 


Cappadocia, 363-373, 393 

Capua, 185-187, 191 

Caria, 259 

Carthage, 9, 25, 35, 49-227 passim, 
251, 263- 267, 379, 411-439 pas- 

Cassandreia, 51 n. 

Catana, 59, 133 

Celtiberia, 199, 401-407, 417 

Celts, 119, 147-161 passim, 307 
see also Galatians, Gauls 

Cemeletae, 269 

Cenomani, 259 

Centuripa, 73, 87 

Cephaloedium, 113 

Chalcis, 247 

Chalestruin, 285 

Cilicia, 7, 395, 447 

Commagenê, 373 

Coreyra, 9, 341, 397 

Corinth, 61, 239 n., 247, 415, 441- 

Crete, 205, 229, 297, 409 

Croton, 11-13, 187 

Cydonia, 297 

Cyprus, 7, 363 

Cyrenê, 397 

Danube R., 305 

Dardanians, 63, 231 

Daunians, 171 

Delium, 247 

Delphi, 61-85, 341 

Demetrias, 247, 329 

Dium, 295-297 

Dodona, 183 

Drepanuin {(-a)}, 93, 113, 123-125 

Echetla, 87 

Edessa, 329 

Egypt, 5, 241, 283, 297, 313-315, 
349-365 passim 

Eleusis, 351 

Elymais, 231, 259, 361 

Enattaros, 115 

Enna, 65, 93 

Entella, 91 

Epidaurus, 453 

Epirus, 11, 45, 53, 65. 237, 287 
329, 391-393 

Eryx, 67, 93, 129, 133-137 


Ethae, 11 

Etna, 27 

Etruscans, 11-13, 85, 457 
Euboea, 253 

Eunes, 81 

Europe, 9, 239-255 passim, 293 

Gadeira, 155 

Galatians, Gauls, 13, 51, 61-65, 
71-73, 159-161, 259, 305, 343- 
345, 357 

Galepsus, 305 

Gela, 49, 83, 127 

Getae, 17 n., 21 

Greece, 9, 61-63, 85, 147, 237-241, 
257, 293, 341, 379-381, 413, 

Hadranon, 89 
Hadranum, 87 
Halaesa, 73, 87 
Halicyae, 67, 89 
Halycus R., 95, 127 
Hecatompylus, 137 
Helicê, 157 

Helis, 19 

Helorum, 87 
Heracleia, 65, 91 
Heracleia Sintica, 329 
Heracles, Pillars of, 155, 187 
Herbessus, 91, 95 
Eerctae (-ê), 67, 117 
Hiera, 137 

Hippo, 149 
Hipponium, 15 
Hyblaeus R., 47 

Taetia, 67, 115 

Iapygians, 13, 171 

Iber R., 167 

Iberia, 147-167 passim, 199, 267- 
269. 377, 407 

Ilarus, 89 

Illyria, 291, 825-329, 413 

Ipsus, 3 n. 

Italy, 9-11, 15, 33, 57, 169, 201, 
207, 215, 239-241, 265-267, 283, 
341, 373, 423 

Juđaea, 361 

Lacedaemonians, 415 
Lampsacus, 253 

Leontini, 61, 65, 87 

Libya, 25-27, 33, 61, 69-71, 89, 

105, 113-115, 147, 151-153, 175, 
199, 205, 209, 215, 269, 421, 

Libyssa, 175 

Ligurians, 11, 147, 259 

Lilybaeum, 67-71, 81, 89-91, 109, 
121-131, 143, 417 

Lipara, 77, 117 

Locri, 59, 205-209 

Loitanus R., 75 

Longon, 133 

Lusitanians, 407 

Lycaonia, 259 

Lycia, 259 

Lysimacheia, 237-239, 243, 251 

Maceđon, 5, 9, 21, 49-51, 61, 73, 
165, 229-237, 261, 283-287, 295, 
305-307, 315, 325-333, 339-341, 
367, 377, 387. 391, 405, 413-415, 

Macella, 89 

Maedicê, 305 

Mamertines, 37, 45-47, 55, 73-83 

Maroneia, 329 

Mazarin, 93 

Media, 39, 389 

iegara, 87 

Melitenê, 373 

Messana, 37, 45-47, 55, 73-87, 113- 
115, 127 

Micatani, 199 

Miletus, 423-425 

Motya, 67-69 

Mylae, 73, 95 n. 

Mytistratus, 91-93 

Naples, 187, 455 

Neetum, 87 

Nestus R., 329 

New Carthage, 159 

Numantia, 379, 417 

Numidians, 155, 199, 211 n., 215m. 

Olynthus, 413 
Orissi, 157-159 

Pachynus, 113, 127 
Paeonia, 23, 329 

Panonpolis, 3857 

Panormus, 67, 113-121, 125 
Pelagonia, 331 

Pella (Mac.), 329; (Syr.), 39 
Pelorias, 81 

Pelusium, 297, 303 



Peneus R., 329 

Pergamum, 233, 281, 395-397, 425 

Persia, 339, 363-367, 415 

Petra (Mac.), 341; (Sic.), 115 

Peucetians, 13 

Phacus, 295 

Philippopolis, 185 

Phintias, 49, 55, 127 

Phoenicia, 7, 147; see also Car- 

Prienê, 395 

Propontis, 399 

Pydna, 297 

Rhegium, 45-47, 57, 83, 187 

Rhodes, 183, 205, 229, 259, 311, 
319-323 399-401, 407 

Rome, 13, 45-47, 58-57, 81-145, 
159 ff. passim 

Salamis, 7 

Sallentians, 171 

Samnites, 13 

Samothrace, 275 

Sardinia, 25, 151 

Sargentius R., 23 

Segesta, 25, 67, 89 

Seleuceia, 7 

Selinus, 65, 117, 121 , 

Sicily, 9, 25-37, 47-95 passim, 
113-145, 151, 189, 199, 205-207, 

Siphnos, 409 

Sittana, 93 

Smyrna, 253, 395 

Solus, 81, 115 

Sophenê, 373 

Spain, see Iberia 

Sparta, 203, 261, 441 

Strymon R., 329 

Syracuse, 11-15, 27-37, 47, 55-87 
passim, 127, 183, 189-197 

Syria, 299-301, 373, 395, 445; 
Coelê Syria, 7, 271, 283-285, 
299, 445 

Tarentum, 33 n., 59 

Tartessians, 155 

Tauromenium, 47, 57-59, 75, 87 

Taurus, 255-257, 273 

Terias R., 49 

Thebaïd, 357 

Thebes, 23, 413 

Thebes, Phthiotic, 185 

Thermae, 93, 117 

Thermopylae, 63 

Thessalonica, 295, 329, 425 

Thessaly, 249, 261, 279 

Thrace, 5, 17-23, 279, 285, 425- 

Tius, 273 

Tyndaris, 75, 89, 115 

Tyrittus, 89 

Utica, 149, 417 
Victomela, 163 
Xiphonia, 87 

Zaącantha, 161 
Zeugma, 389 

Printed in Great Britain by R., & R. CLARK, LIMITED, Edinburgh